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The impact of state and federal assault weapons bans on public mass shootings

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Abstract

The purpose of the present study is to determine the effects of federal and state assault weapons bans on public mass shootings. Using a Poisson effect model and data for the period 1982 to 2011, it was found that both state and federal assault weapons bans have statistically significant and negative effects on mass shooting fatalities but that only the federal assault weapons ban had a negative effect on mass shooting injuries. This study is one of the first studies that looks solely at the effects of assault weapons bans on public mass shootings.
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Applied Economics Letters
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The impact of state and federal assault weapons bans
on public mass shootings
Mark Giusa
a Department of Economics, Quinnipiac University, Hamden, CT 06518, USA
Published online: 01 Aug 2014.
To cite this article: Mark Gius (2014): The impact of state and federal assault weapons bans on public mass shootings,
Applied Economics Letters, DOI: 10.1080/13504851.2014.939367
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13504851.2014.939367
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The impact of state and federal
assault weapons bans on public
mass shootings
Mark Gius
Department of Economics, Quinnipiac University, Hamden,
CT 06518, USA
E-mail: Mark.gius@quinnipiac.edu
The purpose of the present study is to determine the effects of federal and
state assault weapons bans on public mass shootings. Using a Poisson
effect model and data for the period 1982 to 2011, it was found that both
state and federal assault weapons bans have statistically signicant and
negative effects on mass shooting fatalities but that only the federal assault
weapons ban had a negative effect on mass shooting injuries. This study is
one of the rst studies that looks solely at the effects of assault weapons
bans on public mass shootings.
Keywords: assault weapons ban; mass shootings
JEL Classication: K14; I12
I. Introduction
According to a recent report prepared by the
Congressional Research Service (Bjelopera et al.,
2013), a public mass shooting has four distinct
attributes:
(1) Occurred in a relatively public place.
(2) Involved four or more deaths not including
the shooter.
(3) Victims were selected randomly.
(4) Shooting was not a means to a criminal end,
such as robbery or terrorism.
Examples of high-prole public mass shootings that
t this denition are Sandy Hook, Aurora, Fort
Hood, Virginia Tech and Columbine. Many of the
perpetrators in these mass shootings used multiple
types of rearms. Contrary to popular belief,
however, assault ries were not the predominant
type of weapon used in these types of crimes. In
fact, according to a recent study, handguns were the
most commonly used type of rearm in mass shoot-
ings (32.99% of mass shootings); ries were used in
only 8.25% of mass shootings (Huff-Corzine et al.,
2014). All data used in Huff-Corzine et al. (2014) is
for the period 20012010.
Even though ries are used in less than 10% of
public mass shootings, one of the rst pieces of
legislation that comes up for consideration whenever
there is a mass shooting is an assault weapons ban.
For example, after the Sandy Hook shooting, there
was a call for a revival of the 1994 federal assault
weapons ban. This rearms ban was part of the
Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act
of 1994 and outlawed semi-automatic weapons that
had certain distinguishing features, such as pistol
Applied Economics Letters, 2014
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13504851.2014.939367
©2014 Taylor & Francis 1
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grips, ash hiders and folding stocks (Koper, 2004).
The ban was very narrow; only 118 gun models were
banned under this law. In addition to banning certain
types of guns, the 1994 law also prohibited large-
capacity magazines, which held more than 10 rounds
of ammunition. This prohibition affected many more
types of guns than the assault weapons ban primarily
because many semi-automatic weapons, including
handguns, are capable of using large-capacity
magazines.
The 1994 law had several loopholes and exemp-
tions. All assault weapons and large-capacity maga-
zines manufactured prior to the effective date of the
ban were legal to own and transfer. In addition, only
exact copies of the banned assault weapon models
were banned; models without certain characteristics
were still legal even though the rate of re was the
same. Finally, there was no prohibition against new,
legal assault weapons being able to accept older,
grandfathered large-capacity magazines. Hence,
most new, legal models of assault ries could use
pre-ban large-capacity magazines. Given the above,
the federal law was limited in its ability to affect
rearm availability or crime.
Regarding state-level assault weapons bans,
California was the rst state to enact such a law in
1989. Several other states followed Californias lead
and enacted their own bans shortly thereafter
(Connecticut, Hawaii and New Jersey), and then, in
1994, the federal ban was enacted. After the federal
ban expired in 2004, all of the states that had bans
prior to 1994 opted to continue with them.
