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Journal of Sustainable Tourism
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Indigenous ecotourism in the Mayan
rainforest of Palenque: empowerment
issues in sustainable development
Adrian Mendoza Ramos a & Bruce Prideaux a
a School of Business , James Cook University , P.O. Box 6811,
Cairns , 4870 , Australia
Published online: 03 Sep 2013.
To cite this article: Journal of Sustainable Tourism (2013): Indigenous ecotourism in the Mayan
rainforest of Palenque: empowerment issues in sustainable development, Journal of Sustainable
Tourism
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09669582.2013.828730
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Journal of Sustainable Tourism,2013
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09669582.2013.828730
Indigenous ecotourism in the Mayan rainforest of Palenque:
empowerment issues in sustainable development
Adrian Mendoza Ramos∗and Bruce Prideaux
School of Business, James Cook University, P.O. Box 6811, Cairns 4870, Australia
(Received 9 July 2011; accepted 19 June 2013)
Indigenous ecotourism in the Mayan rainforest has received little research attention.
This study examines issues related to the level of empowerment in a Mayan village
located near the Palenque World Heritage Site in southern Mexico. An adapted empow-
erment framework was used to assess community empowerment and its relationship with
stakeholders’ participation by collecting the views of internal and external stakeholders
in indigenous ecotourism. Using a checklist of 60 empowerment indicators, the study
developed a wheel of empowerment tool that graphically illustrates and compares levels
of empowerment/disempowerment in local communities. Results indicate that although
there is a will from many villagers to participate in tourism, lack of knowledge, limited
economic resources and the poor negotiation skills of local leaders have disempowered
the community from undertaking ecotourism ventures. Non Governmental Organisa-
tions (NGOs) have not supported the community until recently, the private sector has
played little part, and while the Mexican government is shaping the course of indige-
nous ecotourism with support programmes, state agencies have resisted local ecotourism
development. Overall, the community fell below the midpoint on the Wheel of Empow-
erment Scale. These findings show a need for more effective empowerment strategies
to maximise community involvement in managing cultural and natural resources for
tourism development.
Keywords: indigenous ecotourism; empowerment; stakeholders; Mayan rainforest;
Mexico
Introduction
The Selva Maya is one of the largest remaining zones of tropical forest in Latin America,
covering an area that includes southern Mexico, Guatemala, Belize and western Honduras
and is home to many indigenous Mayan communities. The ancient Mayan of this region
left their modern descendants a valuable legacy of archaeology, culture and nature, which
now provides the raw material for the creation of a world-class ecotourism experience and
the potential to develop the region’s most sustainable industry (Primack, Bray, Galleti, &
Ponciano, 1998). Mexico’s indigenous Mayan communities have communal property rights
and control of their land. Under this system many Mayan communities have adopted an
unsustainable approach to the use of communal lands based on hunting, excessive logging,
cattle grazing and cropping. In recent decades, the growth in tourism in the Mayan region has
afforded interested communities the opportunity to engage in ecotourism as an alternative
to traditional livelihoods.
Empowerment is one of the many issues confronting indigenous communities interested
in participating in the tourism economy. As Timothy (2007) noted, empowerment refers to
∗Corresponding author. Email: adrian.mendozaramos@my.jcu.edu.au
C
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2A. Mendoza Ramos and B. Prideaux
the ability of local communities to have the authority to act, exercise a choice of actions and
have control over decisions and resources. Empowerment of this nature has two elements: it
may facilitate involvement in agreed-upon activities or alternatively it can mean exclusion
from activities that elements of the community may not wish to engage in. The ability
for community members to participate in ecotourism ventures is, however, limited by the
extent that ecotourism is accepted as a replacement for traditional activities. And, even
where there is an agreement for participation in ecotourism ventures the ultimate success of
such ventures depends to a large extent on the level of involvement of external stakeholders
including tour operators, government agencies and wholesalers (Nault & Stapleton, 2011).
