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What Mbeki did next: Continuities in the presidential and post-presidential diplomacy of Thabo Mbeki
Abstract
Thabo Mbeki's presidency was credited with bringing vision and substance to South Africa's foreign policy through the emphasis of the African agenda. He has continued his prominent diplomatic role since the end of his official terms in office. This article examines the post-presidency of Mbeki in the context of Africa's ‘second-wave’ of democracy, which has created the opportunity for a number of former presidents and prime ministers to continue to play a meaningful role in public life after leaving office. The article also examines Mbeki's activities since leaving office, and their interaction with South African foreign policy, and with his own role in the governing ANC since being recalled from the Presidency by the party. The conclusion draws together the findings and considers Mbeki's lasting contribution to Africa's international relations.
... These criticisms largely ignore the identity Mbeki created for Pretoria in the global arena as the defender of Africa's integration and its commitment to African issues in global affairs. Mbeki's African Renaissance had three major objectives, the push for democracy in Africa, appreciation of African-ness and African solutions to African problems (Moore 2014). Thabo Mbeki's vision for Africa, best demonstrated by the African Renaissance slogan caught the attention of the globe. ...
BRICS was ostensibly established to counter the global dominance of the US. With the waning of military power and increasing reluctance to engage in hard balancing in the international system, some scholars observe that the BRICS countries are harnessing their non-military power to challenge US global hegemony through soft balancing. South Africa's membership of BRICS has generated heated debate with many considering the African powerhouse as a minnow in the grouping. Against this backdrop, this article explores if, in common with the other BRICS members, South Africa has the resources to engage in subtle means to balance the influence of the US, particularly in its region. It explores the sources of South Africa's soft power and the extent to which, if at all, the country relies on soft-balancing techniques to counter US influence. The article employs soft balancing, the soft side of balance of power theory and concludes that, like other BRICS countries, South Africa wields remarkable soft power and engages in soft balancing to counter the US' influence in Africa and (in concert with other BRICS states) at the global level.
... Although it was mooted during Mandela's administration, it was Mbeki who vigorously pushed this agenda during his tenure. The tenets of Mbeki's agenda included promoting democracy, human rights, peace and stability and enhancing Africa's role in global affairs (Moore, 2014). Core South African values are reflected in the agenda of Africa's governance architecture such as the Africa Union (AU), the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) and African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). ...
Despite increasing interest in South Africa’s soft power in recent years, little analysis is offered on the factors that hinder the projection of such soft power. Most studies have focused on the sources and the optimization of South Africa’s soft power. While this article gives a synoptic account of these sources, it offers a different perspective by engaging the constraints and contradictions that hinder and circumscribe its soft power projection. The article concludes that, in order to maximize its soft power projection, Pretoria must address the impediments that continue to undermine its power of attraction.
Despite the increasing influence of non-state actors in international affairs, soft power analysis in Africa and globally remains state-centric. By extension, assessment of individuals’ soft power is undeveloped. This article examines the extent to which, if at all, Olusegun Obasanjo and Thabo Mbeki wielded soft power in the international arena both during and after their presidencies. It examines their idiosyncratic traits and varied ideas and policies, particularly with regard to pan-Africanism and African Renaissance that generate or undercut soft power. The article concludes that Obasanjo and Mbeki have successfully used their soft power and international clout to make significant contributions in Africa and beyond.
Some commentators note that much of the literature on South Africa’s foreign policy behaviour is marked by clash of concepts, arguments and normative convictions. This clash has mainly been between two dominant intellectual traditions: realism and liberalism. Works based on each of the perspectives incline towards particular preferences, values and prescriptions–a single vision or a universalising organising principle guides the framing of policy problem, interpretation of empirical observations and prescriptions. The limitation of this mode of enquiry is that it fails to take account of the complexity of the social world and that there are many ways of looking at it. The article argues that neither of the two dominant perspectives ‘comprehensively and persuasively’ explains South Africa’s foreign policy behaviour and practice. Beyond parsimony the paper advocates scholarship grounded in ‘analytic eclecticism’. It is an approach that integrates ideas and variables associated with different theoretical perspectives. This approach is preferable because it ensures that the scholarly endeavour is sufficiently close to the experience of real world actors. It leads to deeper insights into policy behaviour and how to holistically deal with the problems associated with it.
