ArticlePDF Available

The Effect Of Stereotype On Cognitive Performance: An Experimental Study Of Female Cognitive Performance

Authors:

Abstract

This study investigated the effect stereotypes have on cognitive performance. A between-subjects experimental design was utilized in the study. Forty participants from the senior secondary two (SS2) of Chapel Secondary School Ilorin took part in the study, and their cognitive performance in the light of exposure to a stereotype was measured. Four hypotheses were tested. Using the t-test for independent samples, the findings of the experiment showed that males performed better than females on a mathematics test when exposed to stereotype (t=2.688, df=18, p<0.05). The study also found that males who were exposed to stereotype performed better than males who were not exposed to stereotype (t=2.998, df=18, p< 0.05). However, there was no significant difference in the performance of females who were exposed to stereotype and those who were not (t=2.740, df=18, p>0.05). Stereotypes have been identified to affect the way people see things and the way they interpret certain behaviours of other individuals or groups. Therefore understanding the nature of stereotypes, prejudice, and discrimination is the first step in combating these practices.Gender & Behaviour Vol. 6 (2) 2008: pp. 1793-1809
THE EFFECT OF STEREOTYPE ON COGNITIVE PERFORMANCE:
AN EXPERIMENTAL STUDY OF FEMALE COGNITIVE
PERFORMANCE
NDOM, R. J. E., ELEGBELEYE, A. O., & WILLIAMS, A.
DEPARTMENT OF HUMAN RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT
COLLEGE OF HUMAN DEVELOPMENT
COVENANT UNIVERSITY
OTA, OGUN STATE
Abstract
This study investigated the effect stereotypes have on cognitive
performance. A between-subjects experimental design was utilized in
the study. Forty participants from the senior secondary two (SS2) of
Chapel Secondary School Ilorin took part in the study, and their
cognitive performance in the light of exposure to a stereotype was
measured. Four hypotheses were tested. Using the t-test for
independent samples, the findings of the experiment showed that
males performed better than females on a mathematics test when
exposed to stereotype (t=2.688, df=18, p<0.05). The study also found
that males who were exposed to stereotype performed better than
males who were not exposed to stereotype (t=2.998, df=18, p< 0.05).
However, there was no significant difference in the performance of
females who were exposed to stereotype and those who were not
(t=2.740, df=18, p>0.05). Stereotypes have been identified to affect the
way people see things and the way they interpret certain behaviours of
other individuals or groups. Therefore understanding the nature of
stereotypes, prejudice, and discrimination is the first step in combating
these practices.
Introduction
One of the human mind‘s most complex functions is the governance
of a person‘s social behaviour. One aspect of this function is storing
information about other people in order to interact with them or
predict their behaviour. The brain has developed mechanisms that
group data based on similarities. While this storage system assists
1793
with organization and use of the stored information, it can have the
side effect of associating characteristics with subjects for which the
association may be inaccurate. This generalization, specifically as it
applies to humans, is known as stereotyping.
―A stereotype is a socially shared set of beliefs about traits that are
characteristic of members of a social category‖ (Greenwald & Banaji,
1995).
Cognitive abilities are not the only mental determinants of how well
people perform on intellectual and academic measures. Beliefs are
also important. Our beliefs about other capabilities of man can affect
how we respond to them. For example, it has been shown that if
teachers are told that a particular student has hidden potentials or
alternatively has intellectual limitations, they may increase or
decrease the amount of attention and effort expended on that child
thereby influencing the child‘s development of cognitive skills.
Certainly, human social interaction has been a major subject of
psychological research. The brain has developed mechanisms that
help humans interact effectively and efficiently. Some of these
mechanisms serve to permit one person to predict a target person‘s
behaviours or characteristics. These predictions are often made
based on physical characteristics and the social group in which the
target implicitly belongs which is commonly called stereotyping.
Unfortunately, these stereotypes do not always accurately reflect the
individual and this can result in discrimination, sexism, and racism.
A "stereotype" is a generalization about a person or group of persons.
We develop stereotypes when we are unable or unwilling to obtain all
of the information we would need to make fair judgments about
people or situations. In the absence of the "total picture," stereotypes
in many cases allow us to "fill in the blanks." Our society often
innocently creates and perpetuates stereotypes, but these stereotypes
often lead to unfair discrimination and persecution when they are
unfavourable. For example, if we are walking through an open
avenue late at night and encounter three senior citizens wearing t-
shirts and walking with canes, we may not feel as threatened as if we
were met by three high school-aged boys wearing leather jackets.
