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The EU and Africa since the Lisbon summit of 2007: Continental drift or widening cracks?
Abstract
This article, by providing an overall assessment of the relations between Africa and the EU since the adoption of the Joint Africa Europe Strategy in Lisbon in 2007, tests the hypothesis of a ‘continental drift’. It looks in particular at four key variables in the relationship: economy, development, governance and politics, and multilateralism. A continental drift is in the making, associated with widening cracks in economic blocks: most of the trade between the two continents is concentrated on a dozen countries on each side. Although the EU has lost some of its leadership in development policies, its funding capacities are still attractive for countries in need: the donor–recipient relation is largely maintained. Both sides have agreed to disagree or to remain quiet about their reciprocal political inconsistencies: the management of governance and political dialogue is thus carried out in a pragmatic manner. The continent-to-continent relationship remains largely a vision.
... Relations between Europe and Africa were ruled by the Lomé Conventions and since 2001 have been formalized by the Cotonou Partnership Agreement (CPA) between the European Union (EU) and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) group. (Helly 2013). The Cotonou Partnership Agreement focuses primarily on aid and trade (Helly 2013) Indeed, the future of Africa and Africans will be determined largely by the trade relationship with Europe (Goodison 2007). ...
... (Helly 2013). The Cotonou Partnership Agreement focuses primarily on aid and trade (Helly 2013) Indeed, the future of Africa and Africans will be determined largely by the trade relationship with Europe (Goodison 2007). Before dismissing this as a serious overstatement, examine the past of Africa: the slave trade, colonial protectionism and post-colonial hostility to economic nationalism, the imposition of market forces while the Europe has strengthened its common agricultural policy (Goodison 2007). ...
This book is the result of my studies, which use the Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) simulations for exploring impacts of international trade on logistics services. Because, demand for logistics depends mostly on the volume of trade and trade patterns, international trade affects the transport and logistics, as it might generate a higher or lower demand for transport and logistics services. This book consists of two parts and seven chapters. First part of the book shortly introduces you to the general concepts of the computable general equilibrium models (CGE) and presents you fundamentals of a CGE model. In each chapter of the last part, short articles that include various simulations based on various scenarios are presented. Each chapter of this book is independent of each other. I hope you will find this book informative, beneficial and appropriate for your needs.
... Similarly, with regard to the Mediterranean region, an attempt has been made to revamp EU policy by the adoption of the Agenda for Change, but the issues have still not been addressed satisfactorily. 61 If the EU genuinely desires to adopt effective development policy, it must fulfil the criteria of the three Cs, and enhance vertical and horizontal coherence. It would then push the EU and its member states to allocate more funds for development policy. ...
The development policy of EU has analyzed in context of supranationalism and intergovernmentalism through qualitative analysis. The critical evaluation of scholarly material and resources revealed that this policy area is main intergovernmental in nature, in which EU has humble role. The member states are far more dominating and hegemonic to drive the course of this policy area.
... Africa is often referred to as the "forgotten continent" in which most international actors do not have a vested interest (and Scheipers Sicurelli 2008 (Helly 2013) Indeed, the future of Africa and Africans will be determined largely by the trade relationship with Europe (Goodison 2007). Before dismissing this as a serious overstatement, examine the past of Africa: the slave trade, colonial protectionism and post-colonial hostility to economic nationalism, the imposition of market forces while the Europe has strengthened its common agricultural policy (Goodison 2007). ...
This book is the result of my studies, which use the dynamic and static Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) simulations for exploring impacts of international trade on logistics services. Because demand for logistics depends mostly on the volume of trade and trade patterns, international trade affects the transport and logistics, as it might generate a higher or lower demand for transport and logistics services. This book has two sections. The first section (static CGE) of this book consists of two parts and seven chapters. First part of the book shortly introduces you to the general concepts of the computable general equilibrium models (CGE) and presents you fundamentals of a CGE model. In each chapter of the last part, short articles that include various simulations based on various scenarios are presented. The second section (dynamic CGE) of this book consists of two parts and five chapters. First part of the book shortly introduces you to the general concepts of the computable general equilibrium models (CGE) and presents you fundamentals of a dynamic general equilibrium models. In each chapter of the last part, two short articles that simulate various scenarios are presented. Each chapter of this book is independent of each other. I hope you will find this book informative, beneficial and appropriate for your needs.
... Carbone (2011) shows how the existence of three competing visions and goals within the EU (European Commission, European Parliament and member states) clashed to negatively affect the opportunity to constructively engage with China, the newest leading and rising global donor. Helly (2013), assessing the EU-Africa partnership, argues that a growing "continental drift" is in the making due to the limitations and inefficacies (now under review) of the 2007 Joint Africa Europe Strategy. ...