Using as illustrative “case study”, the South African state and its foreign relations, the research project proposes an exploratory investigation of the motives underlying state actions. Broadly, the research sets itself the objective of exploring how and why South Africa as state-person justifies certain behaviours, that are often seen as harmful or contrary to its national interest, in the conduct of its international affairs. Taking on a statist-approach to understanding the conduct of foreign affairs, the research will build on established theories in IR scholarship – notably on constructivist theory – and will draw on theories from outside the discipline to address unresolved shortcomings in this theoretical school. Studying the state’s subjective Self presents a unique challenge, in that states cannot be interviewed in the fashion of ethnographic or clinical research. As such, the project proposes a qualitative study of discourses on South African foreign relations dating as far back as 1994, and relies on a diverse set of empirical sources including national policies and other official documents issued by the government on behalf of the state, as well as individual speeches and declarations by key South African political elites. The grounded theory method employed in the research is supported by Foucauldian discourse analysis, which outlines strategies and offers tools for studying the ways in which subjects construct realities and act into the external world through symbolic representations that mediate inner- and outer worlds.
In established liberal democracies, it is the norm that heads of government retire from office either because they have reached a constitutional limit to their tenure or for personal or political reasons (such as loss of health or party support), or because they have lost an election. Thereafter, where they do not remain politically prominent, they customarily fade into the background, normally to enjoy an honorific retirement in which many of them engage in remunerative reminiscence. Hence it was that when, from the end of the cold war, Africa was swept by a post-independence wave of popular revolt against personalised dictatorships, the idea that heads of government should henceforth only be allowed to serve for limited terms was widely accepted as part of the overall package which projected a return to multiparty democracy. Table 1.1 provides details of how African leaders have left or been forced from power in the 44-year-long post-colonial era. It reveals that a majority (54.3 per cent) have been forced from office unconstitutionally, the military coup being the most frequently employed means. When looked at by decade, the trend has at least been downward and sharply so in the post-cold war period. Even so, in the 1990s, more heads of state were forcibly ejected or assassinated (24 and 38.3 per cent) than retired either voluntarily or because they had been voted out of office (21 or 32.9 per cent). However, in the first four years of this current decade there has been a sharp increase in the number of political transitions involving African presidents retiring from office. The result has been a dramatic growth in the number of former heads of state 1 who now have to be accommodated by their successors.
This article offers a critical examination of South Africa's policy of ‘quiet diplomacy' towards Zimbabwe since 2000, with the reasons behind it, especially the role of Thabo Mbeki, and considers possible alternatives. It argues that liberal values in Africa are usually prioritised at the abstract level in charters and declarations such as those of the African Union (AU), the Southern African Development Community (SADC), and the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD). The translation of such values into political practice has, however, become highly problematic, and they have frequently been eclipsed by other, more pressing, imperatives impinging upon the policy-making process. South African policy towards Zimbabwe since 2000, contend the authors, captures this paradox in stark relief.
There can be little doubt that one of the most significant aspects of the current crisis in Zimbabwe, especially the events of the past two or three years, has been its international character. At the heart of President Robert Mugabe's offensive against the array of forces opposed to his rule are repeated attempts to place the Zimbabwe problem at the centre of a larger anti-imperialist and Pan-African position. These tactics have been crucial to the process of legitimising the recent actions of ZANU-PF, in power since independence in 1980. The land question in particular has been located within a discourse of legitimate redress for colonial injustice, language which has resonated on the African continent, and within the Third World more generally. Knowing that his authoritarian rule would be confronted with a widespread national and international critique centred on property rights, human rights and the rule of law, Mugabe and his advisors constructed alternative discourses around the need for renewed liberation struggle solidarity, the continuing effects of African marginalisation attendant on the globalisation process, and the presumptions of liberal imperialism. Behind this rhetorical shield, the ZANU-PF government has effectively suspended the rule of law as it attempts to bludgeon its opponents into silence. In doing so, it has enjoyed the support provided by the so-called ‘quiet diplomacy’ and ‘constructive engagement’ of other Southern and Central African governments.
Since the late 1990s onset of what has been called, the Zimbabwean 'crisis', virtually all attempts at explaining (or rationalising) South Africa's foreign policy towards Zimbabwe have been dominated by a one-dimensional focus on the political context of policy-making. In the few instances where economic considerations have come into play, the arguments have focused on altruistic motivations to avert a complete 'collapse' of the Zimbabwean economy and prevent any associated domestic and/or regional contagion.
http://www.amazon.com/Thabo-Mbeki-Battle-Soul-ANC/dp/184277848X
Thabo Mbeki plays a crucial role in world politics, but to many people he is an enigma. In this book Gumede pulls together his insights from years of reporting on the Mbeki presidency to create a sophisticated but easy-to-read account of power in South Africa. He explores the complex position that Mbeki occupies and reveals the underlying political and personal tensions that help explain the forces that have created one of the world's most powerful and enigmatic leaders. Covering Mbeki's attempts to modernize the economy and kick-start an African Renaissance, and investigating his controversial stance on issues from AIDS to Zimbabwe, the book offers invaluable insights into the arcane machinations behind political decisions that touch the lives of millions every day.
