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Abstract and Figures

The aim of this paper is to study the Ivorian cocoa supply chain to determine ways to improve the financial windfall share (generated by the cocoa industry), which returns to Cote d’Ivoire through local actors. To achieve this goal, we made a descriptive analysis and schematized the different stages of the supply chain, from the farm gate to the sale of chocolate (in Western countries). This analysis has shown that actors located in consumer countries ensure the governance of this chain and also that the share of the value accruing to Cote d'Ivoire is very low. The study also shows that the best way to improve the share of Cote d'Ivoire in the financial windfall generated by the cocoa industry is to create more value for local actors, and enable the achievement of successive stages of the value chain on the Ivorian domestic market. So instead of limiting ourselves to the activities of production and export of cocoa beans to multinational grinders, the manufacture and distribution of chocolate (or cocoa-based products) worldwide should be performed from producer countries (particularly Côte d'Ivoire). This initiative will greatly reduce unemployment and improve the income of farmers, and therefore reduce poverty.
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Benoit B. MALAN,
University FHB-Abidjan, Côte d'Ivoire.
The aim of this paper is to study the Ivorian cocoa supply chain to determine ways to improve
the financial windfall share (generated by the cocoa industry), which returns to Cote d’Ivoire through
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Keywords: value chain, cocoa, poverty reduction, Côte d’Ivoire, multinational firms, vertical
JEL classification: O13, L22, F23.
1 The first version of this paper has been presented at “ Les conditions économiques de l'indépendance à l'ère de
la mondialisation. Mythes et réalités en Afrique de l'Ouest”, The colloquium of San PedroCote d’Ivoire (10-14
mars 2010).
1. Introduction
With nearly 40% of world supply and 50% of beans trade in the world since 1990, Côte
d'Ivoire has positioned itself as the world's largest cocoa producer ahead of Ghana and Indonesia. The
production of cocoa beans switched from 85,000 tonnes in 1961 to more than 1.4 million tonnes in
This product is very essential for the Ivorian economy and plays a very important role in terms
of redistribution of income. Indeed, cocoa, along with coffee, generates more than 50% of export
earnings, and makes up 10% of GDP. Cocoa production enables to inject significant cash flows in the
Ivorian economic circuit and exports of cocoa beans are the main cause of a positive trade balance for
the country. Cocoa enables to redistribute income to farmers and also enables the State to have
significant room for manoeuvre through taxes in the sector. The marketing of cocoa replenishes the
cash of some companies, enables commercial banks to get significant profit margins.
Cocoa follows a very complex transformation process from the farm gate to the purchase of
the chocolate bar by the final consumer. The upstream actors of this industry are the producers of
beans. They are a multitude of small farmers, exploiting in general plantations of less than 5 hectares
and whose production activity provides a living for nearly a quarter of the Ivorian population (Malan,
Despite the importance of the cocoa industry for the Ivorian economy, Ivorian farmers remain
very poor and the poverty rate has generally been increasing in Côte d'Ivoire between 1993 and 2008.
The poverty rate switched thus from 32.3% in 1993 to 36.8% in 1995. In 2003, it ranged between 42%
and 44.2% against 38.4% in 2002. In 2008, this rate reached 48.95% (DSRP 2010)2.
In rural areas, the poverty rate switched from 49% in 2002 to 62.45% in 2008 against 24.5%
and 29.45% over the same period in urban areas. Thus, agricultural areas are the most affected by
poverty. Yet, agriculture contributes to GDP by 27%, employs two-thirds of the active labour force
and provides, along with the agro-industrial sector, 40% of export earnings.
The poverty of the peasants of the cocoa sector is worrying. Despite the rank of world largest
cocoa producer, Côte d’Ivoire shows a poverty rate in this sector that switched from 52.4% between
2002 and 2003 to 60.8% between 2006 and 2007.
Thus, the local actors of the so complex cocoa industry (mainly farmers) only get a very small
share of the financial windfall it generates. Indeed, the activity of the Ivorian farmer, in this industry,
comes down to the production of cocoa beans. However, only 4.1% of the value of the milk chocolate
bar (in the UK, in 2004) returns to the producers of beans (Gilbert, 2006). In addition to that, the
partial local processing of Ivorian cocoa is the work of an oligopoly of grinding multinationals that
have vertically integrated the sector so as to ensure a continuous input supply. Small local businesses
play, for the most part, the role of an intermediary in the sector. Indeed, these firms add value to the
product by collecting beans at the farm gate and gathering them in suitable warehouses for exporters.
