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Same- and Cross-Gender Sexual Harassment Victimization in Middle School: A Developmental-Contextual Perspective

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Abstract

Using a developmental-contextual framework, the present study investigated risk factors for same- and cross-gender sexual harassment victimization in 986 middle school students. Participants completed questionnaires in the fall and spring of the same school year so risk factors could be explored longitudinally. Results revealed that gender differences existed for same- and cross-gender forms of harassment. While girls reported more instances of receiving same- and cross-gender unwanted sexual attention, boys were more likely to report being victims of same-gender gender harassment. Important differences in risk factors also existed. Being bullied in the fall and feeling disconnected from school were risk factors for same-gender victimization but not for cross-gender victimization. Romantic relationship status, which was a significant risk factor for both same- and cross-gender victimization, was qualified by significant gender interactions. Results are explained through a developmental-contextual lens and implications for intervention are discussed.

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... Individual factors (i.e., socioemotional vulnerabilities, pubertal timing) can influence and be influenced by external factors or events (i.e., the quality of social relationships, parental practices, peer victimization). The developmental-contextual model in particular has been previously used to understand how interpersonal and school-level factors are associated with SH (Schnoll et al., 2015). In line with these broader ecological models, revictimization theory in particular explains how previous forms of victimization, including child maltreatment experienced from either parents or peers, lead to socioemotional vulnerabilities, like depressive symptoms, emotional dysregulation, and poorer cognitive functioning (Stockdale et al., 2014). ...
... The remaining studies were conducted in Canada (n = 3), Israel (n = 1), Finland (n = 4), Sweden (n = 3), and Taiwan (n = 1). Five studies were longitudinal (Dahlqvist et al., 2016;Goldstein et al., 2007;Petersen & Hyde, 2009;Schnoll et al., 2015;Tillyer et al., 2010), and examined whether correlates measured earlier predict later SH. The remaining studies (n = 15) used cross-sectional designs. ...
... Four articles also conceptualized SH as a multifaceted construct, and presented results separately according to the following subtypes: sexual coercion, name calling, and gendered harassment (Kaltiala-Heino et al., 2016a. Two other articles also divided their result based on if the SH was same-gender or cross-gender victimization (Petersen & Hyde, 2009;Schnoll et al., 2015). ...
Article
Sexual harassment (SH) is an important public health problem among adolescents and is associated with negative outcomes. Using a theory‐based, developmentally‐informed approach, this scoping review focuses on SH victimization among adolescents (number of studies included = 20) and aims to (1) examine how the extant literature on correlates of SH defined and measured SH, and (2) identify correlates associated with SH victimization among adolescents, focusing particularly on differences between boys and girls. For the first objective, results showed variations in the definition of SH used, with very few studies employing validated measures of SH. For the second objective, the most frequently examined and supported correlates were those stemming from transactional models. Important gender differences in correlates emerged between boys and girls. Among girls' previous victimization experiences emerged as the most consistent correlates of SH, while among boys, adherence to gender role norms and beliefs and higher perception of personal power were most consistently associated with higher SH victimization. Prevention of SH needs to include youth, teachers, and parents as the results show the influence of all these social contexts in SH victimization. These prevention efforts should target groups at higher risk of SH, such as sexual and gender minority youth.
... Research that examines specific forms of sexual harassment in relation to gender [19] has found that for some forms, girls are more exposed (e.g., being touched, grabbed or pinched in a sexual way) and for others, boys are more exposed (e.g., homophobic name calling). Another set of studies have found that sexual harassment occurs both within and between both sexes and in both directions [13,23,24]. Other individual characteristics that have been related to sexual harassment in adolescence include pubertal timing [25,26], gender-role contentedness [27], and sexual behavior [12,25,26]. ...
... In addition to e-contexts [28], educational settings have been identified as a major arena for sexual harassment among young people [19,29]. Some of the existing studies have found that certain aspects of the school context, including teacher maltreatment [22] and feeling disconnected from school [24], are linked to a higher prevalence of sexual harassment. Aspects of the peer context, including bullying and peer relationship problems [22], having peers with problematic behavior [30], participation in mixed-gender peer groups [2], and romantic relationship status [24] have also been linked to sexual harassment. ...
... Some of the existing studies have found that certain aspects of the school context, including teacher maltreatment [22] and feeling disconnected from school [24], are linked to a higher prevalence of sexual harassment. Aspects of the peer context, including bullying and peer relationship problems [22], having peers with problematic behavior [30], participation in mixed-gender peer groups [2], and romantic relationship status [24] have also been linked to sexual harassment. This is also true for aspects of the parentadolescent relationship [31]. ...
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Background Sexual harassment is a widespread problem with serious consequences for individuals and societies. It is likely that sexual harassment among peers has its main onset during the transition from late childhood to early adolescence, when young people enter puberty. However, there is a lack of systematic research on sexual harassment during this developmental period. Thus, there is very little information about the prevalence of sexual harassment during this important transition, its consequences, and how to effectively intervene against and prevent the problem. The primary objective of the described project, entitled Peer Relations In School from an Ecological perspective (PRISE), is to examine sexual harassment and its developmental correlates during the transition from late childhood to early adolescence. Methods The PRISE study has a longitudinal design over 3 years, in which a cohort of children ( N = 1000) and their main teachers ( N = 40) fill out questionnaires in grades 4, 5, and 6. The questionnaires assess aspects of peer sexual harassment and potential correlates including biological (e.g., pubertal development), psychosocial (e.g., resilience, self-image, peer relations), and contextual (e.g., classroom climate, norms) factors. In addition, we will examine school readiness and policies in relation to sexual harassment and collect register data to assess the number of reports of sexual harassment from the participating schools. Discussion The PRISE study will enable the researchers to answer fundamental, unresolved questions about the development of sexual harassment and thus advance the very limited understanding of sexual harassment during the transition from childhood to adolescence - a central period for physical, sexual, and social development. Due to the sensitive nature of the main research concepts, and the age of the participants, the ethical aspects of the research need particular attention. Ultimately, the hope is that the PRISE study will help researchers, policy makers, and practitioners develop, and implement, knowledge that may help in combating a major, current societal challenge and adverse aspect of young people’s developmental ecologies.
... Another reason for this disparity of results concerns a lack of empirical consensus surrounding peer sexual cybervictimization dimensions, a limitation that is shared with studies on face-to-face sexual violence, where some authors have distinguished between gender-based sexual harassment, unwanted sexual attention and sexual coercion (Fitzgerald, Gelfand, & Drasgow, 1995), in terms of severity, from moderate to severe (Lacasse, Purdy, & Mendelson, 2003); comparing same and cross-gender sexual Please cite this article in press as: Sánchez Peer sexual cybervictimization in adolescents 3 victimization (Schnoll, Connolly, Josephson, Pepler, & Simkins-Strong, 2015); those who have differentiated between visual-verbal and physical sexual harassment (Vega-Gea, Ortega-Ruiz, & Sánchez, 2016); and authors who have opted for a one-dimensional construct (Chiodo, Wolfe, Crooks, Hughes, & Jaffe, 2009). At present, there are no conclusive studies on sexual cybervictimization, although theoretical (Barack, 2005) as well as exploratory (Van Royen et al., 2015) and empirical (Ybarra, Espelage, & Mitchell, 2007) studies suggest the existence of a passive form of sexual cybervictimization, which would include exposure to pornography or to another type of sexual content, and a form of cybervictimization based on sexual requests and solicitations, which would encompass more serious and disturbing forms of gender-based, homophobic victimization. ...
... More than half of boys and approximately 40% of girls who reported having experienced these Please cite this article in press as: Sánchez behaviours were not bothered by it, which seems to indicate a normalization of this sexual cyberconduct, as we have seen with face-to-face sexual victimization (Bendixen & Kennair, 2017). Future studies could examine whether the gender of the perpetrator (Schnoll et al., 2015), attitudes of acceptance and the reasons justifying these behaviours (Vance, Sutter, Berin, & Heesacker, 2015) are affecting this normalization, as observed in face-to-face sexual victimization. This suggests the need to design psychoeducational interventions that teach young people to develop and express their sexuality without having to be rude or aggressive, thus raising awareness of the risks associated with these behaviours. ...
... The approach taken in this study was to consider two sexual victimization factors and one second-order factor, but further studies are needed to confirm this two-dimensional structure. Moreover, this study did not look at whether instances of sexual cybervictimization came from same or cross-gender peers, information that would enable us to analyze whether the perceived emotional impact depends upon the sex of the perpetrator (Bendixen & Kennair, 2017) and whether the contextual factors that predict peer sexual victimization differ according to gender in the perpetrator-victim dyad (Schnoll et al., 2015). To conclude, given the speed at which the Internet grows and evolves and the new uses offered by new technologies, the behaviours under assessment run the risk of partiality. ...
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Background/Objective: The study of sexual cyberbehaviour in adolescence has received much attention in recent years, because of the risks associated with exposure to pornography, unwanted sexual solicitations, and gender-based sexual harassment. The prevalence of this phenomenon varies from study to study due to a lack of consensus around how to define and measure peer sexual cybervictimization. This study aims to contribute to this research topic by developing and validating a measure of peer sexual cybervictimization among adolescents. Method: 601 adolescents (mean age 14.06) from two Spanish cities participated in this study. Cross-validation was performed using EFA and CFA. In a second step, a multi-group analysis was conducted to compare the equivalence of the measure by gender. Results: The results confirmed a second-order model comprising two first-order factors: Ambiguous sexual Cybervictimization and Personal sexual Cybervictimization. The model was invariant by gender. Descriptive analyses showed significant differences in Ambiguous sexual aybervictimization, this being more frequent in boys than in girls. Prevalence rates varied from 17 to 26%, with less involvement observed in the Personal dimension. Conclusions: This work proposes a valid and gender invariant measure to analyze peer sexual cybervictimization in adolescence.