Why is this so? We have made a generalization in each case. These
generalizations have their roots in experiences we have had ourselves,
read about in books and magazines, seen in movies or television, or
have had related to us by friends and family. In many cases, these
stereotypical generalizations are reasonably accurate. Yet, in virtually
1794
Gender & Behaviour
every case, we are resorting to prejudice by ascribing characteristics
about a person based on a stereotype, without knowledge of the total
facts. By stereotyping, we assume that a person or group has certain
characteristics. Quite often, we have stereotypes about persons who
are members of groups with which we have not had firsthand contact.
Television, books, comic strips, and movies are all abundant sources
of stereotyped characters. For much of its history, the movie industry
portrayed African-Americans as being unintelligent, lazy, or violence-
prone. As a result of viewing these stereotyped pictures of African-
Americans, for example, prejudice against African Americans has
been encouraged.
Stereotypes also evolve out of fear of persons from minority groups.
For example, many people have the view of a person with mental
illness as someone who is violence-prone. This conflicts with
statistical data, which indicate that persons with mental illnesses
tend to be no more prone to violence than the general population.
Perhaps the few, but well-publicized, isolated cases of mentally ill
persons going on rampages have planted the seed of this myth about
these persons. This may be how some stereotypes developed in the
first place; a series of isolated behaviours by a member of a group
which was unfairly generalized and viewed as a character of all
members of that group. Stereotypes could play a role in affecting an
individual‘s cognitive process in many areas such as in judgements,
intellectual performance, proper and fair situation appraisal, etc.
Stereotypes about different groups in society are virtually
unavoidable. These overgeneralizations are shared throughout the
culture and are known by the overwhelming majority of its members,
regardless of their personal endorsement of the particular stereotype.
Outward aspects of individuals such as age, race, or sex can activate
stereotypes (Devine, 1989), but once a stereotype has been activated,
it is not inevitable that it will be used to determine future actions.
The perceiver‘s personal feelings of prejudice will decide if the
stereotype will be applied to the current situation and the individual.
Prejudiced individuals will allow their behavior to be directed by the
stereotype, whereas unprejudiced individuals will not be influenced
(Devine, Monteith, Zuwerink, & Elliot, 1991).
Steele's (1992) work on stereotype vulnerability demonstrates that
expectations may have drastic effects on performance. In a series of
1795
Ndom; R.J.E, Elegbeleye; A.O & Williams; A.: The Effect of Stereotype on …
creative experimental studies, Steele and his colleagues have shown
that when subjects performing challenging tasks are aware that their
ability is being gauged in a domain in which members of the subjects'
group are generally thought to perform poorly, they feel anxious
about confirming or being judged by the stereotype, and their anxiety
interferes with their performance. He calls this condition of anxiety
"stereotype vulnerability." He believes that students who are
stereotype vulnerable tend to disengage from work in the anxiety-
provoking domain to avoid ego assaults that may cause them to feel
helplessly incapable.
In his research on stereotype vulnerability, Steele (1997) found that
when equally able male and female students took a difficult English
test, they performed equally, but when equally able male and female
students took a difficult math test, the female students performed
significantly less as well than the male students. He hypothesizes
that because the test was difficult, the female students experienced
some frustration, lending support to stereotypes about their ability
and arousing anxiety about confirming such stereotypes. In a
subsequent study, when equally able male and female students took
a difficult math test after having been told that it is a test on which
men and women perform equally, the male and female students had
equal performance. In this case, he hypothesizes that the female
participants did not invoke the stereotype to explain their frustration
and were not anxious about confirming it. Similarly, black students
performed less well than equally able white students on a challenging
standardized test when told it was a measure of ability, but
performed equally well when told performance was unrelated to
ability. Steele and his colleagues also found that participants
expecting to take the test, which measured ability exhibited greater
stereotype activation, greater concern about their performance, and a
greater reluctance to have their racial identity associated with their
scores. Furthermore, Steele (1997) found that stereotype vulnerability
could be induced by asking students to identify their races in a pre-
test questionnaire, even when they had been told that the test was
not a measure of ability.
Finally, Steele argues that stereotype vulnerability is a universal
phenomenon and is not associated with any particular group. In one
study, white males who had been told that Asians outperformed all
other ethnic groups on a challenging math test performed less well
than white males who had not been told that Asians performed better
on the test.