This paper examines aspects of empowerment in El Naranjo, an indigenous Mayan com-
munity in Mexico, with a specific focus on issues that have arisen as some community mem-
bers have sought to become involved in ecotourism while others have resisted this initiative.
Previous research
Indigenous ecotourism
Indigenous ecotourism relates to the development of ecotourism products and experiences
by indigenous communities. The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) defines
indigenous communities, peoples and nations as those having a “historical continuity with
pre-invasion and pre-colonial societies that developed on their territories, are distinct from
other settler groups and want to preserve, develop and transmit to future generations their
ancestral territories, and their ethnic identity” (UNDP, 2004, p. 2). As Ceballos-Lascurain
(1996) observed, ecotourism should encourage environmental responsibility through visi-
tation to relatively undisturbed natural areas to allow participants to enjoy and appreciate
nature and culture, has a low impact, and encourages active socio-economic involvement
by local communities. The location of many Mayan communities in forested regions offers
considerable scope for the development of ecotourism experiences along the lines espoused
above.
While indigenous ecotourism is a relatively small field of research, a number of themes
have emerged including the significance of economic, political, cultural and environmen-
tal aspects of the operation of indigenous tourism. In an examination of ecotourism and
indigenous tourism certified enterprises, Buultjens, Gale, and White (2011) addressed
concerns about the dissociation of these two concepts and considered that cooperation
between indigenous tourism and ecotourism sectors would maximise the potential to pro-
vide substantial competitive advantages for the Australian tourism industry and indige-
nous communities. Similarly, Whitford and Ruhanen (2010) found that almost all poli-
cies for indigenous tourism lacked the rigour and depth required to achieve sustainable
tourism development. Colvin (1994) considered indigenous ecotourism in Ecuador’s Ama-
zon basin as an ecotourism project completely operated by an indigenous community. Nepal
(2004) referred to indigenous ecotourism as constructing potential for capacity building
to plan and develop ecotourism in traditional communities, and Zeppel (2006) reviewed
tourism products owned or operated by native people and acknowledged them as indigenous
ecotourism.
Mayan participation in ecotourism
In Mexico, indigenous Mayan communities control more than 50% of the Mayan rain-
forests (Instituto Nacional de Estadistica y Geografia [INEGI], 2007), and governmental
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Journal of Sustainable Tourism 3
policies and funds for community-owned indigenous ecotourism ventures have become
more common over the last decade. These two factors have provided new opportunities for
indigenous participation in ecotourism.
Scholars from a number of disciplines have investigated aspects of Mayan society,
including traditional and contemporary environmental management practices (Barrera-
Bassols & Toledo, 2005) and social adaptation to ecotourism (Hernandez Cruz, Bello
Baltazar, Montoya Gomez & Estrada Lugo, 2005). Interest in these practices arises because
Mayas inhabit a fragile ecological zone and base their natural resources management strate-
gies on centuries of accumulated experience (Faust, 2001). In addition to these discipline-
based studies, there is an emerging body of research into aspects of Mayan ecotourism
activity. From a tourism perspective a number of studies have focused on problems of the
top-down approach where ecotourism has been portrayed as an agent of sustainable devel-
opment for local communities. For example, in a study of Mayan communities surrounding
Cancun, Torres and Momsen (2005) found that ecotourism has failed to stimulate balanced
regional development. Other studies have investigated issues such as social and economic
adjustment processes and the degree to which communities have been able to derived eco-
nomic benefits from ecotourism. In Mexico, Hernandez Cruz et al. (2005) examined these
issues after the introduction of ecotourism in a Mayan village in the Lacandon rainforest,
finding that the community was able to develop new forms of organisation and recognise
the need for a collective rather than individualistic approach to economic resource manage-
ment. Cone (1995) examined the lives of two Maya craftswomen of Chiapas, Mexico and
how they have responded to opportunities created by tourism. The findings indicated that
the relationship they had with outsiders paved their way to a relatively economic indepen-
dence, and to their role as innovators in transforming local craft objects into items suitable
in the world market. More recently, Jamal and Camargo (in press) explore inequities and
injustices related to tourism marketing and destination development experienced by Maya
residents in Quintana Roo, Mexico.