... Sexual harassment includes actions ranging from name-calling to physical touching that are interpreted or perceived negatively and undesirably by their target. Although the common idea or discourse of sexual harassment is that the perpetrator is male and the target is female, studies have documented that male adolescents are also sexually harassed by their male and female peers (Chiodo et al. 2009;Lichty and Campbell 2012;Petersen and Hyde 2009;Schnoll et al. 2015). ...
... Sexually harassing same-sex peers (e.g., name-calling) may be used by male adolescents as a strategy to display dominance in front of female adolescents and hence to increase the offender's sexual competitiveness. In support of this proposal, recent research found that male adolescents are more likely to be sexually harassed by other male adolescents (Schnoll et al. 2015). The development of secondary sexual characteristics and the height spurt associated with puberty are conspicuous changes, and because early maturers experience these changes before their same-age peers, they stand out within the peer context (Ott 2010;Tanner 1978). ...
... Thus, other male adolescents may perceive them as a greater threat and expose them to more sexual harassment. Moreover, sexual harassment perpetration in adolescence could represent a wish to communicate sexual attraction and sexual interest in the target (Buss and Schmitt 1993;Lee et al. 1996;McMaster et al. 2002;Pellegrini 2001;Pina et al. 2009;Schnoll et al. 2015). It could be that peers show sexual interest in earlymaturing male adolescents and that (some of) this is attention is unwanted by the male adolescents and, in other words, could be defined as sexual harassment. ...
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Contrary to common belief, research shows that male adolescents are frequent targets of sexual harassment. According to some prior studies, early puberty puts male adolescents at a particular risk for being sexually harassed. In this cross-sectional study, we tested two competing explanations of the link between male pubertal timing and sexual harassment in early adolescence. The explanations were based on evolutionary and feminist theories. The sample included 704 seventh-grade Swedish male adolescents (M age = 13.37, SD = .59). We found that looking more mature and being sexually active significantly mediated the link between pubertal timing and sexual harassment. The magnitude of the indirect effects did not differ significantly from each other. These findings largely replicate prior research for female adolescents, and they suggest that early pubertal timing is linked to victimizing sexual phenomena in early adolescence through young men’s normative sexually mature appearance and sexual activities. Tolerance and respect for differences should be central components of interventions aimed at reducing sexual harassment among young people of any gender.
... Thus, the increasing interest shown by peers, together with adolescents' lack of skills when it comes to expressing sexual interest, could in itself constitute a risk factor for episodes of sexual harassment among young people (McMaster, Connolly, Pepler, & Craig, 2002;Petersen & Hyde, 2013). Several studies support this view, with pubertal status leading to an increase in both sexual harassment victimization and aggression (Pepler, Craig, Connolly, Yulie, & McMaster, 2006), and the start of dating relationships increasing the risk of sexual harassment from opposite-sex peers (Schnoll, Connolly, Josephson, Pepler, & Simkins-Strong, 2015). ...
... However, the disparity in the data lends itself to controversy and highlights the gap in the research regarding the means of measuring this phenomenon, it is that some studies use a single item to measure peer sexual harassment and others use large scales. Theoretical models have been quite influential insofar as considering the phenomenon a one-dimensional (Menesini & Nocentini, 2008;Schnoll et al., 2015), two-dimensional (Ortega et al., 2010;Witkowska & Kjellberg, 2005), or three-dimensional construct (Ormerod, Collinsworth, & Perry, 2008). It is important to take account of this consideration given that one-dimensional measures tend to considerably increase prevalence rates. ...
... What has proven conclusive is the need to differentiate between boys and girls, given that studies have found the experience, interpretation and expression of this phenomenon to be different depending on the gender (Witkowska & Kjellberg, 2005). Another feature of this scenario are the varying time frames used in this body of research, ranging from studies that take into account the entire adolescent age span (AAUW, 2011;Hill & Kearl, 2011), to others that focus on the last two months (Ortega et al., 2010;Schnoll et al., 2015) and those that limit themselves to the last few weeks (McMaster et al., 2002). In short, these findings indicate that the operationalization of the sexual harassment construct among peers calls for more detailed studies on its different dimensions and which afford more precise estimations of the construct's presence among adolescents. ...
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The phenomenon of adolescent sexual harassment is a topic that has taken on special relevance in recent decades. However, general consensus regarding its nature, prevalence and dimensions has yet to emerge. This study used a representative sample of 3,489 Andalusian adolescents from the second stage of Compulsory Secondary Education (E.S.O.) and the Spanish Baccalaureate (Bachillerato), and it is primarily focused on two main objectives: to test the factor structure of the “sexual harassment” scale in boys and girls, and to analyze the prevalence of hte sexual harassment among adolescent students. Descriptive analyses and confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) were performed, allowing us to explore the nature of the phenomenon and to describe its prevalence. The results obtained revealed a two-dimensional structure of this scale in both boys and girls: one dimension reflecting visual-verbal forms of sexual harassment and the second dimension including physical forms. Regarding to prevalence, the outcomes shown a high prevalence of sexual harassment involvement across both sexes during adolescence. However, boys were more involved in victimization and aggression than girls. The importance of analyzing the phenomenon in greater depth is also highlighted.
... According to developmental contextual theory (Lerner, 1991), young people's different worlds (e.g., online and offline, at school and at home) and what happens in them are inextricably linked to each other and to children's individual development. From this perspective, sexual harassment among young people is understood through the interaction between the fundamental biological and psychological changes that occur during childhood and adolescence (i.e., due to puberty) and the social and contextual conditions in which young people find themselves (Schnoll et al., 2015). For example, within the peer group, social norms related to peer sexual harassment can be powerful in regulating young people's behaviors and experiences given the importance of "fitting in" and gaining social capital (Cialdini & Trost, 1998). ...
... As a result, peer sexual harassment at this age may be more similar to other forms of victimization (e.g., bullying), in which the sexual aspects of the harassment are subordinate. In line with this reasoning, previous research has shown that same-gender harassment (and primarily boys harassing other boys) is more common in younger ages compared to in adolescence when cross-gender harassment (primarily boys harassing girls) becomes more frequent (Schnoll et al., 2015). That the boys in this study were more likely to be both victims and perpetrators of peer sexual harassment confirms that a large share of peer sexual harassment at this age is committed by boys harassing other boys. ...
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This is the first study examining peer sexual harassment among 10‐year‐olds ( N = 985), studying how being a victim, perpetrator, or witness relates to emotional problems, and how these associations are moderated by gender and class occurrence of sexual harassment. Results showed that 45% of the participants reported victimization, 17% perpetration, and 60% witnessing sexual harassment, with vast overlaps between roles. Victimization and witnessing were related to more emotional problems. Victimized girls reported more emotional problems than boys, but girls who perpetrated reported fewer emotional problems than boys. Associations between peer sexual harassment and emotional problems varied across classrooms. Our findings highlight the occurrence of peer sexual harassment in younger ages, emphasizing an ecological perspective when addressing it in school.
... Mounting evidence suggests that women experience more sexual harassment and assault than men (Cense & Brackenridge, 2001;Krebs et al., 2009;O'Hare & O'Donohue, 1998). However, recent studies also indicated there might be a more nuanced relationship between sex and sexual harassment and assault victimization-while girls reported more instances of getting unwanted sexual attention, boys reported more cases of same-sex sexual harassment victimization in school (Rolfe & Schroeder, 2020;Schnoll et al., 2015). In addition, a growing number of studies have also documented an increased risk for sexual assault and sexual harassment (referred to as bullying in school settings) victimization among sexual minority youth (Backhaus et al., 2019;Coulter et al., 2017;Espelage et al., 2015;Mennicke et al., 2020;Mitchell et al., 2014;Wang et al., 2020). ...
... Drawing from a large national dataset, the overall objective of the current study was to understand the SAH victimization prevalence and sexual identity disparities in China. Given the complex relationships among sex, sexual identity, and SAH victimization (Balsam et al., 2005;Rolfe & Schroeder, 2020;Schnoll et al., 2015), we examined the prevalence of SAH victimization, taking into account both the main effects and interaction effect of sex and sexual identity. Our specific aims were: ...
Article
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Sexual assault and harassment (SAH) has become an increasing global concern that disproportionately impacts gender and sexual minority youth, yet research is scarce outside Western nations. In addition, sexual assault and sexual harassment are closely related experiences in both academic inquiries on sexual victimization and public discussion in the global #Metoo movement. Drawing from a large Chinese college student sample (N = 50,818), we investigated the prevalence of SAH victimization during childhood, adolescence, and emerging adulthood, as well as the SAH disparities between sexual minority and heterosexual youth. The population‐weighted prevalence of SAH victimization was estimated to be 20.23% during childhood, 42.87% during adolescence, and 21.87% during emerging adulthood, with more than half of the youth (55.41%) having ever experienced any SAH. Logistic regression results suggested girls and sexual minorities were disproportionally impacted across childhood, adolescence, and emerging adulthood. The discussion is framed in the context of Chinese culture and current Chinese legislation related to SAH.