1796
Gender & Behaviour
Previous work has shown that the activation of negative stereotypes
influences performance in members of the stereotyped group. Auman
(2002) attempted to test the applicability of stereotype threat to
middle-aged and older adults in a medical setting. Specifically, the
assumption that stereotype threat occurs as a normal response to
any conditions in which individuals feel that the potential to be
stereotyped exists was examined. Based on the theory of stereotype
threat proposed by Steele (1997), it was hypothesized that anxiety
would increase and performance would decline when patient
stereotypes were activated in outpatients at the VA clinic. To test this
hypothesis, VA patients aged 46 to 86 years were interviewed in a
manner designed to either heighten or reduce threat through
reference to either their patient status or, conversely, some positive
aspect of self. Participants‘ cardiovascular and galvanized skin
conductance responses (GSR) were monitored throughout the study,
and measures related to anxiety and performance outcomes were also
completed. Stereotype-related variations in anxiety were evident, with
patients who talked about their medical experiences reporting more
feelings of anxiety than patients who were interviewed about their
leisure activities. Additionally, patients who were asked about their
medical experiences demonstrated greater changes in their GSR
readings over the course of the experiment, suggestive of higher levels
of stress. Potential explanations for these results are explored
including those relating to the cognitive structures activated by the
negative stereotypes associated with being a patient.
In an exploration of the effects of gender on performance, Brown and
Josephs (1999) conducted a study. In their first experiment, they
either told participants that the math test they were about to take
would show whether they were weak in math, or whether they were
strong. Consistent with the hypothesis that stereotype threat would
affect women's performance, female participants who had been told
that the test would determine whether they were weak in
mathematics (the stereotype-consistent test description) performed
worse than female participants who had been told that it would test
whether they were strong in math. Men showed the opposite pattern.
They performed better when they were told that the test measured
math strength than when they were told that it measured math
weakness. This indicates that the effects of gender-related math
stereotypes can be positive or negative. Performance of members of a
group that is negatively stereotyped is negatively affected by the
1797
Ndom; R.J.E, Elegbeleye; A.O & Williams; A.: The Effect of Stereotype on …
stereotype threat than the performance of members of the group that
is positively stereotyped even when the stereotype is active.
Researchers have also examined the stereotype threat idea in groups
other than African-Americans. Aronson, Lustina, Good, and Keough
(1999) conducted research investigating whether a history of
stigmatization was necessary for stereotype threat to occur and
subsequently influence performance. In this case, White males were
tested in math, a domain for which there was no negative stereotype
about their group. However, by comparing the White males to Asian
males, a group for which there is a very positive stereotype about
math, these researchers were able to activate stereotype threat within
them. White males by implying that they may confirm the stereotype
that Americans of European descent have poorer math ability than
Asian-Americans. The results supported the idea that a history of
stigmatization was not necessary and that situational factors alone
could cause stereotype threat to occur. This threat has the potential
to prevent individuals from performing at their ability level in a
domain that is important to them.
In one study, Keller (2002) used methods similar to those of Steele,
James, and Barnett (2002), in which participants complete a math
test either after having the gender stereotype primed or without
having it primed. Consistent with the other research, he found that
females (he used high school students) performed worse than men
when the stereotype was active, but as well as men when it was not.
He also found that the decrease in performance was largely due to
self-handicapping, which is common in the face of stereotype threat.
Self-handicapping involves things like decreased effort and attention,
procrastination, and similar performance-reducing behaviours. In
Keller's study, female participants for whom the stereotype was
primed were much more likely to perform self-handicapping
behaviours.
A separate set of studies by Steele and Aronson (1995) has examined
ethnicity, stereotype threat, and performance of Black students
compared with White students on standardized tests of achievement
(verbal portion of the GRE). High stereotype threat was linked to a
decreased verbal performance for high-achieving Black college
students (Steele & Aronson, 1995, Study 1). Black participants did
worse than white participants when the test was presented to
measure their verbal achievement, while they did as well when ability
1798
Gender & Behaviour
was not made salient. The relationship between heightened
stereotype threat and decreased test performance was replicated in
another Study 2. Further, heightened stereotype threat was linked to
an increase in thinking about the specific ethnic stereotype and
increased self-doubts associated with it (Steele & Aronson, 1995,
Study 3) for high-achieving college-age students. Black participants
expecting to take a test of intellectual ability experienced concerns
about ability, made more excuses about their performance, and
showed a greater reluctance to have their ethnic identity linked to
their test performance, suggesting this is due to stereotype threat. An
even more subtle manipulation (no directions were given but
students indicated their race on the cover page of the test) depressed
Black participants‘ performance on a difficult verbal test (Steele &
Aronson, 1995, Study 4).
Spencer, Steele, and Quinn (1999) administered quantitative ability
items from the Graduate Management Admission Test to women and
men undergraduates. Stereotype threat was manipulated by telling
one group that there were no gender differences on the test (the low
threat condition) and by telling the other group nothing about this
topic (the high threat condition). Women‘s scores were lower in the
high threat condition than in the low threat condition while men‘s
scores were unaffected.
From all the various researches carried out by different researchers
on their various perspectives, one can see that stereotype is a general
cognitive process that occurs across the human race and is inevitable.