Even though there have been numerous calls for
assault weapons bans, both at the state and at the
federal level, very little research has been conducted
on the effects of these laws on mass shootings. Gius
(2014), looking at data for the period 1980 to 2009,
found that state-level assault weapons bans had no
signicant effects on gun-related murderrates, but that
the federal assault weapons ban was associated with a
19% increase in gun-related murders. Chapman et al.
(2006) examined the effects of Australias 1996 gun
law reforms on rearm-related homicides, including
mass shootings, and found that, after enactment of the
laws, there were declines in rearm-related homicides
and suicides but no signicant decrease in uninten-
tional rearm deaths. It was also noted that there were
13 mass shooting incidents in Australia in the 18years
prior to the enactment of the stricter gun control
measures but no mass shootings after passage of the
laws. Koper (2004) looked at trends and correlations
and concluded that the federal assault weapons bans
effect on gun-related violence was minimal at best.
Duwe et al. (2002) examined the effects of right-to-
carry laws on mass shootings. Using data for the
period 1977 to 1999, the authors employed both
Poisson and negative binomial models and found
that right-to-carry laws had no statistically-signicant
effects on mass shootings. Finally, Lott and Landes
(2000) looked at mass shooting incidents also for the
period 1977 to 1997 and found that states that enacted
right-to-carry laws had fewer mass shootings than
states that did not enact such laws.
The purpose of the present study is to determine the
effects of the federal and state assault weapons bans
on public mass shootings. Using a Poisson, xed-
effect model and data for the period 1982 to 2011, it
was found that both state and federal assault weapons
bans had statistically signicant and negative effects
on mass shooting fatalities but that only the federal
assault weapons ban had a negative effect on mass
shooting injuries. This study is one of the rst studies
that looks solely at the effects of assault weapons bans
on public mass shootings. Most prior studies exam-
ined the effects of other types of gun control measures
on mass shootings (Lott and Landes, 2000; Duwe
et al.,2002;Chapmanet al.,2006) or the effects of
assault weapons bans on much broader categories of
crime (Koper, 2004;Gius,2014).
II. Empirical Technique and Data
In order to determine whether assault weapons bans
have any effects on public mass shootings, the fol-
lowing equation is estimated in the present study:
Y¼α0þα1state assault weapons ban
þα2federal assault weapons ban
þα3control variables
þα4state fixed effects
þα5year fixed effects
(1)
where Yis the number of deaths or injuries due to mass
shootings. Control variables include the following: per-
centage of population that is black; population density;
percentage of population that has a 4-year college
degree; per capita median income; annual unemploy-
ment rate; percentage of population that is aged 1824;
2M. Gius
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percentage of population that is aged 2534 and per
capita prison population. The state assault weapons ban
variable is expressed as a dummy variable that equals
one if the state has an assault weapons ban and zero
otherwise. The federal assault weapons ban dummy
variable equals one for the years 19952004.
All data are state level and were collected for the
years 19822011. Socio-economic data were
obtained from the Statistical Abstract of the United
States and other relevant Census Bureau documents.
Information on state-level assault weapons bans
were obtained from Ludwig and Cook (2003), the
Legal Community against Violence, the National
Rie Association and the US Bureau of Alcohol,
Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives.
Data on mass shootings were obtained from the
Mother Jones website and the Supplementary
Homicide Reports, US Department of Justice.
According to this data, there were 57 public mass
shooting incidents from 1982 to 2011. For the assault
weapons ban period (which includes the federal ban
years and the years when states that had their own
assault weapons bans), there were 24 public mass
shootings; for the nonban period, there were 33 inci-
dents. The average number of fatalities per mass
shooting during the assault ban period was 7.5; dur-
ing the nonban period, the average number of fatal-
ities was 8.6.
III. Results and Concluding Remarks
A Poisson, two-way xed-effect model, controlling
for both state-specic and year-specic effects, was
used to estimate the effects of state and federal
assault weapons bans on public mass shootings. All
observations were weighted by state population.
Results are presented on Table 1.
These results indicate that fatalities due to mass
shootings were lower during both the federal and
state assault weapons ban periods. Although some
prior research has shown either that assault weapons
bans did not reduce crime or that they actually
increased gun-related murder rates (Gius, 2014),
the present studys focus on mass shootings shows
the effectiveness of these gun control measures in
reducing murders due to mass shootings. Regarding
the injury regression, state-level assault weapons
bans had no statistically-signicant effects, but the
federal ban had a signicant and negative effect on
mass shooting injuries.
It is important to note that these results are not
unexpected. In 2012, for example, there were 72
fatalities due to mass public shootings. Of those 72,
at least 30 were committed using a rie. In the same
year, there were 12 765 murders, of which only 322
were committed using a rie. Ries (assault weap-
ons) are used much more frequently in mass shoot-
ings than they are in murders in general. Hence, any
law that restricts access to ries is likely to be much
more effective in reducing mass shootings than it is
in reducing murders in general.