... Studd andcolleagues (1991, 1996) proposed that an imbalance between women's and men's sexual interests, wishes, and goals leads to conflicts in social interactions and, therefore, to unwanted sexual advances which can manifest themselves in sexual harassment (Studd, 1996;Studd and Gattiker, 1991). In the literature, sexual harassment is sometimes described as a form of communicating sexual attraction or romantic interest (Bendixen and Kennair, 2017) with the aim of drawing attention to oneself as a romantic partner (Schnoll, Connolly, Josephson, Pepler, and Simkins-Strong, 2015). As an example of a different interpretation of behavior, men sometimes label their behavior as a compliment towards women, whereas women label this behavior as unwanted and harassing (Rotundo, Nguyen, and Sackett, 2001). ...
... Due to different adaptive problems and different reproductive strategies, men and women differ in their sexual behavior and perception of others' behaviors (Studd and Gattiker, 1991). Sexual attention and sexually intended behavior may function to communicate sexual attraction or romantic interest (Bendixen and Kennair, 2017) and to draw the attention to oneself as a romantic partner (Schnoll et al., 2015). However, different factors influence the perception of these sexual advances as an oppression or as a romantic opportunity. ...
Article
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From an evolutionary perspective, the perception and interpretation of sexual advances depend on sex-specific mechanisms, individual differences in the perceivers' mating strategies, and the actor's attractiveness. In two studies (N = 1516), participants evaluated hypothetical situations of sexual advances from a coworker varying in attractiveness (study 1) and physical appearance or status (study 2). In both studies, men perceived sexual advances as less negative than women, especially when the advances arise from a (physically) attractive actor. Furthermore, the higher the sociosexual orientation of the participants, the less harmful these sexual advances are perceived. Finally, the same behavior from an attractive or physically attractive actor is perceived as less harmful than from an unattractive actor. Results are discussed from an evolutionary perspective on the perception of sexual advances.
... From this developmental perspective, sexual harassment in middle school years is considered a sexualized form of bullying. Drawing on evolutionary perspectives, Schnoll et al. (2015) suggested that through derogating same-sex peers, the perpetrators' status as a desirable partner for mates could be strengthened. In contrast, opposite-sex harassment could reflect a desire to communicate sexual attraction or romantic interest. ...
... By studying same-sex and opposite-sex harassment separately one discovers that although men generally report sexual harassment to the same degree as women, they typically report harassment by other men more than by women (Bendixen & Kennair, 2014;Conroy, 2013;Petersen & Hyde, 2009;Schnoll et al., 2015). This is a pattern also found in studies of aggressive behavior (Archer, 2004) reflecting stronger competiveness and the use of aggressive means among men, and in a study of sexual harassment victimization in middle school . ...
... Department of Education, Office for Civil Rights, 2001). Many scholars have also argued that behaviors that are indicative of sexual harassment come in many forms (Schnoll, Connolly, Josephson, Pepler, & Simkins-Strong, 2015), and three common expressions of sexual harassment as proposed by the tripartite model are gender-based harassment, sexual coercion, and unwanted sexual attention (Fitzgerald, Gelfand, & Drasgow, 1995;Fitzgerald & Hesson-McInnis, 1989-as cited in Schnoll et al., 2015). Initially, the model was applied to adults in the workplace, it has been extended to adolescent populations and research has confirmed the validity of these domains in middle and high school student populations (Felix & McMahon, 2006;Omerod, Collinsworth, & Perry, 2008). ...
... Department of Education, Office for Civil Rights, 2001). Many scholars have also argued that behaviors that are indicative of sexual harassment come in many forms (Schnoll, Connolly, Josephson, Pepler, & Simkins-Strong, 2015), and three common expressions of sexual harassment as proposed by the tripartite model are gender-based harassment, sexual coercion, and unwanted sexual attention (Fitzgerald, Gelfand, & Drasgow, 1995;Fitzgerald & Hesson-McInnis, 1989-as cited in Schnoll et al., 2015). Initially, the model was applied to adults in the workplace, it has been extended to adolescent populations and research has confirmed the validity of these domains in middle and high school student populations (Felix & McMahon, 2006;Omerod, Collinsworth, & Perry, 2008). ...
Article
This study employed a mixed-method design to examine sexual harassment victimization among American middle school youth (grades 5–8). Students completed a self-report measure of sexual harassment victimization and indicated where sexual harassment occurs in their school. They responded to open-ended questions about the most upsetting incident they experienced and identified characteristics of perpetrators (N = 858). Verbal victimization (e.g., unwanted sexual commentary and homophobic name-calling) was more frequent than physical victimization and sexual assault. The types of sexual harassment experienced and the perpetrators varied by sex, race, and grade level. Sexual harassment occurred most frequently in hallways, followed by classrooms, gym locker rooms, gym class, lunch room, and outside of the school. The most upsetting unwanted incidents included (1) verbal - homophobic language; (2) verbal - sexual commentary and sexual rumor spreading; (3) physical – being touched; (4) pulling down pants; (5) being sexually assaulted; and (6) dismissiveness of victimization. Girls reported other boys as perpetrators; whereas, boys reported their perpetrators as other boys and close friends. For African-American students, perpetrators were identified as older and romantic partners. For White students, perpetrators were reported as same-age peers and friends. Understanding and recognizing what constitutes sexual harassment and where it most commonly occurs among early adolescence is critical to preventing sexual harassment into late adolescence.
... Indicator means from the configural invariance model indicated that girls tended to report more bullying or harassment based on gender as well as based on other reasons. The increased rate of bullying/harassment experienced by girls based on gender is also consistent with previous studies (Lipson 2001;Pellegrini 2001;Shute, Owens and Slee 2008;Schnoll et al. 2014). ...
... These results allowed us to establish that the one-factor model exhibits partial measurement invariance between boys and girls (Vandenberg and Lance 2000). This, in addition to the fact that the factor means confirmed the prior-established pattern in the literature of increased victimization experiences for boys than for girls Pellegrini and Long 2002), and that the indicator means matched a pattern established in the literature of increased victimization experiences related to gender for girls than the boys (Lipson 2001;Pellegrini 2001;Shute, Owens and Slee 2008;Schnoll et al. 2014), allowed us to conclude that continued analysis using this one-factor structure was appropriate. ...
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This study explored the effects of being bullied from a dual-factor lens, specifically examining the relation between victimization and constructs that contribute to social-emotional well-being. Prior to carrying out the main analyses, the factor structure of self-report items related to experiencing bullying and harassment from the California Healthy Kids Survey, which was administered to more than 14,000 high school students, was examined to establish that these items represent an overall factor: students’ experience of victimization. This factor was then used as an independent variable in a series of planned comparisons with a dependent variable represented by constructs addressed by the Social Emotional Health Survey–Secondary: belief-in-self, emotional competence, belief-in-others, and engaged living. With increased frequency of victimization, suicidality increased and belief-in-others decreased. For other constructs, belief-in-self, engaged living, and depression, there were significant differences found between individuals who had experienced frequencies of bullying as low as less than once a month and those who did not experience bullying at all but no further detrimental impacts were seen with even higher frequencies of victimization, indicating that being victimized at all is significantly worse than not being victimized for these variables. Implications and future directions for research are explored.
... Other participants also indicated that it affects them negatively, leaving them with feelings of anger, vulnerability, fear, and mistrust. Schnoll et al. (2015), suggested that by sexually harassing same-sex colleagues, the offenders' (Weiner, 1985). Self-blame attributions are common responses in sexual victimization (Breitenbecher, 2006;Choi, 2024). ...
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The stereotypical gender roles have suggested that sexual harassment can mostly be studied within the feminine contexts, which may potentially invalidate any such claims made by the men present in the society since they are mostly portrayed as perpetrators during such situations. However, sexual harassment of men may generally disregard power differentials among the genders. Hence, this article aims at exploring the experiences of sexual harassment in public places among men as young adults and how often they have experienced it, also to find their coping strategies using just world belief, and resilience. This article would aid in addressing probable explanations and impacting effects of the underreported occurrences of men facing sexual harassment and attempts to highlight the need of having gender neutral laws to facilitate the victims, their families, local bodies and mental health practitioners as this abuse might make these individuals vulnerable to the acute stress disorder and anxiety disorders if its experienced for a long period of time and goes unaddressed.
... The majority of US-based studies conclude that between one-and two-thirds of adolescents report in-person sexual harassment experiences (Chiodo, Wolfe, Crooks, Hughes, & Jaffe, 2009;Gruber & Fineran, 2008;McMaster, Connolly, Pepler, & Craig, 2002;Taylor et al., 2019). 1 Sexual harassment is more common among older adolescents (Petersen & Hyde, 2009), while youth from two-parent families, and from families with greater resources, are at less risk of experiencing sexual harassment (Kaltiala-Heino, Frojd, & Marttunen, 2016). Exposure to sexual harassment is highly gendered, such that girls are equally or more likely to experience cross-gender harassment, while boys are more likely to experience same-gender harassment (Chiodo et al., 2009;Petersen & Hyde, 2009;Schnoll, Connolly, Josephson, Pepler, & Simkins-Strong, 2015). Girls also experience forms of sexual harassment that are qualitatively more severe, physically intrusive, and intimidating than their male peers (Hand & Sanchez, 2000). ...