AnumberofstudieshavealsoinvestigatedaspectsofMayanecotourisminBelize.
In a study of issues related to community-based ecotourism development in the Garifuna
region, Timothy and White (1999) found that the goals for sustainable tourism were met
by villages that were members of an indigenous ecotourism association. In another study,
Lindberg, Enriquez, and Sproule (1996) evaluated the extent to which tourism generated
financial support for protected area management, local economic benefits and support for
conservation, finding that while tourism generated financial support for protected areas
it also generated negative ecological and social impacts which were difficult to evaluate
in financial terms. In an examination of how the commoditisation of culture for tourism
affected traditional practices in a Mayan village adjacent to the most-visited Mayan ruins in
Belize, Medina (2003) found that tourism may present new possibilities for locals to claim
Mayan identity and culture.
Empowerment
Issues relating to the concept of empowerment have been investigated by researchers from a
number of disciplines including human geography (Howitt, 2001), community psychology
(Banyard & LaPlant, 2002), health studies (Peterson & Reid, 2003), education and women’s
studies (Parpart, Rai, & Staudt, 2003), management (Terblanche, 2003) and community-
based development (Mansuri & Rao, 2003). Empowerment is a process that describes
the means by which individuals and groups gain power, access to resources and gain
control over their lives (Robbins, Chatterjee, & Canda, 1998), fosters self-confidence and
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4A. Mendoza Ramos and B. Prideaux
self-esteem (Friedmann, 1992) and maximises power by sharing it with the collective
(Parpart et al., 2003). From a tourism perspective, Sofield (2003) stated that empowerment
is the most effective way in which a community can develop tourism in a sustainable way
and, as a consequence, enhances the chances of successful tourism ventures.
While many studies of empowerment reported in the tourism literature have focused
on developing countries and local communities, a small number have focused on the role
of tourists. Issues examined include the importance of tourism certification policies in
empowering tourists and the role tourists can play in encouraging gradual improvement
in quality (Hjalager, 2001), and how information communication technology in the travel
industry has become a means for empowering tourists (Niininen, Buhalis, and March,
2007).
The majority of research into empowerment has focused on the development of local
communities. For instance, in her study Scheyvens (2002) refers to empowerment as a pro-
cess that helps communities gain control over ecotourism initiatives in their area. Timothy
(2002) argued that resident involvement in tourism decision-making affords traditionally
under-represented groups a voice and opportunities to break free of the constraints usually
imposed on them. In a study of communities in Indonesia, Cole (2006) noted that the
process of empowerment relies on transferring knowledge to the community and found that
many of the communities that had failed to derive economic benefit from ecotourism were
passive participants. Conversely, communities that were active participants generally had
greater tourism-derived incomes, were better organised and participated in tourism plan-
ning. While acknowledging the role of tourism as an agent for transfer of power, Sofield
(2003) found that in a number of countries in the South Pacific a meaningful transfer of
power and resources to communities has yet to be implemented as a fundamental component
of tourism development.
Other investigations into empowerment have included local decision-making practices
and issues of community members living in a Heritage Park in Fiji (Farrelly, 2011) and the
challenges that are associated with the transformation of contemporary tourism economy
and ownership in South Africa (Rogerson, 2004). Farrelly’s (2011) paper identified a lack
of formal education and perceptions of weak leadership from locals which contributed to
an inability for community members to make fully informed decisions in community-based
ecotourism leaving them politically disempowered. Similarly, Rogerson (2004) found that
the main obstacle to meeting government objectives for promoting economic empowerment
of the owners of small tourism firms was the lack of training in marketing tourism products.