But most of the researches carried out have been done majorly in the
western world. All societies do not necessarily follow the way of life of
the western culture. Therefore, there could be variations in the way
stereotype affects cognitive process. The levels at which it affects
cognitive process could vary across culture and also the stereotypes
held across cultures.
Shih, Pittinsky, and Ambady (1999) investigated how stereotype
salience could be manipulated and influence subsequent
performance outcomes within individuals. Specifically, these
researchers examined a group for which two differing stereotypes
applied: Asian-American women. For this group, the positive
stereotype about Asians‘ superior math ability is relevant, as well as
the negative stereotype about females‘ poor math skills. This research
suggested that intellectual performance can be moderated by the
social identity that is currently salient. The Asian-American women
1799
Ndom; R.J.E, Elegbeleye; A.O & Williams; A.: The Effect of Stereotype on …
who had their ethnic identity brought to mind prior to testing had
better performance outcomes than a control group, whereas the
Asian-American women who were prompted to think about their
gender performed worse than a control group. Thus, differing
stereotypes can apply to the same group of people and, depending
upon the aspect of their identity that is brought to mind, influence
cognitive performance in different ways.
Many experiments have tested how stereotypes affect the cognitive
process, and this research goes a step further by experimenting
amongst Nigerian youths to test how stereotypes affect the cognitive
process of female students on mathematical performance.
Hypotheses
The following hypotheses are tested in this study:
1. There will be a difference in performance between
males and females exposed to stereotype.
2. Females who are not exposed to stereotype will have a
better performance than females who are exposed to
stereotype.
3. Males who are exposed to stereotype will have a better
performance than males who are not exposed to
stereotype.
4. Males who are exposed to stereotype will perform
better than females who are not exposed to any form of
stereotype.
Methods
Design
A between subjects experimental design was utilized in this study.
Settings
The experiment for this study was carried out in the laboratory rooms
of the Chapel Secondary School, Ilorin.
Instruments
The instruments used for the study includes: Mathematical tests
material obtained from the past questions of the West African
examination council (WAEC), 2005 and the new general mathematics
for senior secondary two (SS2).
1800
Gender & Behaviour
Procedure:
Forty participants from the Chapel Secondary School, Tanke, Ilorin,
took part in this study. The forty participants were randomly divided
into two groups: the experimental group and the control group. The
experimental group consisted of ten males and ten females, and the
control group had same. The experimental group was exposed to a
form of stereotype about females‘ inability in mathematical test
compared to that of the males who have better ability to perform well
in mathematical test, while the control group was simply told to help
in giving answer to a mathematical test material. The two groups,
that is, the experimental group and the control group were given a
mathematical test to work on for less than 17 minutes. After the time
had elapsed, their scripts were retrieved from them, marked and
scored by the researcher and their performances were measured and
compared.
Statistical analysis
The student t-test for independent samples was used to analyze the
hypotheses.
Results
Hypothesis 1
There will be a difference in performance between males and females
exposed to stereotype.
Table 1
Summary Table showing the t-test analysis of the differences between
males and females exposed to stereotype.
Participan
ts
Mean
N
SD
t
df
Males
exposed to
stereotype
11.3
10
2.40601
2.688
18
Females
exposed to
stereotype
8.2
10
2.74064
18
As the table shows, there is a significant difference in the
performance level of males and the females exposed to stereotype.
This implies that the males who were exposed to the stereotype threat
1801
Ndom; R.J.E, Elegbeleye; A.O & Williams; A.: The Effect of Stereotype on …
(that the male sex have better mathematical abilities than females)
performed better than the females who were also exposed to the
stereotype threat (that females have lower mathematical abilities than
males). This indicates that the exposure to stereotype had an effect
on both males‘ and females‘ cognitive processes thereby affecting
their performance in the mathematical test presented to them.
Therefore the hypothesis stated above was accepted.
Hypothesis 2
Females who are not exposed to stereotype will have a better
performance than females who are exposed to stereotype.
Table 2
Summary Table showing the t-test analysis of the differences between
females exposed to stereotype and females not exposed to stereotype.
The table above shows that there is no significant difference in the
performance of the females who were exposed to stereotype and the
females who were not exposed to stereotype. Their performance in the
mathematical test was relatively similar to each other; therefore the
hypothesis was not sustained.
Hypothesis 3
Males who are exposed to stereotype will have a better performance
than males who are not exposed to stereotype.
Participants
Mean
N
SD
T
df
Probability
Females
exposed to
stereotype
8.2
10
2.74064
1.46
18
p>0.05
Females
not exposed
to
stereotype
10.5
10
4.19656
18
1802
Gender & Behaviour
Table 3
Summary Table showing the t-test analysis of the differences between
males exposed to stereotype and males not exposed to stereotype.