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Introduction There are burgeoning bodies of research on cyberbullying and online sexual harassment. Yet existing work often fails to distinguish between these two unique forms of online victimization, is largely cross sectional, and based on convenience or specialized samples. We examined the prevalence, predictors, and mental health and behavioral consequences of cyberbullying and online sexual harassment using a large, representative sample of adolescents. We also considered the potential compounding effects of multiple forms of victimization, as well as gender differences in the effects of online victimization. Methods We used nationally representative, longitudinal data from the National Survey on Teen Relationships and Intimate Violence (STRiV) (n = 1,152), a US‐based sample of adolescents 10‐18 years old. Results Approximately 37% of participants reported being victims of cyberbullying, and nearly 15% reported online sexual harassment experiences. Despite cyberbullying being relatively more common, the risk factors for these two forms of online victimization were similar. In addition, cyberbullying and online sexual harassment victimization were independently associated with the full range of mental health and behavioral problems examined in this investigation. Nevertheless, our findings also provided some evidence of conditional effects, such that female adolescents, and adolescents who experienced both forms of online victimization, suffered greater deleterious outcomes. Conclusions Online sexual harassment and cyberbullying victimization have similar risk profiles, and both contribute to heightened risk of mental health and behavioral problems. Yet the prevalence and gendered nature of these experiences underscore the importance of making distinctions. We provide recommendations for future research and programmatic efforts.
... Vi har ikke funnet tilsvarende studier som har undersøkt sammenhengen mellom seksuell trakassering og ungdoms skolerelasjoner. Flere studier påpeker imidlertid at seksuell trakassering ofte foregår på skolen blant jevnaldrende (Clear et al., 2014;Hill & Kearl, 2011;Lichty & Campbell, 2012), og at seksuell trakassering forekommer mellom både samme kjønn og motsatt kjønn (Bendixen & Kennair, 2014;Bendixen & Kennair, 2017;Schnoll et al., 2015). I vår studie undersøkte vi ikke hvem som var utøver av trakasseringen eller hvor trakasseringen fant sted, men vi observerte at ungdom som har vaert utsatt for seksuell trakassering hadde dårligere relasjoner til skolen enn til venner og foreldre. ...
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Seksuell trakassering blant ungdom er et utbredt fenomen i ungdomsårene som er relativt lite undersøkt. Målet med studien er å undersøke forekomsten av seksuell trakassering og hvordan seksuell trakassering henger sammen med depressive symptomer blant norske tenåringer. I tillegg ønsker vi å undersøke om gode relasjoner ungdom har til foreldre, venner og skole har betydning for sammenhengen mellom seksuell trakassering og depressive symptomer. Dataene er hentet fra tverrsnittsundersøkelsen Ung i Oslo 2018 (n = 22 125), gjennomført blant elever fra ungdoms- og videregående skoler. Seksuell trakassering ble kartlagt gjennom spørsmål om beføling, verbal seksuell trakassering og ryktespredning. Depressive symptomer ble målt ved hjelp av Hopkins Symptoms Checklist. Studien viser at 26,5 % av guttene og 36,1 % av jentene var utsatt for én eller flere former for seksuell trakassering minst én gang de siste tolv månedene. Både for gutter og jenter var det en klar sammenheng mellom seksuell trakassering og selvrapporterte depressive symptomer. Blant ungdom med dårlige relasjoner til foreldrene sine og til skolen, var sammenhengen mellom seksuell trakassering og depressive symptomer sterkere enn blant ungdom med gode relasjoner til foreldre og skole.
... Sexual harassment can take various forms, including unwanted sexual attention or grabbing, gender-based derogatory remarks, homophobic remarks, sexual coercion, or threats relating to those domains (Schnoll et al., 2015). This broad definition of SH makes questions of prevalence difficult to answer. ...
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Adherence to rigid masculine gender role beliefs is often a significant predictor of violence perpetration; additionally, there is a consistent link among adolescent boys between experiencing victimization and perpetrating violence. This study examines the nuances in those associations specifically for sexual harassment victimization, perpetration, and masculine gender role beliefs in a rural sample of adolescent boys. A convenience sample of 236 boys’ responses to an electronic survey completed at school were examined using multiple regression analysis to explore the relation of perpetration with victimization and four gender-related attitudes, specifically male power, relationship control, acceptability of violence, and apathy toward others. Consistent with prior research, victimization was strongly related to perpetration; however, this link was true only when attitudes on male power and apathy toward others were also high. Findings indicate that certain attitudes within hegemonic masculinity may be more involved than other beliefs in the victim-to-perpetration adolescent violence cycle. Prevention programming that incorporates content on masculinity may be more effective if focused intentionally on these aspects of gender role beliefs. Implications are also discussed in the context of how rural boys may engage with ideas of masculinity.
... Although boys themselves did not admit to higher levels of sexual harassment perpetration as compared with girls, the girls were being harassed by someone. Previous research shows that when girls receive unwanted sexual attention, it most often comes from their male peers (Goldstein et al., 2007;Schnoll et al., 2015). Gallagher & Parrott, 2011;Mikorski & Szymanski, 2017), and thus boys may be imitating this behavior without being fully aware of its implications for their female victims. ...
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... Drawing on this literature, researchers have found support for the idea that economic power imbalances and heterosexism influence who gets harassed, i.e., that sexual harassment perpetration is not only attributable to male biological drives to have sex [27,28]. The developmental hypothesis provides an additional explanation for youth-perpetrated sexual harassment: adolescents and emerging adults may lack mature communication skills regarding emotional and sexual topics and use inappropriate and harassing behaviors to communicate instead [19,29]. Overall, the extant frameworks provide some structure to the current study of environmental influences on youth and young adult involvement in sexual harassment. ...
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Sexual harassment is a pervasive problem predominantly perpetrated by men. Creating cultural shifts to prevent men’s sexual harassment perpetration requires attention to community as well as individual factors. Study data were collected from a cohort of 768 youth and young adult males ages 10–18 at baseline (2013), with follow-up 3 years later. Multivariable regression was applied to assess the role of neighborhood characteristics, including crime rates, gender equality, and concentrated disadvantage, adjusting for individual sociodemographics and views on traditional gender stereotypes. The self-reported prevalence of sexual harassment perpetration was 8.8%. In neighborhoods characterized by greater concentrated disadvantage, the likelihood of male sexual harassment perpetration was significantly lower than in neighborhoods characterized by greater advantages. Relative neighborhood advantage was associated with sexual harassment perpetration even controlling for the significant positive association between espousing traditional gender stereotypes and perpetration of sexual harassment. The relative rates of neighborhood crime and gender equality did not predict young males’ sexual harassment perpetration. In sum, young men’s perpetration of sexual harassment behaviors is more common in more advantaged communities, underscoring the importance of awareness that, beyond individual attitudes, there is a collective social influence on individual behavior.
... The most common forms of PSH include making sexual comments, jokes, gestures, or looks, and touching, grabbing, or pinching in a sexual way (AAUW, 2001;Espelage et al., 2016;Hill & Kearl, 2011;Petersen & Hyde, 2009). Although both girls and boys are victims of harassment, girls experience higher frequency and more severe harassment than boys and tend to be more upset by harassment (Espelage et al., 2016;Hill & Kearl, 2011;Ormerod et al., 2008;Sagrestano, 2009;Schnoll, Connolly, Josephson, Pepler, & Simkins-Strong, 2015). ...
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Peer sexual harassment (PSH) occurs frequently and across contexts during adolescence. The current study examined the relations among PSH in school, psychological distress, sexual experimentation, and sexual risk-taking in a sample of African American middle and high school girls. Results indicate that negative body appraisals mediated the relationship between PSH and psychological distress, suggesting that PSH is one way to operationalize interpersonal sexualization and sexual objectification. PSH was directly associated with sexual experimentation, but the association between PSH and sexual experimentation was not mediated by negative body appraisals. Neither PSH nor negative body appraisals were related to sexual risk-taking. This suggests that frequent exposure to high levels of sexualization and sexual objectification, in the form of PSH, is associated with more psychological distress and sexual experimentation, but not with sexual risk-taking, regardless of how girls feel about their bodies.
... Many scholars have also argued that behaviors that are indicative of sexual harassment come in many forms (Schnoll, Connolly, Josephson, Pepler, & Simkins-Strong, 2015). Three common expressions of sexual harassment as proposed by the tripartite model are gender-based harassment, sexual coercion, and unwanted sexual attention (Fitzgerald, Gelfand, & Drasgow, 1995;Fitzgerald & Hesson-McInnis, 1989-as cited in Schnoll et al., 2015. ...
Chapter
Sexual violence in schools is pervasive. Sexual harassment, defined as unwanted sexual conduct, includes unwelcome verbal, non‐verbal, and physical behaviors that interfere with an individual's right to receive an equal education. This chapter presents an overview of extant research related to sexual violence and sexual harassment in schools. Types of sexual harassment are discussed as well as the importance of understanding the location of where these incidents occur. Specific attention is given to the role of social connectedness and homophobic teasing in relation to sexual harassment. Sociodemographic differences (race, sex, grade, and disability) are presented as well as considerations for schools including policies and procedures. Effective prevention and intervention efforts require ongoing assessment and monitoring as well as a sexual harassment policy that is consistently enforced. Effective prevention and intervention efforts require schools to take an active role including intentionality and enforcement of sexual harassment policy.