They also add value to the product by clearing it of bad beans. However, their actions in this industry
are limited only to those activities. Thus, despite the useful role played by these local firms in this
industry, they get only a very small share in the value of the final cocoa-based product.
We thus realize that Côte d'Ivoire, through all the local actors in the cocoa industry, does not
get much of the financial windfall generated by the cocoa industry. The biggest beneficiaries are the
downstream actors of the industry, not forgetting that these downstream actors are also an oligopoly of
multinational firms that have vertically integrated upstream.
How to restore the balance by retaining in Côte d’Ivoire a significant share of the financial
windfall generated by the cocoa industry and thus help reduce poverty in this country?
It is this concern that justifies the study of the value chain of cocoa originating from Côte
The rest of the paper is organized as follows, section 2 provides a brief literature review and
the third section presents the supply chain of the Ivorian cocoa. Section 4 analyzes the value chain of
cocoa and the fifth section presents opportunities, challenges and solutions for improvement. The last
section concludes the study.
2Le DSRP est le document stratégique de réduction de la pauvreté
2. Basic concept of the value chain
The term “value chain” was used for the first time by Michael Porter in his work Competitive
Advantage (Porter 1985, p52). He explains that the analysis of the value chain enables to break down
the activities of the company in sequence of elementary operations and identify sources of competitive
advantage. Porter (1985) defined value as the optimum ratio between the needs of the client, on the
one hand, and the costs associated to the product or service, on the other hand. The value therefore lies
principally at the intersection of customer relationship product process. The analysis of the value
chain is therefore a method, originally developed in order to examine the contribution of the different
processes of the organization to its competitive advantage. It is based on the idea that the organization
is composed of a chain of customer-supplier relationships, each of the intersections or interfaces of the
chain having the aim of adding value to the product(s) or service(s).
In recent years, the term “value chain” was very often used to analyze everything that
surrounds the value added by the actors to the product, from the raw material to the final consumer,
via the transformation process. Lambert et al. (1998) gives an interesting image of the value added by
choosing a particular manufacturing company and by setting the value added through the inclusion of
all the actors directly involved in the business of adding value to products.
The value chain is defined now as the full range of activities and services required to bring a
product or service, from its conception until its sale to the consumer on the final market, whether this
market is local, national, regional or global. The value chain thus includes input suppliers, producers,
processors and purchasers. These different actors are supported by service providers and benefit from
a financial and technical assistance.
The key elements of the analysis of the value chain are the choice of the sector, market
analysis (national and international), value chain mapping, performance measurement and
benchmarking, and analysis of performance gaps. The choice of the sector is made by identifying its
contribution to GDP, private investments in the sector, the relevant policy, potential employment,
local value added and possible implementation. The market analysis concerns market shares, price
trends, competition policy, connections in the global value chain, trends in technology and trends in
global policy (e.g. trade). Regarding the value chain mapping, the focus is on activities which
evolution has broken down (process activity breakdown), the industry structure, the interaction
between regulators and commercial agents. The measurement of performance is about factor costs,
transaction costs, value added and productivity. The analysis of performance gaps focuses on taxes,
tariff and non-tariff barriers, the quality of infrastructure, regulatory barriers and their enforcement
(regulatory barriers and enforcement), administrative barriers, market structure and competition
policy, factor market rigidities (factor market rigidities), limitations/price subsidies, product quality
and standards.
The analysis of the value chain is important at two levels (in terms of economic policy). In
fact, it enables the government not only to increase the ability (capacity) of local companies to
compete in the global economy, but also to improve employment opportunities and working
conditions of local populations.
3. The supply chain of the Ivorian cocoa
The structure of the cocoa industry from Côte d’Ivoire is very complex with a multitude of
stakeholders, from the production of the bean to the purchase of the chocolate bar by the final
consumer. The transformation process of cocoa into chocolate began in the plantations in Côte
d'Ivoire; values were gradually added to the cocoa bean at different successive steps of the process
which ends in supermarkets mainly in Europe and the USA. This means that the actors in this industry
are both local and international. The key local actors in this industry are farmers, cooperatives,
contractors, exporters and local grinders (ADM, Cargill, Barry Callebaut and Cemoi). To them, we
could add all the support structures (ANADER, CNRA, etc.), which through their activities of
research, education, advisory, supervision, etc., contribute to improve the quality of the product, the
yield, the income of farmers and the sustainability of cocoa cultivation.