In an examination of empowerment in tourism destination communities, Timothy (2007)
found that power struggles continue to affect the most disadvantaged groups, such as ethnic
and racial minorities, women and the poor.
Collectively, these studies point to a number of issues including the problem of adopting
atop-downapproachwhenworkingwithtraditionalcommunitiesandthelackofresearch
into empowerment issues related to indigenous ecotourism. Moreover, there has been
little work undertaken into issues related to empowerment/disempowerment of various
stakeholders within existing communities and to the authority given to communities by
external authorities to make decisions and take control of ecotourism ventures.
Objectives and methods
This research had two main objectives. The first was to investigate issues related to empow-
erment that have hindered the development of indigenous ecotourism experiences in one
of Mexico’s Mayan rainforest communities. The second objective was to develop a method
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Journal of Sustainable Tourism 5
of measuring empowerment. In pursuance of objective two, an empowerment framework
adapted from Scheyvens (2002) was developed to measure psychological, social, eco-
nomic, political and environmental dimensions of empowerment or disempowerment in
ecotourism. Scheyvens’ (2002) framework drew on earlier research by Friedmann (1992)
who viewed poverty as a consequence of social, political and psychological powerlessness.
In its original version, the framework did not include an environmental dimension and given
the centrality of the environment in the development of indigenous ecotourism the frame-
work was expanded to include the environment as a fifth dimension. Key areas addressed
in the environmental dimension include local traditional practices, socio-adaptation to ex-
ternal influences such as government environmental programmes, and how these factors
have affected the community’s ability to gain power to protect and preserve the surrounding
ecosystem. To give the framework an analytical ability, a set of 60 indicators was developed
based on the literature, field observations with key stakeholders and community members.
A list of all 60 indicators can be found as a supplementary file on the web-based version of
the paper.
Many previous studies in the area of empowerment employed semi-structured inter-
views, focus groups and participant observation to collect data and opinions on indigenous
ecotourism. A similar approach was adopted in this research using a three-stage approach.
Stage one was designed to develop a basic understanding of stakeholders’ participation
in the development of indigenous ecotourism. The results of stage one were used in stage
two to undertake a more extensive series of focus groups with community members. Tran-
scripts of the interviews and focus groups were analysed using content analysis to identify
the themes that related to community empowerment and tourism participation. The results
from stages one and two were then used in stage three to measure the level of empowerment
in the village using a list of indicators of empowerment/disempowerment. Field work was
undertaken during the period June to November 2009.
Stage one employed a range of qualitative methods that included face-to-face interviews
with key informants and participant observation. Eleven persons were interviewed including
the community sheriff, government agents, an NGO consultant and a tour operator manager.
The interview instrument for this stage was translated from English into Spanish and then
back-translated into English and pretested. A copy of the research instrument is included as
a supplementary file to the web-based version of this paper. Questions were developed from
the literature review and focused on participation levels of key stakeholders in ecotourism
and on community empowerment in ecotourism. They identified empowering agents and
their influence on indigenous tourism and assessed issues of economic, psychological,
social, political and environmental empowerment in the community. The semi-structured
interviews typically lasted for one hour. Using a content analysis approach, key issues were
identified and used as the basis for issues raised in the focus groups used in stage two.
Stage two was designed to assess the level of ecotourism empowerment in the com-
munity and employed a series of focus groups with community members. Discussions
undertaken during the focus groups were guided by the indicators developed to assess em-
powerment/disempowerment. Using the modified Scheyvens’ (2002) empowerment frame-
work, the indicators were organised into five dimensions to test levels of economic, psy-
chological, social, political and environmental empowerment in the community. Table 1
outlines the 15 indicators developed from the literature which ultimately lead to developing
the list of 60 indicators tested in the community, using information from stages one and
two.