As shown in the above table, there is a significant difference in the
performance of males who were exposed to stereotype and the males
in the control group who were not exposed to stereotype. This shows
that the males exposed to the stereotype threat (that males have
better mathematical abilities than females) performed better than the
males who were not exposed to the same stereotype. Therefore the
research hypothesis was accepted.
Hypothesis 4
Males who are exposed to stereotype will perform better than females
who are not exposed to any form of stereotype.
Table 4
Summary Table showing the t-test analysis of the differences between
males exposed to stereotype and females not exposed to stereotype.
Participan
ts
Mean
N
SD
T
df
Probabi
lity
Males
exposed to
stereotype
11.3
10
2.054800
2.998
18
P<0.05
Males not
exposed to
stereotype
8.0
10
2.40601
18
Participants
Mean
N
T
df
Probability
Females
not exposed
to
stereotype
10.5
10
1.011
18
p>0.05
1803
Ndom; R.J.E, Elegbeleye; A.O & Williams; A.: The Effect of Stereotype on …
As the table shows, there is no significant difference in the
performance of both males and females who were not exposed to
stereotype and the males who were exposed to stereotype. The
hypothesis is therefore rejected. Stereotypes exposure in males and
females had no negative influence on performance when compared to
females who were not exposed to stereotype. Males were always
constant in the long held belief in them that no negative feelings
affect them as it does females. Come what may, they are always
regarded as performing better in mathematics than females.
Discussion
The results of the findings in this study show that people‘s awareness
of an existing stereotype affects their way of thinking and their
cognitive processes. This can be seen in the results of hypothesis 1
which states that males exposed to stereotype will perform better
than females who were exposed to stereotype. This hypothesis was
confirmed using the t-test statistical analysis. From the performance
of the participants who were exposed to stereotype, there was a mean
difference of 3.1 between the males and the females and this
indicates a large difference in their performance. Also, the calculated
t value was 2.688 and the critical t value was 1.734. The calculated t
value was much higher than the critical t value which shows the high
level of significant difference. This result indicates an effect of
stereotype on cognitive process. When individuals develop stereotypes
in their cognition, their thinking, perception and cognitive process is
altered from the ideal way of thinking. This is supported with the
result of hypothesis one and this result was also in line with the
findings of Steele (1997) in his work on stereotype vulnerability. More
so, because females are usually considered to be poorer in
mathematics, the difference obtained in this study just confirms this
belief empirically, thus fulfilling the self prophecy.
Table 2 showing the results which disconfirms hypothesis two
indicate that females who were aware of stereotype threat did not
Males
exposed to
stereotype
11.3
10
18
1804
Gender & Behaviour
perform significantly poorer than the females who were not exposed
to stereotype threat. The result obtained here could however be due
to various reasons such as those peculiar to the individual and also
the nature of the test. Females exposed to stereotypes could have
performed based on self fulfilling prophesying. This implies that the
females may not have made an attempt to do their best in the
mathematical test since they were already told that females do not
perform well in mathematics.
Table 3 shows that there was a significant difference in the
performance of males who were exposed to stereotype and males who
were not exposed to stereotype. There was a high mean difference 3.3.
The calculated t value was 2.998 which was higher than the critical
value of 1.734 at 0.05 level of significance. The implication could be
that performance was based on the accepting the belief that anytime,
males were always better than females in maths.
Table 4 however shows that there was no significant difference in the
performance of all the males and females who were not exposed to
stereotype and the males who were exposed to stereotype. In other
words, regardless of the stereotype, males would always perform
better than females who were not exposed to stereotype. The stigma
would always be there and males would always be better than
females.
From the results obtained in this study, it can be concluded that
stereotype has a way of interfering with the cognitive process of an
individual. A recent study using a think-aloud verbal protocol
methodology indicated that during the examination, stereotype threat
is associated with diminished capacity to generate strategies for
solving difficult problems (Quinn & Spencer, 2001).
Implications of the study
This study on stereotype shows that stereotypes have a way of
affecting individuals‘ cognitive process one way or the other.
Therefore, understanding the nature of stereotypes, prejudice, and
discrimination is the first step in combating these practices. All of us
have stereotypes about members of groups different from ourselves.
We should, however, recognize that we are not acting fairly if we treat
people differently because of these stereotypes and prejudices. Each
one of us deserves to be considered a unique human being. We all
face peer pressure when confronted with a joke which puts down a
1805
Ndom; R.J.E, Elegbeleye; A.O & Williams; A.: The Effect of Stereotype on …
certain minority. It takes courage to raise objections to these jokes
and pejorative names and to actively fight the chauvinism and
narrow-mindedness which they foster. It is important to stand up
against injustice, fight discrimination and stereotypes which have
served as the harbinger to persecution, violence, and in extreme
cases, genocide.