At the international level, we find the same grinders (ADM, Cargill, Barry Callebaut), trading
houses, chocolate makers, supermarkets, etc. The world's largest grinders are present on both sides of
the cocoa industry (the domestic market and the local market).
3.1. Activities in Côte d'Ivoire
3.1.1. Production of cocoa beans
The production of cocoa is carried out in Côte d'Ivoire. Ivorian producers are farmers whose
main agricultural activity is the cultivation of cocoa, very often as family-owned business. In their
majority, they hold small plantations which areas range between 1.5 and 5 hectares. During the 2002-
2003 campaign for example, 84% of cocoa production came from farms which areas were less than 5
hectares ( BNETD, 2003). The number of Ivorian farmers, producers of cocoa beans, is estimated at
more than 700,000. Cocoa production has developed very quickly, switching from 85,000 tonnes in
1961 to more than 1.3 million tonnes in 2013. Similarly, the area under cultivation increased from 260
thousand hectares in 1961 to 2.5 million hectares in 2012 (See FAOSTAT). Figure 1 below shows the
comparative paces of cocoa production and areas under cultivation. Thus, we can notice that cocoa
production is an increasing function of the area under cultivation.
Despite this dramatic increase in production, it remains fragmented and spatially dispersed in
the southern half of the country. Thus, because of the smallness of the size of their production and
their spatial dispersion, it is expensive for farmers to carry their product themselves to the exporter for
sale. They prefer, for the most part, to sell at the farm gate to local intermediaries.
Figure 1: Evolution of the area under cultivation and production of cocoa from 1961 to 2012
Source: Based on data from FAOSTAT,
3.1.2. Local collection
It is carried out mainly by cooperatives and private intermediary firms (the contractors).
Cooperatives are essentially cooperatives of bean collection. They collect the product in the
bush from their members and resell it either to contractors or straight to exporters. For that purpose,
they have or rent vans and trucks. They have the reputation of providing the domestic market with best
quality products. During each campaign assessment, the cooperatives redistribute a portion of profits
to farmers.
They often take the products on credit and pay the farmers, once the sale is completed, within
3 to 7 days. Their operations can be guaranteed by the Guarantee Fund for Coffee and Cocoa
Cooperatives (FGCCC) up to 80% and by exporters, for the 20% remaining.
Despite their continuously growing number, they collected and marketed in 2003, on average
only 20% of the global production (BNETD, 2003). During the 2003/2004 campaign, the number of
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approved coffee and cocoa cooperatives was estimated at 620 (MINAGRA, 2004). Today, there are
2,933 (according to the general directorate of the Coffee-Cocoa CouncilH, 2013).
The purchasers (contractors and trackers)
The collection and transportation of the cocoa bean to the different shipping ports, where
exporters are based, are made by purchasers called “Contractors”. The contractors are based in cities
of the main production areas and act through their agents called Trackers. The trackers, whose
population is around 3,000, are thus the main intermediaries between producers and contractors. They
purchase, on behalf of contractors, products at the farm gate from farmers, and then convey them to
the warehouses of contractors. They have a better knowledge of the production areas and operate with
The contractors were approved by the former Coffee and Cocoa Regulatory Authority
(ARCC) (now Coffee and Cocoa Council). During the 2002-2003 campaign, there were 726 approved
contractors against 188 for 2006-2007. The contractors collect each year, nearly 80% of the global
Figure 2: Comparative evolution of the producer price and world price of cocoa
Source: Based on data from the ICCO and FAO
3.1.3. Local processing
Some firms provide local processing of a certain amount of the production of cocoa beans into
semi-finished products, that is to say, powder, butter, cocoa paste, etc. Table 1 below gives the beans
equivalent of cocoa products.