A União Europeia (UE) é um dos maiores doadores mundiais de ajuda pública ao desenvolvimento (APD) a conferir um peso importante à sua relação com os países parceiros beneficiários, em particular com aqueles que são mais dependentes da ajuda concedida. Além do peso material do seu financiamento, a UE mantém laços históricos e influência diplomática, política e econômica em muitos dos países receptores de ajuda ao desenvolvimento (particularmente os da África Subsaariana). Desde os anos 2000, a política de desenvolvimento da UE não só tem sofrido grandes mudanças estruturais em seu quadro institucional, mas também começou a enfrentar um novo cenário de ajuda internacional. Este artigo explora os motivos pelos quaius a política de apoio ao desenvolvimento está sendo desafiada por instituições da própria UE, e como a organização está tentando responder a esse desafio, no contexto da mais profunda recessão econômica desde o fim da Segunda Guerra Mundial.
The Joint Africa–EU Strategy (JAES, 2007), aimed to break with the traditional donor-recipient relationship between the EU and Africa and to develop a true partnership. This paper investigates whether the JAES has succeeded in this aim. Particularly, it focuses on the principle of equality, defined as a situation where the more powerful partner does not impose its will on the less powerful partner. Empirically, it investigates the thematic partnerships on peace and security and democratic governance and human rights. Based on a review of primary and secondary literature and 32 expert interviews, the paper argues that the EU has overall treated its African counterparts as equal partners in these thematic partnerships, namely by respecting ownership and jointly deciding on what to discuss in the partnership. Nonetheless, divergences based on differences in interests and values have in some cases led to the perception from African partners that the EU did not treat them as equals.
Since 1994, the European Union (EU) has participated in 142 Election Observation Missions (EOMs) and Election Expert Missions (EEMs) (EEAS, 2016). Yet, even though they are significant, there has been limited scholarly work on EU-EOMs. This article seeks to close this gap. By offering a comprehensive analysis, this article argues that EU-EMOs exemplify how the EU and African governments see election monitoring as an instrumentalised tool. The discussion reveals that the practice of intrumentalisation significantly hinders norm diffusion through EU-EOMs. Introducing various subject areas, the first section illustrates how the EU’s role in international relations and with it EU-EOMs are marked by the EU’s dichotomous character and inherent tensions between its normative and strategic commitments. Building on these insights, the second section challenges constructivist concepts of norm diffusion. The third section projects the instrumental nature of election monitoring through the quantitative and case study analysis. This mixed methods approach aims to integrate factors that explain why actors engage with each other through EU-EOMs, notably trade, aid and legitimacy. It further scrutinises what occurs during EU-EOMs and how these interactions can lead to the internalisation of norms. The conclusion draws on the theoretical and empirical findings to discuss why the EU is unable to effectively diffuse norms through EU-EOMs and how these findings alter our understanding of election monitoring.
This paper examines the connections between identity politics and European Union (EU) aid effectiveness in peacebuilding education in Somalia. It engages with a severe educational challenge, which is that a lack of capacity in rigorous educational design and/or implementation across Somali Ministries in the South Central Zone, Somaliland and Puntland has led to the importation of multiple foreign curricula into the country simultaneously that do not address Somali history and contemporary conflict drivers and that frequently clash with local values as well as with each other. We critique this from a ‘new barbarism’ perspective, arguing that Somali voices and educational priorities have not been provided a sufficient space for expression in the EU debate on the global and therefore also the national development agenda.
Islamist militant organizations such as Al-Qaeda have discovered ungoverned spaces in Africa as a fertile territory for their disastrous agenda. While that does not necessarily represent a major threat in military terms, the radicalization of populations together with human rights violations underline the potential for a continental and even global escalation. Adequately addressing the full spectrum of this emerging threat to Africa’s and Europe’s security requires not only enhanced cooperation between the European Union (EU) and the African Union. It also necessitates the involvement of the United Nations, the Regional Economic Communities, and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. This paper will explore the EU’s role in combating terrorism in North Africa and the Sahel. Furthermore, this article will highlight the importance of enhanced cooperation between all the above-mentioned actors to address the emerging threat posed by terrorism in Africa, as well as the potential role played by the EU in facilitating such cooperation.
Since 2000 the cooperation between the European Union (EU) and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) states has been governed through the Cotonou Partnership Agreement. This article complements existing research that focuses on Brussels-based stakeholders with an analysis drawing on the existing literature and on stakeholders' perceptions of ACP–EU cooperation and ACP institutions gathered via interviews in nine ACP countries. The findings presented observe a social disconnect between, on the one hand, the Cotonou Partnership Agreement's institutions and Brussels-based representatives, and, on the other hand, the broad-based and multistakeholder partnership they are tasked to promote. The article points to low levels of support in ACP countries, particularly in Africa, to continued ACP–EU cooperation in its present form, and stresses the need for an open and participatory process of reviewing and reshaping ACP–EU relations.