Finally, it is important to note that mass shooting
fatalities are a very small percentage of overall mur-
ders. Hence, even if a certain type of gun control
measure was found to completely eliminate mass
shootings (which assault weapons bans do not), the
overall murder rate would decline by a very small
Table 1. Poisson xed-effects regression results
Variable Mass shooting deaths Mass shooting injuries
State assault weapons ban 0.59202 (2.28)** 0.298 (1.16)
Federal assault weapons ban 1.079 (7.04)*** 1.733 (10.10)***
Proportion of population that is black 65.66 (5.33)*** 87.05 (6.20)***
Population density 0.0177 (2.73)*** 0.0542 (7.18)***
Real per capita median income 0.000029 (0.48) 0.00021 (3.53)***
Proportion of population with college degree 1.66 (0.70) 4.72 (2.21)**
Unemployment rate 0.0698 (0.02) 3.51 (1.06)
Proportion of population >18 and <25 55.21 (5.94)*** 84.27 (7.81)***
Proportion of population >24 and <35 39.20 (5.09)*** 20.59 (2.65)***
Per capita prison population 0.00362 (4.62)*** 0.00067 (0.85)
Log-likelihood 1846.48 2860.63
Notes:**1%<p-value < 5%; *** p-value < 1%.
Test statistics are in parentheses.
State and year xed effects are not reported.
Assault weapons bans and mass shootings 3
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amount. Therefore, although the results of the present
study indicate that assault weapons bans are effective
in reducing mass shooting fatalities, their effects on
the overall murder rate are probably minimal at best.
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Public Mass Shootings in the United States:
Selected Implications for Federal Public Health
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Chapman, S., Alpers, P., Agho, K. et al. (2006) Australias
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rearm suicides, and a decade without mass shoot-
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Duwe, G., Kovandzic, T. and Moody, C. (2002) The
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4M. Gius
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Although researchers have questioned their coverage and accuracy, the media routinely are used as sources of data on mass murder in the United States. Databases compiled from media sources such as newspaper and network news programs include the New York Police Department's Active Shooters file, the Brady Campaign Mass Casualty Shootings data set, and the Mother Jones database. Conversely, official crime data have been underutilized by researchers who study mass murder (for exceptions, see Duwe, 2007; Fox & Levin, 1998). In this study, we compare similarities and differences for mass murder cases in the United States as portrayed by selected mass media sources. Then, we turn our focus to a comparison of the Uniform Crime Reports' (UCR) Supplementary Homicide Report (SHR) and the National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS). Our primary focus is on mass murders involving four or more fatalities-not including the perpetrator-that have occurred between 2001 and 2010. Implications for enhancing the comprehensiveness and quality of mass murder data with the goal of increasing their usefulness for guiding prevention and risk mitigation efforts also are discussed.
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Few events obtain the same instant worldwide news coverage as multiple victim public shootings. These crimes allow us to study the alternative methods used to kill a large number of people (e.g., shootings versus bombings), marginal deterrence and the severity of the crime, substitutability of penalties, private versus public methods of deterrence and incapacitation, and whether attacks produce "copycats." The criminals who commit these crimes are also fairly unusual, recent evidence suggests that about half of these criminals have received a "formal diagnosis of mental illness, often schizophrenia." Yet, economists have not studied multiple victim shootings. Using data that extends until 1999 and includes the recent public school shootings, our results are surprising and dramatic. While arrest or conviction rates and the death penalty reduce "normal" murder rates and these attacks lead to new calls from more gun control, our results find that the only policy factor to have a consistently significant influence on multiple victim public shootings is the passage of concealed handgun laws. We explain why public shootings are more sensitive than other violent crimes to concealed handguns, why the laws reduce the number of shootings and have an even greater effect on their severity.
Evaluating Gun Policy: Effects on Crime and Violence, The Brookings Institution
  • J Ludwig
  • P Cook
Ludwig, J. and Cook, P. (Eds) (2003) Evaluating Gun Policy: Effects on Crime and Violence, The Brookings Institution, Washington, DC.
The impact of right-to-carry concealed firearm laws on mass public shootings
  • G Duwe
  • T Kovandzic
  • C Moody
Duwe, G., Kovandzic, T. and Moody, C. (2002) The impact of right-to-carry concealed firearm laws on mass public shootings, Homicide Studies, 6, 271-96. doi:10.1177/108876702237341