Table 1: Conversion factors in beans equivalent (kg of beans per kg of product)
FAO Ivorian authorities
Cocoa liquor 1.25 1.25
Cocoa powder and press cake 1,18 1,25
Cocoa butter 1,33 1,25
Chocolate product - 0,55625
Sources: Pontillon (1997:24) for FAO
3The Coffee-Cocoa Council is the new management body of the coffee-cocoa sector in Côte d'Ivoire. It was set
up after the post-election crisis, with the primary mission to return to a centralized management of the sector
through the PVAM (Average Anticipated Sales Programme).
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There are four main local grinders that are SACO, MICAO, UNICAO and CEMOI, with a
total grinding capacity of 350,000 tonnes, that is, nearly 24% of annual production. The particularity
of these different local grinders is that they are all processing plants of certain foreign raw beans
exporting firms. These firms therefore have two divisions, the one purchases cocoa beans for resale on
the world raw market and the other one partially processes the beans purchased to resell derivative
products (liquor, powder, butter) on the world semi-transformed market. Table 2 shows the grinding
capacity of each of these plants as well as their group membership.
Table 2: Main cocoa beans processing plants in Côte d'Ivoire and their grinding capacity since 2002
Processing plants
Group membership
Barry Callebaut
ADM (Arthur Daniel Midland)
Cemoi group
Source: Malan (2008)
Local processors get the cocoa bean either from cooperatives or from contractors, or straight
from farmers.
3.1.4. Export
Exporters are private companies that purchase cocoa beans from intermediaries (contractors
and cooperatives) to resell them later on the international market. There are three categories of
Exporting cooperatives (Coopex);
Small and medium-sized exporters (SMEX), which are local private firms;
Foreign exporters: they are often multinational firms or subsidiaries of trading houses. They
are organized in the Professional Association of Exporters of coffee and cocoa (GEPEX).
Exporters are approved by the coffee and cocoa regulatory authority. During the 2005/06
campaign, 90 exporters were approved. 11 exporters carried out 75.8% of purchases on the field
(equivalent to 964,800 tonnes). 40 exporters are in the range of those having a tonnage below 10,000
tons, often between 0 and 1,000 tons and are for the most part Coopex and Smex (BCC). The
respective market shares of Coopex and Smex were approximately 5% and 5.7% for the 2004-2005
campaign (ACE, 2005). For the 2006-2007 one, 101 exporters were approved of which 38 Coopex, 20
Smex and 43 exporting companies.
3.2. Actors and activities outside Côte d'Ivoire
The raw bean from Côte d'Ivoire is exported either to downstream processing plants of foreign
firms present on the Ivorian local market or to independent industrial and manufacturers in Western
countries. The latter directly manufacture finished products or products intended to chocolate and
biscuit industries and craftsmen that have not invested in the direct processing of cocoa beans.
Three major firms process more than 40% of cocoa beans produced in the world. Figure 3
shows the market shares of the main world bean grinders in 2007. These multinationals are established
indeed in Côte d'Ivoire; they are Barry Callebaut, Archer Daniels Midland (ADM) and Cargill. ADM
and Cargill are U.S. multinationals and more than half of the cocoa processed in Côte d'Ivoire is
exported to the U.S. (nearly 53%). The remaining percentage (nearly 47%) percent is exported to the
European continent by the Franco-Swiss Barry Callebaut and the French Cemoi. Once in the
destination country, derivative products either supply the relay processing plants of the same
multinationals, or are sold to chocolate makers and in the pharmaceutical industry.
The Netherlands and the United States are the main importers of cocoa beans originating from
Côte d’Ivoire with respective market shares of 26.7 and 25.8% (corresponding to 311,203 and 300,256
tonnes). The other countries, customers of Côte d'Ivoire, are France, Belgium, Estonia, The United
Kingdom, etc. However, the Asian market offers new opportunities for the Ivorian cocoa. Up to now,
the share of this market in the Ivorian exports is 6.6%.
Figure 3: Market shares of the major grinders of cocoa beans in 2007
Source: Based on data from the ICCO
Chocolate is the main destination of the cocoa bean. Thus, the activity of making chocolate or
chocolate products is very active in the Occident. The chocolate industry is relatively concentrated.
Indeed, the ten (10) largest chocolate makers share more than 40% of the global chocolate market (see
ICCO). Among the six chocolate-making multinationals, three are American: Hershey, Mars and
Philip Morris. The three others are European: the Swiss giant Nestlé, the British Cadbury-Schweppes
and the Italian Ferrero. They are constantly searching for new markets, developing new products, and
launching new advertising campaigns.
