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Romani Minorities and Uneven Citizenship Access in the Post-Yugoslav Space
Abstract
This paper discusses the position of Romani minorities in the light of the state dissolution and further citizenship regime transformations after the disintegration of the former Socialist Yugoslavia. While observing closely the repositioning of the Romani minorities in the post-Yugoslav space, it explicates that in the case of state dissolution, the unevenness of citizenship does not only manifest in the rights dimension, but also in uneven access to citizenship with regard to new polities.
... In the same way, this can be applied to the analysis of internal displacement when the state has to (re)admit its citizens and in many cases reissue legal and qualification documents. Regardless of the fact that IDPs moved within internationally recognised state boundaries and therefore were entitled to the full rights of other citizens, the emerging scholarship on legal violence (Menjívar & Abrego, 2012;Krasniqi & Stjepanović, 2015;Sardelić, 2015) demonstrates that state classification and certification procedures might produce 'uneven citizens' (Krasniqi & Stjepanović, 2015;Sardelić, 2015) in the internally displaced population. Ukrainian citizens who moved to the UGCAs had to prove their identity, and their belonging was questioned by numerous state identification procedures. ...
... In the same way, this can be applied to the analysis of internal displacement when the state has to (re)admit its citizens and in many cases reissue legal and qualification documents. Regardless of the fact that IDPs moved within internationally recognised state boundaries and therefore were entitled to the full rights of other citizens, the emerging scholarship on legal violence (Menjívar & Abrego, 2012;Krasniqi & Stjepanović, 2015;Sardelić, 2015) demonstrates that state classification and certification procedures might produce 'uneven citizens' (Krasniqi & Stjepanović, 2015;Sardelić, 2015) in the internally displaced population. Ukrainian citizens who moved to the UGCAs had to prove their identity, and their belonging was questioned by numerous state identification procedures. ...
This Element offers a multi-scalar perspective on the transformational effects of war and dislocation on people's sense of belonging. It begins with an examination of the brief historical and socio-demographic profiles of Crimea and the Donbas, stages of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, main explanatory frameworks as presented in the scholarly literature and policy reports, with a critical re-evaluation of identity-based explanations, and the directions of conflict-driven displacement flows. It examines state failures and the role of internal displacement governance in shaping new lines of social inclusion or exclusion through the production of multiple physical, symbolic and bureaucratic borders. It discusses Ukraine's civil society response to IDP dislocation and IDPs' engagement through various formal and non-formal networks. The final section explores the multidimensional and complex (dis)connections that IDPs experience with regard to their imagined past, their new places of residence and the social groups perceived as important in their hierarchies of belonging. Link to google books: https://books.google.de/books?hl=de&lr=&id=x6XKEAAAQBAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PA1989&dq=info:KHnJ5gFq4iIJ:scholar.google.com/&ots=8Jc4spSOWd&sig=9CvgLo8E8k2Q79S7f-nyirVzoUI&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q&f=false
... If history is any predictor, many Roma were subject to years of statelessness after the wars in former Yugoslavia. 78 However, war is not the only recent crisis. e initial and long-term impacts of COVID-19 also had a significant impact on many Roma communities. ...
Roma communities in Eastern Europe have long experienced socio-political and religious marginalization, a current phenomenon resulting from complex factors spanning over centuries. The rise of evangelical and Pentecostal movements among the Roma over the last decades have contributed to social uplift and more integration in certain contexts. However, societies in crisis are often an unexpected gauge to assess realities and tensions–in this case, the war in Ukraine and COVID-19 revealed the deep suspicion and prejudice still existing toward the Roma. Nonetheless, a number of Roma Pentecostals and Baptists became actively involved in responding to both crises. First placing the relationship between religion, society, and the Roma in historical context, this paper will explore how Christian Roma reacted to the dual crises and the implications for their relationship to the wider church and society
... marginama građanstva (v. Koska i Matan, 2017;Sardelić, 2015). Ipak, bogati srpski investitor -bio on državljanin ili rezident -teško se može poimati kao građanin drugog reda. ...