The environmental dimension of empowerment is important in that it offers an effec-
tive method for determining if communities are engaging in tourism in ways which will
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6A. Mendoza Ramos and B. Prideaux
Table 1. Indicators of empowerment and disempowerment.
Very empowering (5 points on Likert
scale)
Very disempowering (1 point on Likert
scale)
Economic
dimension
•Wide community control of economic
resources from tourism
•Must economically benefit local
communities directly from tourism
developments in the short-, medium-
and long-term periods
•Tou r i s m e a r n ings ke p t w i t hin the l o c a l
economy and at a household/
community level
•Most tourism profits go to
non-community organisations, e.g.
outside operators
•Local communities are minimally and
indirectly benefited from tourism
developments
•Most tourism profits go to local elites
Psychological
dimension
•Promotion of group self-esteem and
well-being through tourism
•Feeling o f being able to ass um e new
roles and engage in more activities
beyond the household
•Pride in traditions and culture through
tourism recognition of their uniqueness
and value of their culture
•Loss of community interests in
tourism development
•Fear to lose control over local planning
and decision-making in tourism
•Inferiority feeling about their way of
life and culture
Social
dimension
•Tou r i s m m a intai n s o r e n h ances t h e
local equilibrium
•Communities participate and share in
the wealth of the tourism industry
•Local community control on tourism
•Tourism causes disharmony and social
decay
•Community’s competition and conflict
for the perceived benefits of tourism
•Local power structures and control
relationships
Poli tical
dimension
•Community’s political structure fairly
represents the needs and interests of all
community groups
•Full communal responsibilities and
tourism services ownership
•Appropriate institutions for training in
tourism finances and technical skills
•Autocratic and/or self-interested
leadership in tourism
•Private-operated or
government-operated tourism
services ownership
•Lack of institutional capacity to
develop skills and training in tourism
Environmental
dimension
•Low-impact ecotourism activities and
the existence of local ecotourism
management plans and use of
eco-efficiencies
•Community conservation area and
monitoring of the environment
•Habitat rehabilitation for tourism, i.e.
reforestation, nursery plants, orchards,
fire brigades and monitoring of
communal areas
•Lack of control of ecotourism towards
environment protection
•A lack of awareness about impacts
from tourism to the environment and a
lack of know-how in mitigating them
•Unsustainable use of natural
resources, i.e. logging, hunting and
littering
Source: Scheyvens (2002); Stronza and Gordillo (2008); Cole (2006); Sofield (2003); Timothy (2007); Hernandez
Cruz et al. (2005).
ultimately benefit them and their environment. In all, 45 members of the El Naranjo com-
munity participated in the focus groups which averaged about two hours.
Stage three involved the investigator assessing the results of stages one and two to
rank the level of empowerment/disempowerment that existed in the village using a list of
60 indicators of empowerment/disempowerment. The indicators used in stage three were
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Journal of Sustainable Tourism 7
grouped into the five dimensions and assessed against a 5-point Likert scale (from very
empowering =5to very disempowering =1). Results are illustrated in Figure 1.
Limitations
In any study of this nature, access to some key stakeholders is not always possible. For
example, the director of the Palenque archaeological site was identified as a key stakeholder.
Due to bureaucratic delays a formal interview could not be held with the director, but an in-
formal interview was conducted. A further problem encountered was difficulty in obtaining
signed permission from the community sheriff to conduct interviews with members of the
community. This was eventually overcome but as a result not all eligible members were able
to be interviewed. Finally, the principle researcher was unable to converse with community
members in their Maya tzeltal tongue, thus Spanish, which is the second language in the
community, was used.
Research context
The following discussion first introduces the policy context that Mayan ecotourism operates
in, followed by a brief overview of the study region. The community where the research
was conducted is then introduced.
Mexican tourism policy context
Tourism is Mexico’s third most important economic activity and in 2012 generated USD$
12.7 billion in income (United Nations World Tourism Organisation [UNWTO], 2013).