The catalytic shock of the end of the Cold War and the apparent inability of international relations (IR) theory to predict this profound change have raised questions about how we should go about understanding the world of today. Our inherited tools and ways of describing the international arena seem not to work as well as they once did. To explain and predict the behavior of the human collectivities comprising nation-states, IR theory requires a theory of human political choice. Within the study of IR, foreign policy analysis (FPA) has begun to develop such a theoretical perspective. From its inception, FPA has involved the examination of how foreign policy decisions are made and has assumed that human beings, acting individually or in collectivities, are the source of much behavior and most change in international politics. This article reviews the field of foreign policy analysis, examining its research core and its evolution to date. The overview also looks forward, pointing to the future, not only of FPA itself, but to the implications that future developments in FPA may have for the study of international relations.
In early 2004, the outbreak of political violence in Haiti and President Aristide's departure into exile provoked first a US and French military intervention to stabilize the security situation, and then deployment of a UN peacekeeping force. This article will first offer a historical narrative, placing the UN's recent intervention in the larger context of the intense international involvement in Haiti's affairs throughout the 1990s, including sanctions, UN-authorized use of force, a peacekeeping operation and years of peacebuilding efforts, all ending in failure. After identifying some of the policy lessons derived from the saga, the article then looks at the challenges ahead in relation to recent UN policy initiatives and reforms, notably on peacebuilding. It attempts to assess whether prospects for sustainable state-building in Haiti are consequently better than they were in 1994.
Many who have admired the African National Congress are confused and dismayed by post-apartheid South Africa's foreign policy on human rights and good governance, exemplified by its most important policy test to date, viz. Zimbabwe. It is argued below that understanding this policy in terms of the widely-used explanation that it represents ‘a shift from idealism to realism’ is unsatisfactory. This state-centric framework, focused on ‘national’ interests and ideals cannot accommodate the wide range of interests, ideals, and other factors that shape the policy. Instead, this investigation assumes that all foreign policies involve a close interaction between ‘realism’ (interest-driven analysis) and ‘idealism’ (beliefs/values-driven analysis). In addition to exploring this interaction, this paper also touches briefly and tentatively on the following questions: how well has South Africa's foreign policy been calculated and implemented, and what have been its effects and consequences for South Africa, Zimbabwe, and the ‘progressive’ international norms to which both South Africa and many of its critics subscribe. A subsidiary aim is to clarify some misunderstandings between South Africa and the West that frequently lead to their ‘talking past each other’ on this, and other, issues of human rights and good governance.
This article focuses on South Africa's rehabilitation from international pariah status during the apartheid years to its de facto status as leader of the African continent. Its ambitious foreign policy agenda and the pan-African revivalism of Mbeki are discussed in the context of the many constraints (the need to attract foreign investment, limited institutional capacity, ambiguities over the nature of South Africa's identity) that circumscribe its capacity to achieve these goals. While under Mandela South Africa is portrayed in foreign policy terms as an over-stretched state striving to meet the idealistic demands placed upon it by a fragile world, Mbeki's pragmatism and moderation has seen South Africa recast its role in a manner more commensurate with its size and resources. The primary aims of the Mbeki presidency are seen as a reshaping of current international norms, institutions and processes to further global justice for Africa and the South.This paper draws on previous research, which has culminated in an Adelphi Paper of the London-based International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS).
Foreign relations are the main preoccupation of South African president, Thabo Mbeki. His role perception is dominated by a mission to improve the plight of Africa, and second to that, to act as the Third World's überdiplomat. Under his administration, South Africa's foreign policy has become almost an adjunct of his more holistic diplomatic pursuits. The New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) is the magnum opus of Mbeki's foreign policy, and the success or failure of this grand design for an African renaissance will determine his legacy and make or break his leadership in South Africa and in the rest of Africa. The success of his NEPAD diplomacy is a daunting task, requiring the support of his African peers, his South African constituency, and the leadership of the developed nations of the world. Dealing with these diverse elements, Mbeki's policy-making oscillates between realism and idealism, and between ideology and interests, giving the impression of a style of a prudent bureaucrat rather than that of a single-minded reformer. In the end, his diplomacy seems to founder because it fails to satisfy the contradictory demands of any of these three constituencies. However, even if NEPAD should fail as a project, its role could be that of a harbinger of a new political and economic era in Africa and the movement away from post-colonial orthodoxy.
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I have been a loyal member of the ANC for 52 years " – Mbeki resigns in TV address', The Guardian
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Mbeki's rule in limbo as S Africa townships burn', Reuters
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