U radu se analiziraju politike državljanstva i imigracije u Hrvatskoj, s posebnim osvrtom na etnifikaciju i marketizaciju građanstva koja se odvija u posljednja tri desetljeća. Studija polazi od koncepta građanstva kao "diferenciranog članstva" koji pretpostavlja da su beneficije članstva nejednako raspoređene među različitim subjektima građanstva neovisno o njihovom formalnom državljanskom statusu i često u suprotnosti s dominantnim nacionalnim mitologijama. Po modelu Rogersa Brubakera i njegovog koncepta "socijalnog zatvaranja", studije državljanstva u Hrvatskoj dosad su se bavile problematikom etniciteta i formalnog članstva. Pri tome, etnicitet se poima kao ključna kategorija koja pretpostavlja stjecanje državljanstva i građanskih prava. Nasuprot tome, slijedeći pristup Brigdet Anderson, u ovom radu na etničko državljanstvo gledam kao političku strategiju kojom se održava mit da sudjelovanje u naciji nosi jasne simboličke i materijalne koristi članstva. Ovaj rad nastojat će pokazati da procesi komodifikacije djeluju protiv logike etnonacionalizma pa se građanska prava rastaču u korist tržišta, a na štetu ciljanih socioekonomskih skupina unutar (etno)nacionalne većine i manjina. Socijalno građanstvo koje Brubaker i literatura "socijalnog zatvaranja" zanemaruju kritično je za razumijevanje građanstva kao koncepta i društvene prakse.
... The reinterpretation of who the people are can lead, ultimately, to exclusions, as seen in the cases of the Rohingya in Myanmar, Dominicans of Haitian descent in the Dominican Republic and Roma in former Yugoslav states. 20 All these cases of statelessness have their origins in crucial moments when a new definition of 'people' has become dominant in different contexts. ...
After the 2021 parliamentary elections, the Kosovo Supreme Court annulled some 5800 votes expressed for three minority lists running for guaranteed seats of the Bosniak and the Roma minorities. The court considered it impossible that they were cast by members of the respective ethnic communities. This court ruling has wider implications for consociational theory, as it makes novel normative prescriptions about group representation in divided societies. The debate in Kosovo closely mirrors similar controversies elsewhere, such as the ‘Sejdić-Finci’ case in the elections of the state presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, or the reserved parliamentary seats in Lebanon.
This chapter explores the relationship between state policies and practices, and the precarious spaces in which displaced Roma families dwell in Tirana’s banlieues. Since the collapse of communism, the neoliberal policies and specific territorial legal provisions to develop parts of the city have pushed several hundred people, including Roma, outward from the city center, toward mobility. Displaced and dispossessed, many Roma resettled in new neighborhoods and makeshift camps, new urban spaces that are formed and transformed into heterotopias at the margins of the city, institutions, and policies. Through ethnographic research among displaced Roma families on Tirana’s outskirts, this chapter examines these spaces of displacement, the conditions and temporality of their formation, and the different patterns in the production of such heterotopias of displacement and precariousness. Concurrently, it sheds light on the resistance, resilience, and resourcefulness of individuals and communities in coping with the loss of material possessions, displacement, and marginalization.
The “ geography” of the Balkans is “ prisoner” to a double discursive “incarceration” : externally, within the field of balkanism and internally, within the national paradigm. “ Geography” is a symbolically inscribed region, and the Balkans’ historical legacy defines the region as a specific “ geography,” however national paradigm defines historical legacy. If the national paradigm were abolished, this would rupture the chain of top down signification and leave the geography open to a multitude of intersecting histories. To this end, this essay examines two canons of
national paradigms: those of Benedict Anderson and Maria Todorova. Central to each paradigm is the incommensurability thesis of nationalism and racism, race, and nationality. To argue the opposite to their thesis –
that modern nations are racial formations, that nation is not imagined but rather racialized communities – this essay strategically uses “ race” to show how the national paradigm recycles Eurocentric colonial amnesia and inscribes the Balkans “ geography” as raceless.