This article examines regionalism in the context of the EU inter-regional relations with Africa. It especially focuses on the EU–African Union (AU) relationship. It evaluates this relationship using a typology based on the policy diffusion literature and challenges the notion that the AU is a model of the EU. It addresses the institutionalisation of Africa’s own regional integration process in the context of the EU’s broader external relations practice, which prioritises support for local processes. Rather than a model, the article argues that the EU is best placed to serve as mentor to the AU as the latter seeks to foster regional integration in Africa. By mentoring, the EU is able to fulfil its overarching external relations commitments to local ownership, and realise deepened further integration in Africa.
The European Union (EU) is a key partner for African regional organizations and a major promoter of economic and political integration in the region. Several studies have interpreted the EU's role in Africa as either a self-interested hegemonic actor or as a value oriented normative power. In this volume, Daniela Sicurelli challenges these views by taking a closer look at Europe's policies towards Sub-Saharan Africa in the area of peacekeeping, trade and development, and environmental protection. Using fresh empirical evidence, including interviews with both European and African officials, she argues that the EU is far from becoming a unitary player in Africa. Lacking a clear strategy and coherent normative framework, the EU should be considered a multi-level actor, where national and supranational institutions have different interests and push forward contrasting views of what role Europe should play in Africa. The ability of single institutions to frame an issue as requiring either intergovernmental or supranational procedures appears crucial for shaping the content of European Africa policies. An original contribution to the growing literature on the EU as an international actor, this book is extremely useful to scholars, researchers and policy-makers demanding critical work in the field of EU-Africa policy.
The past decade witnessed the intensification of the commercial and political activities of emerging powers in Africa. These activities are analysed in terms of their impact on Africa, but also how they have potentially displaced the European Union and its leading member states as the key policy interlocutors in Africa. In many domains, the EU and its member states have now been normalised to strategic partners among other strategic partners. This has not been without implications for EU policymaking in Africa. This paper claims that the complexity and multifaceted nature of interaction between the European Union and emerging powers, notably China, in trilateral cooperation in Africa suggest that these actors have mutually accepted cooperation in Africa as a necessary end to be pursued. They have as a result of their respective presence and engagement in Africa modified their policies. While cooperation is a stated end, China is seen not only as a driver of certain EU objectives, including development, but it is perceived as a brake on the codification of certain EU norms such as democracy and human rights. Similarly, the willingness of China to pursue and deepen trilateral cooperation in Africa does not appear to be an urgent policy priority. Thus, this paper contends that in addition to an understanding of trilateral cooperation, a study of individual bilateral strategies and policy adaptation sheds more light through which relations between these actors should be analysed. In the main, the paper seeks to go beyond zero-sum analyses by arguing the relationship between the EU and emerging powers, particularly China, as deserving more nuanced and fuller analyses than it currently receives, in order to understand the impact on EU policymaking on Africa.
This article reviews the EU's distinctive approach to good governance, based on policy dialogue and incentives, in light of the significant transformations that have occurred in EU development policy since the early 2000s. The argument made here is that only when the EU decided to act as a single actor was it possible to agree on a harmonised approach to good governance. By doing so, the EU sought to promote aid effectiveness and at the same time raise its profile in international politics, thus challenging the leadership of the World Bank and of the USA. It is concluded that not only has the gap between the EU's lofty ambitions and the implementation record remained wide, but also that the search for better co-ordination between European donors has resulted in decreased policy space for developing countries.
The New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) was launched in 2001 as the pre-eminent vehicle to promote Africa's recovery. Initially it was enthusiastically promoted by a select number of countries in Africa, as well as by key members within the G-8. The European Union was active in its support, particularly vis-à-vis governance issues, stating that the EU ‘finds that Africa's development efforts are best served by a greatly sharpened focus on NEPAD as the basis for partnership between Africa and the international community’. However, there have been significant problems facing NEPAD. These revolve around the actual extant political economy and dominant political cultures across Africa, which the technocratic neoliberal agenda of ‘good governance’ cannot deal with. Furthermore, the rise of Chinese engagement with Africa adds a major difficulty to Brussels' claim to be a key engine in supporting NEPAD's goals regarding governance and development. Indeed, the emergence of Chinese actors in Africa threatens to make much of the EU's policies on governance largely irrelevant, although it is acknowledged that, in the long term, Beijing's policy interests are not served by chaotically ruled states.
Peace and security are a key dimension of the Joint Africa--EU Strategy, adopted at the Lisbon Summit in December 2007. In view of its revision in 2010, a series of shortcomings and some successes can be identified in relation to four main strategic objectives: enhancing the political dialogue on common threats, building a global security partnership, promoting a people-centred approach, ensuring coordination among instruments and resources. In order to make the new peace and security partnership work, the EU is now called upon to address both external and internal challenges: supporting the development of effective African capabilities for the prevention, management and resolution of conflicts, promoting better governance and transparency standards on the continent and establishing a common EU Africa policy.