Figure 4: The major global chocolate industries (the main manufacturers of chocolate in the
Source: Candy Industry, January 2014
* This includes generation of non- confectionery items
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4. The value chain of cocoa
The switch from the supply chain to the value chain consists in attaching values to each of the
stages of the supply chain. This exercise is very complex with regard to cocoa in the sense that
chocolate is a very heterogeneous product (it incorporates other key inputs other than cocoa) compared
to soluble coffee, for example.
The analysis of the value chain leads to several questions. How can a cocoa bean become a
chocolate bar? How is the price X of a chocolate bar set? At which level, in the transformation process
of cocoa bean into chocolate bar, is the contribution to the value of the product most important? How
much of this value returns to Côte d'Ivoire? How is it that the actors at the lower level of the supply
chain earn much less than the chocolate makers and retailers at the upper level?
The answers to these questions are the focus of the study of the value chain.
Cocoa content of chocolate products
To produce chocolate, we necessarily need cocoa and other inputs, including milk and sugar.
The cocoa content of a particular chocolate product therefore depends on the “recipe of the producer.
In addition to that, there is a wide variety of chocolate products and recipes vary from one consumer
country to another. Graph 5 below shows the average cocoa content of certain chocolate products in
the United Kingdom, given by a study in ICCO (1990), over the period 1975-1988. Thus, the graph
shows that the cocoa content of chocolate products in the United Kingdom varies from 26.5% (for the
solid milk chocolate) to 2.5% (for chocolate liquors). This study also shows that the weighted average
of these nine varieties of products is 11.3%. Similarly, on average, cocoa counts for 39.4% of the cost
of raw materials of chocolate products.
Figure 5: Cocoa content of different chocolate products in the United Kingdom, 1975-1988
Source: ICCO (1990)
Chocolate price breakdown
How is the price of a chocolate bar set? The work of Gilbert (2006) answered this question. As
we noted above, in addition to being a very heterogeneous product, chocolate is the result of a very
complex transformation process with a multitude of stakeholders at different stages of the process. The
value attached to each of the stages of the process determines the contribution, the rent captured by
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corresponding actors at this stage. Gilbert (2006) provides information on the distribution of value in
the transformation process of the cocoa bean into milk chocolate in the United Kingdom. Thus graph 6
gives us an indicative contribution of stakeholders (in the milk chocolate industry) to the pricing of
this product in 2004. This graph shows that the producer price represents 4.1% of the market value of
the milk chocolate bar. This means that only 4.1% of the wealth generated by a milk chocolate bar
goes to the farmer, producer of the cocoa bean. When we include transportation costs, the total costs to
bear in order to get the raw material is estimated at 14.7% of the chocolate price. Processing and
distribution costs make up the most important shares of the total (respectively 40.2% and 28.0 %).
Figure 6: Indicative breakdown of costs, milk chocolate in the United Kingdom, 2004
Source: Gilbert (2006)
Furthermore, this graph informs us indirectly on the share of chocolate value that goes to the farmers
of producing countries and to Côte d'Ivoire in particular. Indeed, the mapping of the value chain
shown in graph 7 indicates that the activity of Ivorian local firms in the cocoa industry consists mainly
in the production of cocoa and, partly, in its export (less than 11% of cocoa exported by the country).
Since local exporters sell fob, this assumes that the transportation costs they bear are those required by
the conveying of cocoa beans from the farm gate to the port of Abidjan or San Pedro. In general,
according to figure 6, the share of such costs in the value of milk chocolate is estimated at 3.2%. Thus,
the wealth recovered by local exporters (when the bean originates from Côte d’Ivoire) represents
approximately 0.35% of the wealth generated by the milk chocolate industry. This means that the
share of the value captured by Ivorian nationals is very low and around 4.5%.
Figure 7: Mapping of the value chain of Ivorian cocoa
Source: Based on investigations of the author
Figure 8: Composition of chocolate
Source: LE CACAO: Un levier de développement, available at:
5. Challenges, opportunities and improvement solutions
The analysis of the cocoa value chain enables us to identify challenges and opportunities, and
to propose solutions to improve the situation of national actors and/or local companies.