This chapter examines the impact of institutionalised racism in Romania and elsewhere in eastern Europe, with an emphasis on the so-called ‘Gypsy problem’ whereby Romani peoples continue to be vilified as a criminal subculture across Europe. It argues that the discrimination against the Roma is a testament to the internal colonialism prevalent both around and within the geopolitical concept of ‘eastern Europe’, as well as an example of postcolonial racism in which Romani peoples become subject to new forms of economic dependency. The chapter also considers the diffuse forces of power and how they operate within the ‘Roma rights’ movement in order to explain the existence of racialised hierarchies and neo-colonial dynamics. It first provides an overview of attempts to assimilate Romani communities in central Europe since the era of the Habsburg Empire's dual monarchy and its ‘civilising mission’. The chapter then analyses (neo-)colonialism, east European ‘backwardness’, and Romani emancipation, the hegemony of human rights entrepreneurs and the rise of neo-liberal agendas, and Romani subalterity in the non-governmental organisations.
The birthplace of the nation-state and modern nationalism at the end of the eighteenth century, Europe was supposed to be their graveyard at the end of the twentieth. Yet, far from moving beyond the nation-state, fin-de-siècle Europe has been moving back to the nation-state, most spectacularly with the disintegration of the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, and Czechoslovakia into a score of nationally defined successor states. This massive reorganisation of political space along national lines has engendered distinctive, dynamically interlocking, and in some cases explosive forms of nationalism. Drawing on Pierre Bourdieu and the 'new institutionalist' sociology, and comparing contemporary nationalisms with those of interwar Europe, Rogers Brubaker provides a theoretically sophisticated and historically rich account of one of the most important problems facing the 'New Europe'.
In this fully updated edition with a new foreword by Andre Liebich, David M. Crowe provides an overview of the life, history, and culture of the Gypsies, or Roma, from their entrance into the region in the Middle Ages up until the present, drawing from previously untapped East European, Russian, and traditional sources.
We are currently witnessing the global diffusion of multiculturalism, both as a political discourse and as a set of international legal norms. States today are under increasing international scrutiny regarding their treatment of ethnocultural groups, and are expected to meet evolving international standards regarding the rights of indigenous peoples, national minorities, and immigrants. This phenomenon represents a veritable revolution in international relations, yet has received little public or scholarly attention. In this book, Kymlicka examines the factors underlying this change, and the challenges it raises. Against those critics who argue that multiculturalism is a threat to universal human rights, Kymlicka shows that the sort of multiculturalism that is being globalized is inspired and constrained by the human rights revolution, and embedded in a framework of liberal-democratic values. However, the formulation and implementation of these international norms has generated a number of dilemmas. The policies adopted by international organizations to deal with ethnic diversity are driven by conflicting impulses. Pessimism about the destabilizing consequences of ethnic politics alternates with optimism about the prospects for a peaceful and democratic form of multicultural politics. The result is often an unstable mix of paralyzing fear and naive hope, rooted in conflicting imperatives of security and justice. Moreover, given the enormous differences in the characteristics of minorities (eg., their size, territorial concentration, cultural markers, historic relationship to the state), it is difficult to formulate standards that apply to all groups. Yet attempts to formulate more targeted norms that apply only to specific categories of minorities (eg., “indigenous peoples” or “national minorities”) have proven controversial and unstable. Kymlicka examines these dilemmas as they have played out in both the theory and practice of international minority rights protection, including recent developments regarding the rights of national minorities in Europe, the rights of indigenous peoples in the Americas, as well as emerging debates on multiculturalism in Asia and Africa.
David Crowe draws from previously untapped East European, Russian, and traditional sources to explore the life, history, and culture of the Gypsies, or Roma, from their entrance into the region in the Middle Ages until the present.
The examination of both questions of power and positionality with respect to class, gender, ethnicity and other vectors of identity is fundamental to a deeper, more nuanced understanding of the hierarchies embedded within the domain of contemporary European civil society (cf. Kóczé, chapter 7). It is therefore not a coincidence that a Romani woman activist from an isolated village on the Hungarian-Ukrainian border has a decidedly different voice within the global human rights arena than an Ivy League-educated male lawyer who holds an American passport and works in Eastern Europe.