During the 1990s, conflict prevention and conflict management became core priorities of the European Union's policy towards Africa. In the current decade, conflict management with military means has become increasingly important to the EU. The article scrutinizes the efforts of the EU to develop a military conflict management policy and it shows the dynamics and the interests lying behind the two core instruments: EU military operations within the framework of the Common Foreign and Security Polity (CFSP) / European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) and the funding of ‘African solutions to African problems’. It is the argument that development of a military conflict management policy has been and still is motivated by European concerns and European interests. Only secondly is it motivated by concerns for Africa. Because CFSP/ESDP conflict management is guided by the principle of intergovernmentalism, some member states, particularly France, exert significant influence on the EU's conflict management policy in Africa.
This paper analyses the impacts of Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) between the ACP (African, Caribbean and Pacific) countries and those of the EU (European Union) in the specific case of Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). In order to comply with WTO (World Trade Organisation) requirements, the EPAs shift the trade preferences previously enjoyed by the ACP countries to a free trade regime between the EU and regional groupings of ACP countries. EPAs were supposed to fully enter into force at the end of 2007, but many ACP SSA countries have not been ready or have been reluctant to implement them at that date. EPAs are examined in their different contexts, in particular the theoretical underpinnings of trade liberalisation and regionalism respectively, as well as the increasing number of regional arrangements aiming at ‘deep’ regional integration in all parts of the world, which ensued from the disappointment with multilateralism of many developed and developing countries. EPAs are then investigated in the specific context of SSA, i.e. that of a distorted trade structure, an excessive dependence on commodity exports, fragile industrial bases, as well as by a disputed effectiveness of its many intra-SSA regional agreements. EPAs co-exist with other North-South preferential trade agreements, in particular the EU GSP (Generalised System of Preferences), including the EBA (Everything But Arms) initiative, and the US AGOA (African Growth and Opportunity Act).It is shown that EPAs will have very different outcomes depending on countries and their particular initial conditions, economic structures and regional context. It is also revealed that these outcomes depend on many variables: global factors, international prices, domestic market structures, trade policies conducted by the EU, the governments and various trade agreements to which they belong. EPA outcomes are therefore uncertain and can be assessed only on a case by case basis, at the level of countries, sectors and products. In addition, many impact assessments rely on simulations, which cannot be considered as ‘hard facts’.EPAs may have beneficial effects on SSA countries and enhance their exports and competiveness. They may constitute a mode of integration that is more efficient than multilateral liberalisation, and in fine may be a more manageable step towards multilateralisation, especially in poor countries. However, EPAs exhibit several risks, e.g. diverting trade, augmenting the complexity of the already complex ‘spaghetti bowl’ of trade arrangements, creating fiscal losses in countries that suffer from narrow fiscal bases and rely on trade taxes, eroding the existing industrial bases - which are fragile, threatened by more competitive developing countries, especially China, and often depend on the previous EU unilateral preferences - and benefiting EU firms more than those of SSA.EPAs have the ambition to foster trade, improve regional relationships, deepen north-south integration and enhance development. These are numerous objectives, and moreover countries may strongly differ: they can be reached if EPAs help countries to reinforce their capacity to conduct their policies - the ‘policy space’ - control the effects of trade diversion and displacements of industrial activities that often accompany free trade agreements, and strengthen their industrial sectors, as high-growth Asian countries.
This article overviews the development of African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) to date and examines EU involvement in this. The European Union is the major financial partner in both military and non-military assistance to the African Union (AU). Europe has shifted from being a major UN troop contributor towards the funding of African-led peace operations, as well as the emergence of time-limited, high-impact, missions. With the exception of Somalia, these ESDP operations have provided little direct security benefit to Europe and their success has been limited. They have provided experimentation opportunities of ESDP capabilities in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Chad and Guinea Bissau. Events in the eastern Congo in late 2008 demonstrate that the EU needs to consider carefully when it intervenes militarily in Africa: non-intervention and coordinated bilateral diplomatic efforts by EU member states can be more effective.
The EU and the developing world: Partnership, poverty, politization
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BRICÁAfrica in 2015: tectonic shifts continue apace', Standard Bank The online Oxford dictionary gives the following definition for continental drift: 'the gradual movement of the continents across the earth's surface through geological time
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China and the European Union in Africa: Partners or Competitors?
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Ending a dialogue of the deaf ? The EU and Africa Á From Eurafrique to Afro-Europa
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Can the Pan-African Programme revitalise the JAES?' ECDPM Briefing Note 42
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Africa and the West: Understanding their Difference
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