The mapping of the value chain of cocoa originating from Côte d’Ivoire, represented by graph
6 above enables, not only to highlight the interactions between the main actors and their roles, as well
as vertical relationships in this cocoa industry, but also and especially to identify the levels at which
the rent is accumulated. Thus, the graph shows that the rent is accumulated at successive levels of all
the cocoa industry (from bean production to final consumption of chocolate), in Côte d'Ivoire as well
as outside the Ivorian territory.
In Côte d'Ivoire, there is cocoa rent accumulated at the level of:
- Production and supervision, by farmers and by organizations such as management bodies (ARCC,
BCC, FRC) and supporting organizations (CNRA, ANADER, FGCCC, FDPCC, ANAPROCI...);
- Local collection, by cooperatives, contractors” (and trackers) and local grinders (Micao, unicao,
saco, cemoi);
- Local processing, by the same local grinders and at a very fine scale by industrials such as Nestlé
- Export, by local exporters of raw (Coopex and Smex) , exporters of raw affiliated to multinationals
(and international trading houses) and local grinders (that export semi-processed products), but also by
industrials such as Nestlé ( that export chocolate products in the sub-region) .
White chocolate
Milk chocolate
Dark chocolate
Outside the territory of Côte d'Ivoire, the cocoa rent is accumulated at the level of:
- International trade (import), by the international trading houses, by multinationals that are both
grinders and manufacturers (Mars/ masterfoods) and Asian grinders;
- International grinding, by grinding multinationals (ADM, Cargill, Barry Callebaut, Cemoi) Asian
grinders and by multinationals that are both grinders and manufacturers;
- Industrials (chocolate ones), particularly at the level of chocolate multinationals (Nestlé, Cadbury
Schweppes, Mars/Masterfoods, Hershey FoodsCorp, Kraft Foods, etc.);
- Supermarkets and retailers.
Thus, we deduce that the governance of the cocoa value chain is ensured by a few
multinational firms, both locally and outside Côte d'Ivoire.
At the local level the leading firms which control the cocoa value chain are ADM, Cargill,
Barry Callebaut and Cemoi. On that domestic market, these leading firms determine and/or apply the
conditions under which other actors in the chain must work.
Outside Côte d’Ivoire, there are several value chains that lead to different end consumer
markets. These chains are also controlled by some large leading firms: first of all, the three large
grinders (ADM, Cargill and Barry Callebaut), then the big industrials such as Nestlé, Kraft Foods or
Ferrero, and finally some retailers/ major market chains that impose the price and quality for a
chocolate bar (for example ALDI, Walmart, Champion, Fortum&Mason , etc.).
The upstream of the value chain depends largely on the global bean price and/or cocoa
derivative products, which is the result of speculative strategies in London. Much of the wealth
generated by the industry is accumulated outside the local market of Ivorian cocoa. Global purchasers
(such as ADM, Cargill and Barry Callebaut) can get supplies straight from farmers at the farm gate in
the world. They may therefore have an oligopsony power and may thus use it to control all the beans
supply to the detriment of farmers (by influencing the pricing and taxation policy of governments).
The production methods vary at different levels of the chain. While the downstream of the
chain is controlled by a capital-intensive mass production and sophisticated services, the upstream of
the chain is determined by labour-intensive and arable land-consuming production methods.
How can we improve the situation of cocoa smallholders?
Here, the goal is to provide improvement solutions, that is to say, to see how we could keep in
Côte d'Ivoire a larger share of the wealth generated by the cocoa industry.
The ideal way to improve the situation in Côte d'Ivoire, and thus create more value for farmers
and local actors, is to enable the achievement of more successive stages of the value chain on the
Ivorian domestic market. Thus, instead of being limited to the export of cocoa beans to grinding
multinationals and/or chocolate industrials based in Europe and the United States, the making and
distribution of chocolate worldwide should be carried out from Côte d’Ivoire. Since Côte d'Ivoire
supplies nearly 40% of global shipments of cocoa beans, the new configuration of the cocoa industry
will enable to generate lots of jobs and retain a large share of the chocolate value in the country. It will
therefore help to significantly improve the farm gate price and thus the cocoa farmers’ income because
under these conditions, there will be less pressure on firms in the acquisition of their essential input.