Limitations of the study
There were some limitations that occurred in the course of this
research.
There was the problem of attending to the two groups which are the
experimental and the control group at the same time. It would have
been better that each group (experimental and control) was attended
to by separate independent people who would have properly
monitored the participants.
Also, there was fatigue on the part of the participants as the
experiment was conducted after a full day‘s work at school.
Recommendation and Suggestions for further studies.
This research focused on a particular type of stereotype. Therefore, it
is recommended that further researches be carried out along this line
to include more variables than those in this research work. Further
researches should also be carried but focusing on younger
individuals as well as older participants such as the aged.
Stereotype occurs as a result of classification. Only by understanding
the source of the problem can society hope to resolve the issue.
Stereotypes are viewed on television programs, parents pass on
stereotypic beliefs about certain groups to their off-springs, and
teacher-student relationship is affected by stereotypes held about
students. In every area of society, stereotypes can be seen. It takes a
conscious effort to try to stop the perspective we have about certain
groups, people or individuals. We are all different, therefore we
should look at every individual with the understanding of this. By
this, stereotype can be reduced. Also, television shows should stop
depicting individuals or group of individuals as having characteristics
that may form stereotype. It is believed that categorization and
stereotyping occur automatically, but can be controlled if given
proper attention.
1806
Gender & Behaviour
Conclusions.
The purpose of this research was to find out the effects of stereotypes
on cognitive process. Using the experimental design it was observed
that females who were exposed to stereotype about their poor ability
to perform well in mathematics actually performed poorer than males
who were also exposed to the stereotype that males have a better
ability to perform better in mathematics. There stereotypes could be
seen as dangerous beliefs which could mar an individual. Efforts
should be consciously made to reduce these beliefs.
1807
Ndom; R.J.E, Elegbeleye; A.O & Williams; A.: The Effect of Stereotype on …
References
Aronson, J., Lustina, M. J., Good, C., & Keough, K. (1999). When
White men can‘t do math: Necessary and sufficient factors in
stereotype threat. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology,
35, 29-46.
Auman, L. C. (2002). The Effect of Stereotype Threat on Cognitive
Performance and Physiological Variability on Older Adults. A
Dissertation. North Carolina State University, Raleigh.
Brown, R.B., & Josephs, R.A. (1999). A burden of proof: Stereotype
relevance and gender differences in math performance.
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 76(2), 246-257.
Devine, P. G. (1989). Stereotypes and prejudice: Their automatic and
controlled components. Journal of Personality and Social
Psychology, 56, 5-18.
Devine, P. G., Monteith, M. J., Zuwerink, J. R., & Elliot, A. J. (1991).
Prejudice with and without compunction. Journal of
Personality and Social Psychology, 60, 817-830.
Greenwald, A. G., & Banaji, M. R. (1995). Implicit Social Cognition:
Attitudes, Self-Esteem, and Stereotypes. Psychological Review,
102 (1), 4-27.
Keller, J. (2002). Blatant stereotype threat and women's math
performance: Self-handicapping as a strategic means to cope
with obtrusive negative performance expectations. Sex Roles,
47(3-4), 193-198.
Quinn, D.M., & Spencer, S.J. (2001). The interference of stereotype
threat with women's generation of mathematical problem-
solving strategies. Journal of Social Issues, 57(1), 55-71.
Shih, M., Pittinsky, T. L., & Ambady, N. (1999). Stereotype
susceptibility: Identity salience and shifts in quantitative
performance. Psychological Science, 10, 80-83.
Spencer, S. J., Steele, C. M., & Quinn, D. M. (1999). Stereotype
threat and women‘s math performance. Journal of
Experimental Social Psychology, 35, 4-28.
Steele, C. (1992). Race and the schooling of black Americans. The
Atlantic Monthly, 269(4), 68-78.
Steele, C. M. (1997). A threat in the air: How stereotypes shape
intellectual identity and performance. American Psychologist,
52, 613-629.
Steele, C. M., & Aronson, J. (1995). Stereotype threat and the
intellectual test performance of African Americans. Journal of
Personality and Social Psychology, 69, 797-811.
1808
Gender & Behaviour
Steele, J., James, J.B., & Barnett, R.C. (2002). Learning in a man‘s
world: Examining the perceptions of undergraduate women in
male-dominated academic areas. Psychology of Women
Quarterly, 26, 46-50.