Ecotourism is seen by the federal government as a potential growth area. However, as one
key government interviewee noted, “Ecotourism has not boomed in Mexico as it has done
in other countries. The efforts must be focused on key communities to offer high quality
services regarding the attractiveness and diversification of tourism products, and then be
able to increase the visitor fees for conservation of natural and cultural areas”. One reason
given for the failure of ecotourism to make a more substantial contribution has been that
federal funds given to state governments for support to indigenous ecotourism ventures
have been reallocated at state level to other uses. A case study by Jamal and Camargo
(in press) also pointed to a lack of support from the state government in Quintana Roo to
promote community-based ecotourism development with Mayan communities. In response,
the federal government has instituted a policy requirement that communities interested
in ecotourism ventures must apply to the federal government via a signed community
agreement (Acta de Asamblea).
Engagement by Mayan communities in tourism activities has been encouraged by a
growing number of governmental agencies as well as conservation NGOs and academic
institutions (SECTUR, 2007). Since 2001 the Mexican government has fostered the creation
of communal projects in rural and indigenous communities that incorporate a range of
activities including adventure, observation of wild flora and fauna, and rural tourism. As part
of this policy, government agencies have granted assistance for marketing, infrastructure
development including lodges, restaurants and equipment, technical assistance and for
capacity building in local communities. A few indigenous communities have created their
own tourism cooperatives and received assistance from conservation NGOs, private tour
operators and government programmes.
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8A. Mendoza Ramos and B. Prideaux
In 2007, the Ministry of Tourism (SECTUR) announced a national agreement that
sought to link existing programmes and resources to boost strategies that promote con-
servation and rational use of natural resources and development of indigenous and rural
communities to enhance the profitability of existing tourism enterprises (Secretaria de
Turismo [S E C T U R ] , 2 0 0 7) . A s a r e su l t , e c ot o u ri s m p r oj e c t s have rece ived incre a s e d i n -
terest from stakeholders including government agencies, indigenous communities, private
investors and conservation NGOs.
NGOs are a potential source of funding for communities interested in ecotourism ven-
tures and may apply for federal funding to support them. While Mexican conservation NGOs
have supported indigenous ecotourism projects in a number of areas, this has not been the
case in the State of Chiapas. Instead there has been a focus on social aid and environmental
conservation. For example, Acajungla, an NGO based in Palenque, has funded a rainforest
restoration project that has also sought to reintroduce wild fauna into the park. Razonatura,
another Mexican NGO, has attempted to undertake training to certify informal tour guides
but has been hampered by the misallocation of funding for indigenous ecotourism by the
state government of Chiapas. In relation to this issue, one federal government interviewee
in Mexico City stated that state governments often put impediments in the way of funding
schemes that are designed to promote indigenous ecotourism. On this matter, the intervie-
wee concluded that “although the Mexican government has been fostering transparency as a
public policy, state governments use bureaucratic delays to reduce transparency and to hide
the reallocation of these funds for other purposes”. A similar situation was encountered by
Koch, de Beer, and Ellife (1998) where communities in South Africa are reported to have
failed to receive the full benefits of earnings from craft sales that should have been passed
to them by the state.
Palen que World Her itage Sit e
The research reported in this paper was undertaken in El Naranjo, a Mayan community
located in the vicinity of the Palenque World Heritage Site (WHS) in the state of Chiapas.
In terms of visitation, the Palenque WHS is the third most significant archaeological site in
Mexico and attracts around 650,000 visitors per annum. It contains some of the finest Mayan
architecture, sculpture and relief carvings, and some of its major archaeological remains
date back to 600 AD.Thearchaeologicalsiteandthesurroundingareaweredeclaredasthe
National Park of Palenque in 1981. The Mexican Commission for Protected Natural Areas
(CONANP) manages the natural resources of the park and operates programmes with three
local indigenous communities located within the park’s zone of influence. An archaeological
site of 330 ha within the Park is controlled by the Mexican Institute of Anthropology and
History (INAH) which is responsible for both excavations and tourism activities within this
part of the WHS site (Barnhart, 1998). The park encompasses 1771 ha of land about 600 ha
of which consist of primary rainforest. An additional 300 ha consists of secondary growth
vegetation in different stages of regeneration: the remainder is introduced pastureland.