However, the expected results of this new configuration of the cocoa industry strongly depend
on the quality of the relationships to be created with partners such as retailers and supermarkets based
in Europe and the USA so as to be able to sell the product.
Cocoa is produced mainly in the South, but consumed primarily in the North. Thus, the
production of chocolate and/or cocoa-based products originating from Côte d’Ivoire shall meet the
demands and requirements (in terms of food standards) of the European or American consumer.
The analysis of the cocoa value chain enabled us to get a better understanding of all the cocoa
industry. It showed that the governance of this chain is ensured by actors located in consumer
countries and also that the share of the wealth generated by the industry and returning to Côte d'Ivoire
is very low. Thus, to retain more value in Côte d'Ivoire, it would be important to develop a chocolate
production strategy that involves local actors, from the farm gate to the export of the finished product
to Europe and North America. This ambitious initiative could, not only greatly reduce the
unemployment rate in the post-crisis period, but it could also and essentially help improve in the end
the farmer’s income. This reconfiguration of the cocoa industry requires first and foremost the
provision of markets opportunities for the chocolate originating from Côte d'Ivoire through well-
established contracts between local actors and European and North American retailers/supermarkets.
The local production of chocolate should be made according to the standards and requirements of the
Western consumer. This restructuring cannot be achieved without the assistance of the Ivorian
Bnetd .“Les prélèvements dans la filière café-Cacao”, Rapport d’octobre 2003.
De Lattre-Gasquet M., Despreaux, D. et M. Barel. “Prospection de la Filière du Cacao” Plantations,
Recherche, Développent, 5, no. 6 (1998): 423-434.
Douglas M. Lambert, Martha C. Cooper, Janus D. Pagh. "Supply Chain Management: Implementation
Issues and Research Opportunities", International Journal of Logistics Management. 9 no. 2
(1998): 1-20.
Gereffi, G. Humphrey, J. and Sturgeon, T. The governance of global value chains, Review of
international political economy, 12, no. 1 (2005): 78-104.
Gilbert, Christopher L. Value Chain Analysis and Market Power in Commodity Processing with
Application to the Cocoa and Coffee Sectors, Discussion Paper No. 5,UniversitàdegliStudi di
Trento. (2006)
International Cocoa Organization (ICCO). “Recent evolution of the cocoa cost component in the retail
price of chocolate in the United Kingdom”, Note by the ICCO Secretariat for the Seventh
Meeting of the Advisory Group on the World Cocoa Economy, Accra, Ghana, 18-22 June
Malan B. Benoît. ‘‘Local Structure of the Ivorian Cocoa Market and Price Transmission’’, Revue
Ivoirienne des Sciences Economiques et de Gestion, 13, no. 1 (2009): 52-73.
Malan, B. Benoît B. “Firmes Agricoles, Concurrence Imparfaite et Rôle des Coopératives : Une
Application au Marché Local du Cacao en Côte d’Ivoire”, (Thèse de Doctorat, Université de
Cocody-Abidjan, 2008), 234.
MINAGRA. Etat des lieux de la filière café-cacao, octobre 2004.
Oxfam. The Cocoa Market A Background Study, 2002.
Porter, Michael E. Competitive Advantage: Creating and Sustaining Superior Performance (New
York: The Free Press, 1985), 592.
Raphael Kaplinsky Mike Morris. A handbook for value chain research. Paper prepared for the IDRC
(2000), Available at
Schmitz, Hubert. Value Chain Analysis for Policy Makers and Practitioners (International Labour
Office, Geneva, 2005), 81.
UNIDO. Inserting local industries into global value chains and global production Networks.
Opportunities and Challenges for upgrading. Vienna, 2004.
Elites transform the Global South’s raw materials into capital via convoluted and deceptive supply chains and in a way that does little to promote development. The three cases presented in this chapter demonstrate how commonplace products (iPhones, chocolate, and nuclear energy) have questionable production processes and supply chains. From child labour and conflict minerals in Africa to tax evasion in Ireland, these products expose how the Global South carries a disproportionate human, economic, and environmental burden in the global market and how the Global South is not enriched via these interactions. Instead, the conversion of raw materials to capital could be fuelling underdevelopment. The cases also show how countries in the semi-periphery are complicit in this exploitation.