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Sexual violence among adolescents represents a significant problem in society. In this study, we aimed to examine risk factors for sexual violence perpetration in adolescent men and victimization in adolescent women among a community sample of Norwegian high school students. The participants (560 men and 751 women, aged between 16 and 21 years) responded to online questionnaires covering physical and non‐physical forms of sexual harassment and possible risk factors identified in the literature. Last year's prevalence rate of physical sexual perpetration reported by adolescent men was 7%. Comparably, the prevalence of physical sexual victimization reported by adolescent women was 30%. Path analyses suggest that sociosexuality was associated with adolescent men's sexual perpetration indirectly through sexual risk taking, alcohol intoxication, porn exposure, and sexual underperception that in turn was positively associated with undesirable non‐physical solicitation from and toward women. In addition, rape stereotypes were associated with perpetration behavior in adolescent men. For adolescent women, sociosexuality was associated with being sexually victimized primarily through sexual risk behavior, alcohol intoxication, and sexual overperception. These factors were again positively associated with sexual derogation from adolescent women and solicitation from adolescent men. Prior sexual abuse victimization was only indirectly associated with victimization. The factors associated with adolescent men's perpetration and adolescent women's victimization were highly similar. Future work aimed at reducing sexual violence in adolescence within the educational context might find it more effective to specifically target non‐physical forms of sexual harassment.
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This chapter focuses on developmental issues in the primary prevention of aggressive behavior among children, adolescents, and emerging adults. The chapter emphasizes the importance of considering social, cognitive, and psychological development when designing and implementing primary prevention programs for youth. We also review developmental changes in aggressive behavior and associated social goals, discussing different forms and functions of aggression including variations in severity as well as relational/overt, cyberbullying and online aggression, and reactive/proactive distinctions. We also review research regarding sexual harassment and harassment based on gender, sexual orientation, and race, and we discuss prominent theories of the development of aggressive behavior. In our discussion of theory, we focus on Social Learning/Social Cognitive Information Processing (SCIP) Theory and aspects of Bioecological Theory. We conclude the chapter by specifically discussing what we know about the mediating mechanisms of aggression specifically from a SCIP perspective and how these can be utilized in developmentally sensitive prevention programs. Suggestions for future research and practice are also discussed, including ideas for online or socially distanced programming.
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Interest in the correlates of victimization has significantly increased in criminology, while focusing on a few criminological theories, risky lifestyles/routine activities, and self-control. This study is to explore the applicability of five criminological theories, including social control theory, collective efficacy, and strain theories as well as risky lifestyles/routine activities and self-control to explain the correlates of repeat victimization. The current study also explores sex differences/similarities of Korean youth in the correlates of repeat victimization. Current study analyzes data from two waves of Korean Youth Panel Survey by using logistic regression. Results show that risky lifestyle/routine activities, social control, and general strain variables better explained the chance of repeat victimization than other theories (i.e., self-control and collective efficacy). In addition, this study suggests future study to focus on peer-related issues for girls’ repeat victimization and by addressing family-related issues for boys’ repeat victimization.
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This article discusses the school engagement literature and offers a conceptual framework with the intention of developing a common terminology to more efficiently organize research and practice. Three distinct perspectives are outlined in relation to school engagement: psychological, educational, and developmental. Four main contexts of school-based engagement are identified, including the student, peers, classroom, and the school environment. Although some researchers have focused on students at risk for negative developmental outcomes, the proposed model postulates that all youth benefit from school engagement. Overall, the intent of this new framework is to support efforts to promote positive student outcomes, increase psychosocial competence and efficacy, and promote life-long learning.
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Students experience many forms of victimization at school, yet few studies address more than one form of victimization. In this study, we explored the incidence of multiple forms of peer victimization, including direct verbal and physical, relational, and sexual harassment victimization among urban middle school students. We examined the overlap and gender differences among victimization experiences. Further, social cognitive theory was used to better understand how victimization experiences influence beliefs about the acceptability of aggression. Youth in 6th through 8th grades (N=111) completed self-report measures assessing peer victimization experiences and normative beliefs about aggression. Results revealed overlap between victimization experiences, suggesting that students commonly experience multiple forms of victimization by peers. Males who were sexually harassed held the strongest beliefs supporting aggression in situations without provocation. Our findings suggest that direct physical/verbal, relational, and sexual harassment victimization are inter-related experiences among youth, and these experiences differ by sex.
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School-based peer-to-peer sexual harassment (SH) emerged as an issue of concern in the early 1990s. As a developing field, this literature has several notable gaps. The current study extends previous research by, (a) exploring the understudied experiences of middle school students, (b) assessing students’ experiences witnessing SH, and (c) evaluating how SH is related to students’ emotional well-being and academic outcomes. Survey findings indicate that the vast majority of middle school students are both SH targets and witnesses. SH experiences were negatively associated with psychological well-being and academic performance. Psychological distress mediated the relationship between direct SH and academic outcomes; however, no significant relationship was found between witnessing SH and psychological or academic outcomes. Students’ incident reports offered insight into the context of SH. Most perpetrators are male, victims are both male and female, and SH occurs in public spaces with few adult witnesses. Implications for research, practice, and interventions are discussed.
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In this review, we scope the role of interpersonal relationships in students’ academic motivation, engagement, and achievement. We argue that achievement motivation theory, current issues, and educational practice can be conceptualized in relational terms. Influential theorizing, including attribution theory, expectancy-value theory, goal theory, self-determination theory, self-efficacy theory, and self-worth motivation theory, is reviewed in the context of the role of significant others in young people’s academic lives. Implications for educational practice are examined in the light of these theoretical perspectives and their component constructs and mechanisms. A trilevel framework is proposed as an integrative and relationally based response to enhance students’ motivation, engagement, and achievement. This framework encompasses student-level action (universal programs and intervention, targeted programs for at-risk populations, extracurricular activity, cooperative learning, and mentoring), teacher- and classroom-level action (connective instruction, professional development, teacher retention, teacher training, and classroom composition), and school-level action (school as community and effective leadership).
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In this comparison study of peer sexual harassment and peer violence in Johannesburg, South Africa and Chicago, US schools, the role of gender and power in the experience, perpetration and reaction to peer sexual harassment, physical violence and sexual violence are described for 208 South African students and 220 US students aged 16-18.
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This article describes a program of research designed to yield a conceptually grounded, psychometrically sound instrument for assessing the incidence and prevalence of sexual harassment in the workplace. Following the specification of a theoretical framework that is consistent with both legal guidelines and psychological research, we review the development and evaluation of a three-dimensional model of sexual harassment (gender harassment, unwanted sexual attention, and sexual coercion). Based on this model, we describe the development of a revised version of the Sexual Experiences Questionnaire (SEQ; Fitzgerald et al., 1988). Following extensive pilot work, the instrument was field tested in a large regulated utility. Data from 448 employed women (professional, technical, clerical and blue collar workers) support the reliability of the scales, and confirmatory factor analysis in this new sample confirms the stability and generalizability of the theoretical model. Following a brief review of validity data recently reported in the literature, implications for further measurement improvements are discussed.
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This study investigates the frequency, severity, and consequences of sexual harassment in American secondary schools, using 1993 survey data from a nationally representative sample of 1,203 8th to 11th graders in 79 public schools. We found that 83% of girls and 60% of boys receive unwanted sexual attention in school. Except for gender, social background is unrelated to either the probability or the severity of sexual harassment. However, factors characterizing the context of harassment are strongly associated with both occurrence and severity, the harassment experiences of friends, perceptions of the school environment for harassment, and whether the student has himself/herself harassed others. Our results led us to question the simple perpetrator-victim model, as over half of these students reported both harassing and being harassed by their classmates. Considering the many theories posed to explain sexual harassment, we recommend a culturally based theory as most consistent with our results and most helpful for schools in designing appropriate responses. We provide several policy recommendations for secondary schools to address this important and widespread phenomenon.
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The negative consequences of peer victimization on psychosocial adjustment are well documented. The consequences, however, may depend on who the bullies are. In this study, we examined the consequences of same- versus other-sex victimization. The sample consisted of 4,941 Finnish adolescents (ages 14-15; 47.7% boys). We used structural equation modeling to examine both concurrent and longitudinal associations of same- and other-sex victimization with depression, negative perception of peers, and social self-esteem. Both same- and other-sex victimization were related to psychosocial adjustment. Concurrently, the victimization experiences with same-sex peers in particular were associated with generalized cognitions about peers, whereas being bullied by other-sex peers was related to adolescents' social self-esteem more strongly than victimization by same-sex peers. The longitudinal associations, in turn, showed that only being bullied by boys had carry-over effects on girls' adjustment. Other-sex victimization can have serious consequences especially on girls' psychosocial adjustment. [Supplementary material is available for this article. Go to the publisher's online edition of the Journal of Clinical Child & Adolescent Psychology for the following supplemental resource: Complementary information on model fit indices and the nested model chi-square difference tests.].