The region has 241 species of trees (Diaz Gallegos, 1996). The elevation ranges from
150 to 500 m above sea level, with an average annual precipitation of 2200 mm and mean
annual temperature of 26 ◦C. To the north, the park is surrounded by flat pasturelands owned
by cattle ranchers and in the south the park is bounded by the North Chiapas mountain
range. The small city of Palenque is located 6 km northeast of the park and has a population
of approximately 43,000 persons (INEGI, 2010).
Palenque WHS has been targeted by the Mexican government for development as
its newest Integrally Planned Centre for tourism. According to the Mexican Fund for
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Journal of Sustainable Tourism 9
Tourism Promotion Agency (FONATUR), an investment of USD$120 million is required
to complete the development. The plan was designed to boost visitors by 300% by the
end of the decade, attract large-scale investment and increase accessibility through the
construction of an international airport and a modern highway from Palenque to other
tourism destinations within the state (FONATUR, 2008).
El Naranjo village
El Naranjo is a Mayan community located 5 km uphill from the pyramids of Palenque
at an altitude of 232 m. The ejido (the smallest unit of village government in Mexico)
of El Naranjo has 411 inhabitants (INEGI, 2010) and families have an average of six
members (range 4–12). The village was established in 1945 by tzeltal Mayans who migrated
from Yajalon (a Mayan municipality further southwest) and is relatively self-sustaining
through agriculture, house farming, cattle grazing and hunting. Decision-making for the
community is undertaken by the community’s 72 landowners who can vote on decisions
concerning the governance of the community. Many of the oldest landowners are not keen
on undertaking ecotourism ventures, preferring instead to pursue traditional agricultural
and hunting practices. Over the past 20 years, many community members have found
employment in tourism which has become the main and for many households the only
income generator.
Virtually all direct involvement between community members and tourists occur at the
pyramid site. Very few tourists visit the village because of access issues. The footpath that
connected the archaeological park with El Naranjo was closed by INAH in the mid-2000s
due to security issues and tourists are no longer allowed to use the path. Although there is
a 12-km four-wheel-drive road from the archaeological site to the community, private tour
operators do not undertake indigenous ecotourism activities in the community.
In the early 1990s, members from the community started to visit the park to sell
handcrafts but were initially barred by guards. The anti-government Zapatista movement
that emerged in the state of Chiapas in 1994 represented a symbol of unity for many
Mayan communities and an opportunity to reclaim indigenous control over their resources.
Members of the El Naranjo community took advantage of this situation to sell handcrafts
inside the pyramid site. At the beginning of the Zapatista movement, the INAH in Palenque
requested the Mexican army to provide guards because the community was threatening
to take control of the archaeological site. “One time these army elements saw us through
the jungle while we were approaching to the pyramids, and opened fire threatening us. We
ran out immediately” declared one of the community leaders from El Naranjo. Although
members from the community now have an agreement with INAH in Palenque to sell
handcraft, it remains an informal activity because Mexican government policy does not
allow activities of this nature inside archaeological sites.
While a majority of El Naranjo’s residents work in tourism-related activities, at least
part time, there are no tourism businesses located in the community. Tourism-related
employment includes a group of artisans who produce handcrafts for sale at the pyramids
as well as a group of women trained by CONANP who embroider traditional costumes and
accessories. SECTUR has accredited a group of tour guides from El Naranjo to operate
in Palenque. Another group that has not received formal training offers informal tour
guiding services. There are also a number of indigenous microbusinesses that sell water
and snacks outside the park. A few villagers have also been hired by INAH to support
archaeological excavations and maintenance or by CONANP as park rangers, security and
in ticket sales. Despite the significance of the tourism industry as a source of employment
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10 A. Mendoza Ramos and B. Prideaux
for the community, El Naranjo elders continue to be reluctant to support new ventures into
indigenous ecotourism activities.