After recapping the evolution of, and recent rejoinders to development theory, this paper presents the government-business-media (GBM) complex as an analytical framework for understanding the political economy of underdevelopment in the Global South. The GBM operates by means of infrastructural and affective labour and is particularly useful in highlighting how the structural (international) and descriptive (national) levels tessellate to facilitate accumulation. Having identified the nature of global accumulation, the framework is applied at the national level, while also considering the role of ‘fixed’ spatiotemporal factors (conflict, landlocked, resource richness, and ethnolinguistic plurality) in determining a country’s potential for development. Regression analysis was employed to explore how economic inputs (aid, trade, and foreign direct investment), the GBM complex, and spatiotemporal elements influence development. The findings suggest that landlocked countries in the Global South that have with weak GBMs, limited resources, and high levels of aid and foreign direct investment are most at risk of underdevelopment.
Full-text available
In 1998, the Council of Logistics Management modified its definition of logistics to indicate that logistics is a subset of supply chain management and that the two terms are not synonymous. Now that this difference has been recognized by the premier logistics professional organization, the challenge is to determine how to successfully implement supply chain management. This paper concentrates on operationalizing the supply chain management framework suggested in a 1997 article. Case studies conducted at several companies and involving multiple members of supply chains are used to illustrate the concepts described.
Full-text available
This article builds a theoretical framework to help explain governance patterns in global value chains. It draws on three streams of literature – transaction costs economics, production networks, and technological capability and firm-level learning – to identify three variables that play a large role in determining how global value chains are governed and change. These are: (1) the complexity of transactions, (2) the ability to codify transactions, and (3) the capabilities in the supply-base. The theory generates five types of global value chain governance – hierarchy, captive, relational, modular, and market – which range from high to low levels of explicit coordination and power asymmetry. The article highlights the dynamic and overlapping nature of global value chain governance through four brief industry case studies: bicycles, apparel, horticulture and electronics.
Full-text available
No abstract available.
Full-text available
Value chain analysis extends traditional supply chain analysis by locating values to each stage of the chain. This can result in a “cake division” fallacy in which value at one stage is seen as being at the expense of value at another. Over the past three decades, the coffee and cocoa industries have witnessed dramatic falls in the producer (i.e. farmer) share in rental price. Both industries are highly concentrated at the processing stage. Nevertheless, developments in the producer and retail markets are largely unconnected and there is no evidence the falls in the producer share are the result of exercise of monopoly-monopsony power. The explanation of declining producer shares is more straightforward – processing, marketing and distribution costs, incurred in consuming countries have tended to increase over time while production costs at the origin have declined.
Les prélèvements dans la filière café-Cacao Prospection de la Filière du Cacao
  • M Despreaux
  • M Barel
Bibliographie Bnetd. " Les prélèvements dans la filière café-Cacao ", Rapport d'octobre 2003. De Lattre-Gasquet M., Despreaux, D. et M. Barel. " Prospection de la Filière du Cacao " Plantations, Recherche, Développent, 5, no. 6 (1998): 423-434.
Une Application au Marché Local du Cacao en Côte d'Ivoire Etat des lieux de la filière café-cacao, octobre 2004. Oxfam. The Cocoa Market – A Background Study, 2002. Porter, Michael E. Competitive Advantage: Creating and Sustaining Superior Performance
  • B Malan
  • Benoît
Malan, B. Benoît B. " Firmes Agricoles, Concurrence Imparfaite et Rôle des Coopératives : Une Application au Marché Local du Cacao en Côte d'Ivoire ", (Thèse de Doctorat, Université de Cocody-Abidjan, 2008), 234. MINAGRA. Etat des lieux de la filière café-cacao, octobre 2004. Oxfam. The Cocoa Market – A Background Study, 2002. Porter, Michael E. Competitive Advantage: Creating and Sustaining Superior Performance (New York: The Free Press, 1985), 592. Raphael Kaplinsky Mike Morris. A handbook for value chain research. Paper prepared for the IDRC (2000), Available at Schmitz, Hubert. Value Chain Analysis for Policy Makers and Practitioners (International Labour Office, Geneva, 2005), 81. UNIDO. Inserting local industries into global value chains and global production Networks. Opportunities and Challenges for upgrading. Vienna, 2004.