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Data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health were used to examine school-level differences in the relations between school belonging and various outcomes. In Study 1, predictors of belonging were examined. Results indicated that belonging was lower in urban schools than in suburban schools, and lower in schools that used busing practices than those that did not. In Study 2, the relations between belonging and psychological outcomes were examined. The relations varied depending on the unit of analysis (individual vs. aggregated measures of belonging). Whereas individual students' perceptions of belonging were inversely related to depression, social rejection, and school problems, aggregated belonging was related to greater reports of social rejection and school problems and to higher grade point average. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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Risk factors for same- and other-sex victimization were examined in a longitudinal data set involving 9- to 14-year-old students. The findings regarding same-sex victimization supported the view that bullies select personally and interpersonally vulnerable targets in order to maximize their gains in status while minimizing loss of affection within their same-sex peer group. Although low self-esteem was a joint predictor of same- and other-sex victimization, rejection and lack of friends among other-sex peers failed to predict victimization by other-sex bullies, and being perceived as popular among other-sex peers increased the risk. Although the findings suggests that interpersonal risk factors for other-sex victimization differ from those found for same-sex victimization, they do not provide strong support for heterosexual interest being the basis for other-sex target selection, as suggested by some previous literature. As about half of the study participants were involved in the KiVa antibullying program, we had the possibility to examine whether the program effects were similar for same- and other-sex victimization. It turned out that in middle schools the program decreased only same-sex victimization, whereas in elementary school the decrease was observed regardless of the sex composition of bully-victim dyads. Aggr. Behav. 38:442-455, 2012. © 2012 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
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Associations among bullying, peer victimization, sexual harassment, and dating violence were examined among 684 middle and high school students. Cluster analysis of self-report measures revealed four distinct bully-victim subtypes: uninvolved, victims, bully-victims, and bullies. African-American students comprised the bully cluster more than White students, but did not report higher rates of dating violence or peer sexual harassment. Bully-victims reported significantly more physical dating violence victimization than members of all other groups, and more emotional abuse in dating relationships than uninvolved students and victims. Bully-victims and victims also reported the highest amount of peer sexual harassment. Anxiety/depression levels were highest among victims and bully-victims. Sexual harassment and dating violence experiences moderated the association between bully-victim subtype and anxiety/depression. That is, victims with the highest levels of sexual harassment and victims and bully-victims with the highest levels of dating violence reported the highest levels of anxiety/depression. Findings highlight the high-risk nature of the bully-victim group and the importance of assessing multiple forms of victimization affecting youth.
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In this study, we examined the associations between organized activity participation during early adolescence and adjustment in a large and economically diverse sample of African American and European American youth. The sample included 1,047 youth (51% female and 49% male and 67% African American and 33% European American). We used analysis of covariance techniques to examine links between participation in 8th grade school clubs, school sports teams, and out of school recreational activities and adjustment at 8th and 11th grade, controlling for a set of self-selection factors measured at 7th grade prior to activity involvement. Organized activity participation was associated with higher than expected grades, school value (i.e. perception of importance of school for the future), self-esteem, resiliency, and prosocial peers, and lower than expected risky behavior, though the pattern of findings differed by activity context, outcome, and time point. In a few of the models, the relation between activity participation and adjustment varied by gender, race, and socioeconomic status.
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A sample of 522 middle and high school students from a school district in a northeastern state in the U.S. was used to address two questions about bullying and sexual harassment: Is one more frequent than the other, and are there gender or sexual orientation differences in this regard? And, does one have greater adverse health effects than the other, and, if so, for whom? Bullying occurred more frequently than sexual harassment for both girls and boys but not among sexual minorities. Girls were bullied or harassed as frequently as boys, but sexual minorities experienced higher levels of both. Compared to bullying, sexual harassment had adverse effects on more health outcomes. These adverse effects were especially notable among girls and sexual minorities.
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Although the role of school engagement in influencing children's academic competence has been recognized in past theory and research, how school engagement may mediate the relationships between ecological and personal resources and academic competence remains largely unknown. Using structural equation modeling procedures, the present study was aimed at examining the role of school engagement in mediating the associations between ecological and personal assets and academic competence. Data from 960 participants (45.6% boys) who took part in the Grades 5 and 6 assessments of the longitudinal, 4-H Study of Positive Youth Development were used. Evidence was found for a model positing two distinct school engagement components, Behavioral and Emotional, and for the role of these facets of school engagement in the relationships between developmental assets and later academic competence. Personal and ecological assets had indirect effects on later academic competence, via behavioral and emotional school engagement. Behavioral and emotional school engagement predicted academic competence differently. Emotional engagement was indirectly linked to academic competence, via behavioral engagement. Behavioral and emotional engagement also had different individual and contextual antecedents. Implications of the findings for evaluating the role of behavioral and/or emotional school engagement in academic competence and positive youth development are discussed.
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This study examined adolescent peer-on-peer sexual assault victimization occurring within and outside school. The sample consisted of 1,086 7th through 12th grade students, with a mean age of 15. Most of the respondents were White (54%) or Black (45%), and approximately half of respondents were female (54%). A modified version of the Sexual Experiences Survey was used to assess opposite sex sexual victimization in 7th through 12th grade students. Rates of peer sexual assault were high, ranging from 26% of high school boys to 51% of high school girls. School was the most common location of peer sexual victimization. Characteristics of assault varied by location, including type of victimization, victims' grade level, relationship to the perpetrator, type of coercion, and how upsetting the assault was. Distinctions between sexual assault occurring in and out of school are conceptualized with literature on developmental changes in heterosexual relationships and aggression.
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The goal of this study was to examine sexual harassment in early adolescence. Available data indicate that peer to peer sexual harassment is prevalent in high school and is associated with psychosocial problems for both victims and perpetrators. For the present study, we adopted a developmental contextual model to examine the possibility that this behavior develops during the late elementary and middle school years and is linked to the biological and social changes that occur at this time. Youths from Grades 6-8 (N = 1,213) enrolled in seven elementary and middle schools in a large south-central Canadian city were asked to report on their sexual harassment behaviors with same- and cross-gender peers; their pubertal development, and the gender composition of their peer network. The results revealed that cross-gender harassment was distinct from same-gender harassment, increased in frequency from Grade 6 to Grade 8, and was linked to pubertal maturation and participation in mixed-gender peer groups. The implications of a developmental contextual model for understanding the emergence of this problematic behavior in adolescence are discussed.
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Relations of overt and relational aggression with perceived popularity among children and early adolescents were examined in 2 studies (Ns = 607 and 1,049). Among older youths, positive concurrent relations found between overt aggression and perceived popularity became nonsignificant when relational aggression was controlled, whereas positive associations found between relational aggression and perceived popularity held when overt aggression was controlled. Aggression and perceived popularity were not positively related for the younger participants. The 2nd study also examined the temporal ordering of these relations over 6 months. For older girls, positive relations between relational aggression and perceived popularity were bidirectional. For older boys, relational aggression did not predict increased perceived popularity, but perceived popularity predicted increased relational aggression. Implications for intervention are discussed.
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This study explores the relationship among multiple forms of peer victimization (e.g., direct physical/verbal, relational, and sexual harassment) and psychosocial adjustment among urban students and uses cluster analysis to identify subgroups of victims. Students in sixth, seventh, and eighth grade completed self-report surveys about their psychosocial adjustment, peer victimization experiences, and the gender of the other person involved. Results reveal that both physical/verbal victimization and sexual harassment were related to internalizing behavior, and sexual harassment was related to externalizing behavior. Cluster analysis revealed preliminary subgroups of victims. In addition, being victimized by a boy was more strongly related to behavior problems for both boys and girls than the experience of being victimized by a girl. Results suggest that the gender of perpetrators and victims should be considered, and there is a need to include sexual harassment in the study of peer victimization when developmentally appropriate.
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This article discusses the development and validation of a measure of adolescent students' perceived belonging or psychological membership in the school environment. An initial set of items was administered to early adolescent students in one suburban middle school (N = 454) and two multi-ethnic urban junior high schools (N = 301). Items with low variability and items detracting from scale reliability were dropped, resulting in a final 18-item Psychological Sense of School Membership (PSSM) scale, which had good internal consistency reliability with both urban and suburban students and in both English and Spanish versions. Significant findings of several hypothesized subgroup differences in psychological school membership supported scale construct validity. The quality of psychological membership in school was found to be substantially correlated with self-reported school motivation, and to a lesser degree with grades and with teacher-rated effort in the cross-sectional scale development studies and in a subsequent longitudinal project. Implications for research and for educational practice, especially with at-risk students, are discussed.
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To understand the way children develop, Bronfenbrenner believes that it is necessary to observe their behavior in natural settings, while they are interacting with familiar adults over prolonged periods of time. His book offers an important blueprint for constructing a new and ecologically valid psychology of development.
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Commitment and attachment to school and perception of school norms were examined in a sample of sixth, seventh, and eighth graders to determine whether bullies, victims, bully victims, and students who reported no or low levels of bullying and victimization differed in their level of bonding to school and their perceptions of standards and expectations for behavior in the school environment (protective factors). Risk factors for bullying were also examined. Results of a discriminant analysis demonstrated differences among the groups on the measures of risk and protective factors and perception of school norms. The grouping of variables differentiated between the comparison group and the bully, victim, and bully victim groups on a dimension of healthy functioning indicated by low risk for bullying and an investment in prosocial behaviors and beliefs. The results have implications for schools in promoting prosocial bonding through the development of academic, emotional, and social competence.
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Bullying, in the form of physically, verbally, relationally, or sexually aversive behaviors, increases as youngsters make the transition to middle school. To date, however, policy and research in education and educational psychology has attended only minimally to the social dynamics of school organization or peer groups that may underlie this crisis. We argue that a combination of school- and peer-level factors contribute to bullying, victimization, and sexual harassment. We suggest that adolescents' exploration of new social roles and their quest for status among peers are factors motivating aggression, especially as students make the transition from primary to middle school. More disturbing, and less studied, is the finding that adults in schools have a hand, either directly or indirectly, in perpetrating these acts. Suggestions for future research to guide policy are made.