1809
Ndom; R.J.E, Elegbeleye; A.O & Williams; A.: The Effect of Stereotype on …
... You stereotype people every time you are unable to obtain and/ or understand all of the information needed to make a reasonable judgement about them, their professions, or their goals. Many authors (see for example Ramirez Berg 2002;Sosnizkij 2003;and Ndom, Elegbeleye and Williams 2008) have observed that in the absence of the so-called "total picture", stereotyping the members of groups allows you to fill in the missing pieces of information. Breaking down stereotypes that are established over time-and possibly reinforced by the media and internet-is not an easy task. ...
Book
Full-text available
Scientists deserve public recognition. The ways that they are depicted, however, are severely limited in physical and personal traits, helping to establish and enhance stereotypes under the general title of ‘scientist’. These stereotypes range from the arrogant researcher who wants to rule the world, to the lab coat wearing ‘nerdy’ genius, but all generally fall to an extreme view of an existing perception of what a scientist should look and be like. For example, the popular image of ‘a scientist’ overlooks the presence of women almost entirely unless attributed to specific subjects and/or with narrow character depictions. The implications can be far-reaching. Young people, being heavily swayed by what they see and hear in the media, may avoid scientific careers because of these limited or unflattering portrayals of the scientific community, regardless of whether they reflect real life. Based on findings from the Light’13 project, this book examines such stereotypes and questions whether it is possible to adjust people’s perception of scientists and to increase interest in science and scientific careers through a series of specific actions and events.
... According to Ndom et-al (2008), stereotypes in societies are virtually unavoidable and shared throughout cultures. Societies often innocently create and perpetuate stereotypes that lead to unfair discrimination and persecution when they are unfavorable. ...
Article
Full-text available
Developing countries are constrained with the challenges of poverty and economic empowerment to reduce the level poverty especially among the women population. Women consist more than 60% of the African population which has caused more concern to the economy in the continent. International communities like World Bank, USAID, DFID, IMF, government and others individuals and private organizations have made several efforts in assisting women economically, but yet level of poverty has been in the increase. As the year 2015 draws closer, there is high expectation on the objectives of the MDGs. Unfortunately, studies reveal that female potential labor force is still high in Africa and most of the poor are women. Women consist more than 60% of the African population which has caused more concern to the economy of the continent. This paper examined two issues (i) some of the factors that hinder women from attaining economic empowerment. (ii) Other factors that increases the level of poverty of women despite the fact that several efforts are been made to empower women economically. This paper relied on content analysis of existing literature as source of data, in order to uncover some of the reasons responsible for low participation of women in economic activities. It also recommends possible ways to ameliorate the situation for policy implication.
Article
Full-text available
Ss reported their standards for how they should respond and how they would respond in contact situations with Black people (Study 1) and homosexual men (Study 2). Interest centered on the affective consequences associated with should–would discrepancies. Low and moderately prejudiced Ss with discrepancies reacted with feelings of global discomfort and with more specific feelings of compunction (guilt and self-criticism). High prejudiced Ss with discrepancies experienced only global discomfort. Study 3 data indicated that low prejudiced Ss internalized their nonprejudiced standards and felt obligated to respond consistently with them. High prejudiced Ss' personal standards were less well internalized and appeared to be derived from their perceptions of society's standards, which Ss indicated were mixed (i.e., contained both egalitarian and discriminatory components). Implications for prejudice reduction and contemporary models of prejudice are discussed.
Article
Full-text available
Three studies tested basic assumptions derived from a theoretical model based on the dissociation of automatic and controlled processes involved in prejudice. Study 1 supported the model's assumption that high- and low-prejudice persons are equally knowledgeable of the cultural stereotype. The model suggests that the stereotype is automatically activated in the presence of a member (or some symbolic equivalent) of the stereotype group and that low-prejudice responses require controlled inhibition of the automatically activated stereotype. Study 2, which examined the efforts of automatic stereotype activation on the evaluation of ambiguous stereotype-relevant behaviors performed by a race-unspecified person, suggested that when subjects' ability to consciously monitor stereotype activation is precluded, both high- and low-prejudice subjects produce stereotype-congruent evaluations of ambiguous behaviors. Study 3 examined high- and low-prejudice subjects' responses in a consciously directed thought-listing task. Consistent with the model, only low-prejudice subjects inhibited the automatically activated stereotype-congruent thoughts and replaced them with thoughts reflecting equality and negations of the stereotype. The relation between stereotypes and prejudice and implications for prejudice reduction are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
At the highest levels of math achievement, gender differences in favor of men persist on standardized math tests. We hypothesize that stereotype threat depresses women's math performance through interfering with their ability to formulate problem-solving strategies. In Study 1, women underperformed in comparison to men on a word problem test, however, women and men performed equally when the word problems were converted into their numerical equivalents. In Study 2, men and women worked on difficult problems, either in a high- or reduced-stereo-type-threat condition. Problem-solving strategies were coded. When stereo-type threat was high, women were less able to formulate problem-solving strategies than when stereotype threat was reduced. The effect of stereotype threat on cognitive resources and the implications for gender differences in mathematical testing are discussed.
Article
A general theory of domain identification is used to describe achievement barriers still faced by women in advanced quantitative areas and by African Americans in school. The theory assumes that sustained school success requires identification with school and its subdomains; that societal pressures on these groups (e.g., economic disadvantage, gender roles) can frustrate this identification; and that in school domains where these groups are negatively stereotyped, those who have become domain identified face the further barrier of stereotype threat, the threat that others' judgments or their own actions will negatively stereotype them in the domain. Research shows that this threat dramatically depresses the standardized test performance of women and African Americans who are in the academic vanguard of their groups (offering a new interpretation of group differences in standardized test performance), that it causes disidentification with school, and that practices that reduce this threat can reduce these negative effects.
Article
Three studies explored gender differences in mathematics performance by investigating the possibility that men and women have different concerns: when they take standardized math tests, and that when these gender-specific performance concerns are made relevant, performance may suffer. Results of 3 studies supported these hypotheses. In Study 1, women who believed a math test would indicate whether they were especially weak in math performed worse: on the test than did women who believed it would indicate whether they were exceptionally strong. Men, however, demonstrated the opposite pattern, performing worse on the ostensible test of exceptional abilities. Studies 2 and 3 further showed that if these gender-specific performance concerns are alleviated by an external handicap, performance increases. Traditional interpretations of male-female differences on standardized math tests are discussed in light of these results.
Article
Research on “stereotype threat” (Aronson, Quinn, & Spencer, 1998; Steele, 1997; Steele & Aronson, 1995) suggests that the social stigma of intellectual inferiority borne by certain cultural minorities can undermine the standardized test performance and school outcomes of members of these groups. This research tested two assumptions about the necessary conditions for stereotype threat to impair intellectual test performance. First, we tested the hypothesis that to interfere with performance, stereotype threat requires neither a history of stigmatization nor internalized feelings of intellectual inferiority, but can arise and become disruptive as a result of situational pressures alone. Two experiments tested this notion with participants for whom no stereotype of low ability exists in the domain we tested and who, in fact, were selected for high ability in that domain (math-proficient white males). In Study 1 we induced stereotype threat by invoking a comparison with a minority group stereotyped to excel at math (Asians). As predicted, these stereotype-threatened white males performed worse on a difficult math test than a nonstereotype-threatened control group. Study 2 replicated this effect and further tested the assumption that stereotype threat is in part mediated by domain identification and, therefore, most likely to undermine the performances of individuals who are highly identified with the domain being tested. The results are discussed in terms of their implications for the development of stereotype threat theory as well as for standardized testing.
Article
Abstract—Recent studies have documented that performance in a domain is hindered when individuals feel that a sociocultural group to which they belong is negatively stereotyped in that domain. We report that implicit activation of a social identity can facilitate as well as impede performance on a quantitative task. When a particular social identity was made salient at an implicit level, performance was altered in the direction predicted by the stereotype associated with the identity. Common cultural stereotypes hold that Asians have superior quantitative skills compared with other ethnic groups and that women have inferior quantitative skills compared with men. We found that Asian-American women performed better on a mathematics test when their ethnic identity was activated, but worse when their gender identity was activated, compared with a control group who had neither identity activated. Cross-cultural investigation indicated that it was the stereotype, and not the identity per se, that influenced performance.
Article
When women perform math, unlike men, they risk being judged by the negative stereotype that women have weaker math ability. We call this predicamentstereotype threatand hypothesize that the apprehension it causes may disrupt women's math performance. In Study 1 we demonstrated that the pattern observed in the literature that women underperform on difficult (but not easy) math tests was observed among a highly selected sample of men and women. In Study 2 we demonstrated that this difference in performance could be eliminated when we lowered stereotype threat by describing the test as not producing gender differences. However, when the test was described as producing gender differences and stereotype threat was high, women performed substantially worse than equally qualified men did. A third experiment replicated this finding with a less highly selected population and explored the mediation of the effect. The implication that stereotype threat may underlie gender differences in advanced math performance, even those that have been attributed to genetically rooted sex differences, is discussed.
Article
describes [the author's] despair at watching talented African-American college students fall by the wayside as the full weight of racial stigma becomes evident to them / more than half of African-American college students fail to complete their college degrees for reasons having little to do with ability / draws on empirical findings and examples to show how the stigma of race leads Black students to disidentify with their college and to see intellectual achievement as increasingly irrelevant to their self-esteem / shows that when school atmospheres reduce racial stigma, achievement among African Americans is enhanced (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)