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This study investigates the role of school connectedness in mediating the relation between students' sense of hope and life satisfaction for three groups: Bullied Victims, Peer Victims, and Nonvictims. Students in grades 5 to 12 (N = 866) completed the California Bully/Victim Scale, School Connectedness Scale, Children's Hope Scale, and Students' Life Satisfaction Scale. Multigroup latent mean analysis revealed significant group mean differences in hope, school connectedness, and life satisfaction, supporting our bullying classification. Multigroup structural model analysis showed differential patterns between hope, school connectedness, and life satisfaction. Specifically, school connectedness partially mediated the relation between hope and life satisfaction for the Nonvictims only. The effect of hope on school connectedness was stronger for the Bullied Victims than the Nonvictims, and the effect of hope on life satisfaction was stronger for the Peer Victims and Bullied Victims than the Nonvictims group. Implications for research and practice are discussed. © 2008 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
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Although there is growing recognition of the problem of dating violence, little is known about how it unfolds among young adolescents who are just beginning to date. This study examined classes (subgroups) and transitions between classes over three time points based on dating violence, bullying, and sexual harassment perpetration and victimization experienced by youth. The sample was ethnically diverse, consisting of 795 seventh-grade students from schools that were part of a multi-site, longitudinal evaluation of a dating violence initiative (50 % female; 27 % White, 32 % African American, 25 % Latino, 16 % other or multiple races). Results from latent transition analyses revealed five classes of students with distinct behavioral profiles: multi-problem (victimization and perpetration), bullying and sexual harassment (victimization and perpetration), bullying (victimization and perpetration) and sexual harassment (victimization only), bullying (victimization and perpetration), and a least problem group. The majority of classes were characterized by reports of both perpetration and victimization for at least one behavior. Girls were more likely to be in the less problematic classes. Class membership was fairly stable across the three time points. When students transitioned to a different class, the shift was most often from a more problematic to a less problematic class, particularly for girls. The findings support understanding dating violence within a dynamic, developmental process that recognizes related behaviors within and across individuals. Overall, the findings highlight the utility of person-oriented approaches to enhance our understanding of longitudinal profiles and transitions over time for dating violence and related behaviors.
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Victimization experiences of 504 racially diverse high school students were evaluated. Questionnaires assessed sexual harassment victimization, psychological and physical abuse in dating relationships, peer victimization, childhood sexual abuse, school belonging, and psychological functioning. Results showed that 70% of students had been sexually harassed by peers during the past year, 40% had experienced physical dating violence, 66% had been victimized by emotional abuse in dating relationships, and 54% had been bullied. A cluster analysis of victimization measures revealed heterogeneity in victimization experiences; five distinct groups of students emerged. Individuals who had experienced multiple forms of victimization tended to have lower psychological well-being and a diminished sense of school belonging. Results are discussed in terms of implications for clinical and school interventions.
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Date revised - 20070514, Language of summary - English, Number of references - 34, Pages - 85-102, ProQuest ID - 621621645, PubXState - NY, SubjectsTermNotLitGenreText - 7470 518 853 7461 1967 7664; 7487 3571 518 853; 7644 4232 7662 7631 853 3803 6657; 8689 7662 7631 853; 8699 518 853 1774 4232 7662 7631 221; 3695 7992; 5013, Target audience - Psychology: Professional & Research, Last updated - 2012-11-20, docISBN - 0789022192; 9780789022196; 0789022184; 9780789022189, Corporate institution author - Holt, Melissa K.; Espelage, Dorothy L., DOI - PSIN-2007-01930-006; 2007-01930-006; 0789022192; 9780789022196; 0789022184; 9780789022189, Achenbach, T. M., & Edelbrock, C. S. (1991a). Manual for the Child Behavior Checklist/4-18 and 1991 Profile. Burlington, VT: University of Vermont, Department of Psychiatry., American Association of University Women Educational Foundation. (1993). Hostile hallways: The AAUW survey on sexual harassment in America's schools (Research Report 923012). Washington, DC: Harris/Scholastic Research., American Association of University Women Education Foundation. (2001). Hostile Hallways: Sexual Harassment and Bullying in Schools. 2001. Washington, DC, Harris/Scholastic Research., Bernstein, D. P., & Fink, L. (1998). Childhood Trauma Questionnaire: A retrospective self-report questionnaire and manual. San Antonio, TX: The Psychological Corporation., Bookwala, Jamila, Frieze, Irene H. 1992 Predictors of dating violence: A multivariate analysis. Violence & Victims 7 4 297-311, Burcky, William, Reuterman, Nicholas 1988 Dating violence among high school students. School Counselor 35 5 353-358, Carlson, B E 1987 DATING VIOLENCE - A RESEARCH REVIEW AND COMPARISON WITH SPOUSE ABUSE SOCIAL CASEWORK-JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY SOCIAL WORK 68 1 16-23, Connolly, J., McMaster, L., Craig, W., & Pepler, D. (1997). Dating, puberty, and sexualized aggression. In A. Slep (Chair), Dating Violence: Predictors and Consequences in Normative and At-Risk Populations. Symposium conducted at the annual meeting of the Association for the Advancement of Behavior Therapy, Miami, FL., Dansky, B. S., & Kilpatrick, D. G. (1997). Effects of sexual harassment. In W. O'Donahue (Ed.), Sexual harassment: Theory, research, and treatment ( pp. 152-174). Needham Heights, MA: Allyn & Bacon., Espelage, Dorothy L., Bosworth, Kris 1999 Factors associated with bullying behavior in middle school students JOURNAL OF EARLY ADOLESCENCE 19 3 341-362, Espelage, Dorothy L., Holt, Melissa K. 2001 Bullying and victimization during early adolescence: Peer influences and psychosocial correlates Journal of Emotional Abuse 2 2-3 123-142, Espelage, D. L., Bosworth, K., & Simon, T. (2000). Examining the social environment of middle school students who bully. Journal of Counseling and Development, 78, 326-333.2000-05997-009, Finkelhor, David 1994 Current information on the scope and nature of child sexual abuse. Future of Children 4 2 31-53, Fitzgerald, L. F., & Ormerod, A. J. (1993). Breaking the silence: The sexual harassment of women in academia and the workplace. In F. L. Denmark & M. A. Paludi (Eds.), Psychology of women: A handbook of issues and theories (pp. 553-581). Westport, CT: Greenwood Press/Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc., Follette, Victoria M., Polusny, Melissa A. 1996 Cumulative trauma: The impact of child sexual abuse, adult sexual assault, and spouse abuse. Journal of Traumatic Stress 9 1 25-35, Foshee, Vangie A. 1996 Gender differences in adolescent dating abuse prevalence, types and injuries. Health Education Research 11 3 275-286, Foshee, V.A., Linder, G.F. 1996 The safe dates project: Theoretical basis, evaluation design, and selected baseline findings American Journal of Preventive Medicine 12 5 SUPPL. 39-47, Frazier, Patricia A, Cohen, B Beth 1992 Research on the sexual victimization of women: implications for counselor training. The Counseling psychologist v20 n1 p141(18), Garnefski, N., Arends, E. 1998 Sexual abuse and adolescent maladjustment : differences between male and female victims Journal of Adolescence 21 1 99-107, Goodenow, Carol 1993 The Psychological Sense of School Membership among adolescents: Scale development and educational correlates. Psychology in the Schools 30 1 79-90, Harned, M. S. (2000, May). The extent and impact of repeated and multiple victimization. Paper presented at the 72nd Annual Meeting of the Midwestern Psychological Association, Chicago, IL., Harned, M.S. (2001). Abused women or abused men? An examination of the context and outcomes of dating violence. Violence and Victims, 16(3), 269-285.114371172001-01378-003, Hoover, John H., Oliver, Ronald 1992 Bullying: Perceptions of adolescent victims in the Midwestern USA. School Psychology International 13 1 5-16, Ladd, Becky Kochenderfer, Ladd, Gary W. 2001 Variations in peer victimization: Relations to children's maladjustment. Peer harassment in school: The plight of the vulnerable and victimized. 25-48, Luster, T., Small, S. A. 1997 Sexual abuse history and problems in adolescence : Exploring the effects of moderating variables [Expérience d'abus sexuel et problà ̈mes au cours de l'adolescence : explorer les effets des variables modératrices] Journal of Marriage and Family 59 1 131-142, Malik, S., Sorenson, S. B. 1997 Community and dating violence among adolescents : Perpetration and victimization Journal of Adolescent Health 21 5 291-302, Nansel, T. R., Overpeck, M., Pilla, R. S., Ruan, W. J., Simons-Morton, B., & Scheidt, P. (2001). Bullying behaviors among US youth: Prevalence and association with psychosocial adjustment. Journal of the American Medical Association, 285(16), 2094-2100. doi: 10.1001/ jama.285.16.2094, Neufeld, Jonathan, McNamara, John R. 1999 Incidence and Prevalence of Dating Partner Abuse and Its Relationship to Dating Practices. Journal of Interpersonal Violence 14 2 125-137, O'keefe, M. 1998 Factors mediating the link between witnessing interparental violence and dating violence Journal of Family Violence 13 1 39-57, Roscoe, Bruce, Callahan, John E. 1985 Adolescents' self-report of violence in families and dating relations. Adolescence 20 79 545-553, Schneider, K. T., Swan, S. 1997 Job-related and psychological effects of sexual harassment in the workplace : Empirical evidence from two organizations Journal of Applied Psychology 82 3 401-415, Shepard, Melanie F., Campbell, James A. 1992 The Abusive Behavior Inventory: A measure of psychological and physical abuse. Journal of Interpersonal Violence 7 3 291-305, Trickett, P. K., Mcbride-chang, C. 1995 The developmental impact of different forms of child abuse and neglect Developmental Review 15 3 311-337, Weinberger, D. A., Schwartz, G. E. 1990 Distress and restraint as superordinate dimensions of self-reported adjustment: a typological perspective Journal of Personality 58 2 381-417
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The current study examined the relations among self-esteem, approving normative beliefs about bullying, school climate, and bullying perpetration using a large, longitudinal sample of children from elementary, middle, and high school. Self-report surveys were collected at two points in time over the course of 1 year from 7,299 ethnically diverse students (47.8% males, 52.2% females) in 5th, 8th, and 11th grades in 78 schools or community centers across Colorado. Results of ordinary least squares regression analyses indicated that self-esteem, school climate, and normative approval measured at Time 1 significantly predicted self-reported bullying perpetration 1 year later at Time 2, controlling for Time 1 bullying. Further, the effect of self-esteem on bullying perpetration was moderated by perceptions of school climate. When perceptions of school climate were negative (indicating poor school climate), high self-esteem predicted higher levels of bullying perpetration. In contrast, when perceptions of school climate were positive, high self-esteem predicted lower levels of bullying perpetration. The findings are discussed in terms of the need to consider individual and contextual factors and how they interact in understanding and preventing bullying in schools.
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Two leading developmentalists, Donald H. Ford and Richard M. Lerner, present the first integrative theory on human development. Through a synthesis of developmental contextualism and the Living Systems Framework, the authors develop a theory that examines how a person carries out transactions with their environment and through that transaction how their biological, psychological, behavioral and environmental elements change or remain constant. They also offer important implications of Developmental Systems Theory (DST) for research, implications for use in educational and clinical settings, and the usefulness of DST in the formulation of social policy. By integrating the results from many research investigations into a larger framework, "Developmental Systems Theory" offers researchers, professionals and students a better understanding of how multiple elements interact and shape a person's life. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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This study examined the relationships among peer-to-peer sexual harassment, school climate, adult-to-student harassment, and outcomes (psychological and physical well-being; school withdrawal and safety) for high school girls (n= 310) and boys (n= 259) recruited from seven public high schools in a Midwestern state. More frequent, severe peer harassment was associated with being female; holding climate perceptions that one's school is tolerant of the harassment of girls; and experiencing more frequent, severe harassment by school personnel. The correlates associated with outcomes varied by outcome, with climate exerting a consistent influence on boys' outcomes. Girls' outcomes were associated with climate, harassment, or both. Findings suggest that more frequent, severe experiences of sexual harassment in the schools are associated with direct, negative effects on girls and indirect, negative effects on boys and girls through a school climate that tolerates the harassment of girls.
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In this paper, we examined the forms and relationship contexts of bullying in adolescence. Using cross-sectional data, we assessed grade and sex differences in self-reports of bullying and sexually harassing peers, as well as reports of dating aggression from1896 students from early to late adolescence. Reports of bullying others were highest around the school transition, with lowest levels at the end of high school. Boys reported more bullying and sexual harassment than girls. Sexual harassment of same- and opposite-sex peers increased over the early adolescent years and leveled off in later high-school years. There were no sex differences in the prevalence of indirect or physical aggression with a dating partner. Adolescents who bullied were at increased risk for the other forms of relationship aggression. These data highlight bullying as a relationship problem and point to the need for prevention programs to curtail the use of power and aggression in adolescent relationships. Aggr. Behav. 32:376–384, 2006. © 2006 Wiley-Liss, Inc.
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The present research explores risk factors for, and longitudinal associations of, sexual harassment by peers during adolescence. Eight-hundred and seventy-two African American and European American adolescents (65.4% African American, 51.1% females) were assessed during the summer after the eighth grade (mean age=14.2 years) and then again in the 11th grade (mean age=17.1 years). At the first assessment, adolescents were asked about their experiences with sexual harassment, their psychological reactions to sexual harassment, and also about their peer relationships, perceived pubertal timing, problem behavior, and mental health. At the second assessment, adolescents reported on their problem behavior and mental health. In general, youth who associated with peers who were involved in problem behavior were at risk for victimization. Among females, those who perceived themselves to be experiencing early pubertal development were also at risk. Additionally, for some adolescents, sexual harassment predicted later adjustment difficulties.
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The psychological and educational consequences of sexual harassment for high school students were investigated in two studies. Both studies involved a modified survey originally designed for the American Association of University Women (1993). In Study 1, which involved 760 male and 779 female high school students (mainly 16- to 19-year-olds), we compared the behaviors and attitudes of (a) students who had recently been harassed and were upset by it, and (b) students who had not been harassed. Harassment led to several negative psychological and educational consequences rather than to a general stress reaction. Consequences varied with the type of harassment experienced. In Study 2, we surveyed 30 male and 67 female university students who were enrolled in a 1st year psychology course. We found that current doubt about romantic relations was associated with two types of harassment experienced during high school. Thus, some specific consequences of harassment might be long-lasting.
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Despite the growing attention devoted to the topic of sexual harassment in the vocational behavior literature, little formal theory has emerged, and, in fact, basic definitional issues remain unresolved. In the present study, 28 subjects completed 200 paired comparisons of situations describing sexual harassment in a university setting, and rated their degree of similarity on a 7-point bipolar scale. In addition, subjects rated the situations on the degree of severity, type of harassment (quid pro quo vs conditions of work) and form of coercion (psychological vs physical). The results of nonmetric multidimensional scaling analysis, supported by a complete link-cluster analysis and a vector-fitting procedure, suggest that the continuum of severity model is an oversimplification, and that at least two dimensions are required to adequately account for the data. The results of an individual differences scaling analysis are also reported and discussed in context of the differing roles played by the two sexes in interactions such as the ones examined in the present study.
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The period of early adolescence witnesses the onset of interest in heterosexual relationships. Prior to this period, youngsters spend much of their free time with same-sex peers. In the present longitudinal, multimethod study, two dimensions of heterosexual relationships were examined: cross-sex interaction and cross-sex aggression. We examined the extent to which youngsters interacted with peers of the opposite sex, as well as self-reported dating frequency. Cross-sex aggression was also examined. It was predicted that cross-sex interactions would increase with time and that youngsters would use playful strategies to initiate cross-sex interactions. Aggression was measured through self-report, direct observations, and adult completed checklists. It was predicted that both boys and girls would target opposite-sex peer for aggression. Lastly, a mediational model of sexual harassment was proposed whereby dating frequency in the middle of sixth grade would mediate the relation between bullying at the start of seventh grade and sexual harassment at the end of seventh grade. A sample of rural sixth and seventh grade students was studied across their first 2 years of middle school. Predictions were, for the most part, supported. Results are discussed in terms of the role of activity settings as specifying peer youngsters' interactions.
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To examine gender differences in prevalence and types of sexual harassment victimization experienced in grade 9 and how it contributes to relationship victimization and psychological adjustment 2.5 years later. A total of 1734 students from 23 schools completed self-report surveys at entry to grade 9 and end of grade 11. Self-report data were collected on victimization experiences (sexual harassment, physical dating violence, peer violence, and relational victimization) and adjustment (emotional distress, problem substance use, self-harm, suicidal thoughts, maladaptive dieting, feeling unsafe at school, and perpetration of violent delinquency). Separate analyses by sex were prespecified. Sexual harassment victimization was common among boys (42.4%) and girls (44.1%) in grade 9, with girls reporting more sexual jokes, comments, and unwanted touch than among boys, and with boys reporting more homosexual slurs or receiving unwanted sexual content. For girls, sexual harassment victimization in grade 9 was associated with elevated risk of self-harm, suicidal thoughts, maladaptive dieting, early dating, substance use, and feeling unsafe at school. A similar pattern of risk was found for boys, with the exception of dieting and self-harm behaviors. Adjusted odds ratios (AOR) indicated these students were significantly more likely than nonharassed students to report victimization by peers and dating partners 2.5 years later (AOR for boys and girls, respectively; all p < .01), including sexual harassment (AOR: 2.45; 2.9), physical dating violence (AOR: 2.02; 3.73), and physical peer violence (AOR: 2.75; 2.79). Gr 9 sexual harassment also contributed significantly to emotional distress (AOR: 2.09; 2.24), problem substance use (AOR: 1.79; 2.04), and violent delinquency perpetration (AOR: 2.1; 3.34) 2.5 years later (boys and girls, respectively; all p < .01). Sexual harassment at the beginning of high school is a strong predictor of future victimization by peers and dating partners for both girls and boys, and warrants greater prevention and intervention efforts.
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The current study describes longitudinal trends in sexual harassment by adolescent peers and highlights gender, pubertal status, attractiveness, and power as predictors of harassment victimization. At the end of 5th, 7th, and 9th grades, 242 adolescents completed questionnaires about sexual harassment victimization, pubertal status, and perceived power. Results indicate an increase in sexual harassment from 5th to 9th grade, with boys more likely to report harassment than girls in each grade. An analysis of harassment type indicated no gender difference in 9th grade cross-gender harassment, but boys received more same-gender harassment than girls. Pubertal status predicted concurrent sexual harassment victimization in each grade. Boys and girls with advanced pubertal status at all grades were more likely to be victims of 9th grade same-gender harassment. Adolescents with greater power at all grades were more likely to be victims of 9th grade cross-gender sexual harassment.
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School bonding refers to the "connections" that youth have with their schools and various aspects of their academic lives. School bonding may be an important concept in prevention because it has been linked to various developmental and adjustment outcomes. This paper reviews conceptualizations, measurements, and theories of school bonding. Also considered are empirical studies that have linked school bonding to a variety of outcomes (substance use, delinquency, antisocial behavior, self-esteem). The review includes examination of how school bonding serves as a mediator in these relations and, in turn, is moderated by other variables. Despite inconsistencies in conceptualization and measurement, it is concluded that school bonding is an important construct and an appropriate target for intervention. Recommendations are offered regarding future research on school bonding, especially with respect to positive developmental outcomes and examination of variables that might moderate school bonding.
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