Results
Stages one and two were designed to determine stakeholders’ participation in tourism and
views on community empowerment. Table 2 illustrates the results in relation to stakehold-
ers’ participation in tourism while results related to community empowerment are illustrated
in Table 3. A compilation of the opinions of eight government representatives interviewed
is presented in the first column in both tables. Government respondents included two key
government authorities in Palenque (SECTUR and CONANP) and six from a range of
federal ministries that have programmes for the development of indigenous ecotourism in
their agendas, i.e. SECTUR, The Mexican Commission for the Development of Indige-
nous Peoples (CDI), The Ministry of Environment and Natural Resources (SEMARNAT),
CONANP, The Mexican Fund for Support Solidarity Enterprises (FONAES) and INAH.
Reponses from other interviewees including an NGO consultant and the manager of a local
tour operator company are summarised, respectively, in the second and third columns of
the tables. Opinions from the sheriff of the community in El Naranjo and 45 villagers (tour
guides, handcrafters and embroiderers) are synthesised in the fourth column.
Figure 1 illustrates the results of the assessment of empowerment/disempowerment in-
dicators using awheelofempowerment. Adoption of this technique also allows comparison
of the level of empowerment/disempowerment between communities. The upper wheel in
Figure 1 shows a linear fit as a mean of all the indicators measured. The overall mean for
all dimensions was 2.25 points, less than midway along the scale 1–5 used here, indicating
that the community empowerment through indigenous ecotourism has not been achieved.
The values illustrated in this chart are subjective and relied on interpretation of a range of
data gathered through participant observation, interviews with stakeholders and the results
of focus groups with villagers.
Of the five dimensions assessed, the highest score was for the psychological dimension
with a mean of 3.2 points, just above the midpoint along the scale 1–5 used. This indicates
Figure 1. The Wheel of Empowerment in El Naranjo.
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Journal of Sustainable Tourism 11
Table 2. Stakeholders’ perspectives of Mayan indigenous ecotourism participation in Palenque, Mexico.
Government authorities NGO consultant
Tou r o p erat o r
manager
Mayan indigenous leaders and community
members
Government Almost 10 Mexican government programmes can
financially assist El Naranjo for the elaboration and
performance of projects related with ecotourism.
CONANP provides economic and training facilities
to develop indigenous ecotourism ventures in
Palenque. The strategy for conservation is “work
with the people to preserve, and preserve for the
people”, said the director of CONANP in Palenque.
The funds are as a function of the community’s
desires. CONANP also supports research studies in
the park and manages international funds. A few
environmental management projects led by
CONANP for Palenque Park have needed
collaboration from INAH, but INAH has not
showed interest in these initiatives. SECTUR
Palenque should advice and facilitate capacity
building in projects related with tourism for local
communities and focus on promotion of the
archaeological site as a tourism destination, but it
has very little scope of action.
There is a lack of capacity for
INAH to incorporate local
activities and to promote
local involvement with
tourism in Palenque. It has
minimal involvement with
indigenous communities
and does not have a
management plan for
tourism-related activities
within the WHS.
Initially, tourism in
Palenque was not
encouraged by
FONATUR. Once
Palenque was
partially
excavated and
tourism visitation
commenced,
INAH wanted to
segregate the
community, it did
not want them to
be politically
together due to
claims for land
rights over the
pyramids o f
Palenque.
The community sheriff thinks that “FONATUR’s
Integrally Planned Tourism Centre in
Palenque will affect the community since the
government doesn’t take the community into
account”, said a villager. However, CONANP
and local government are working in a couple
of sustainable development projects and
provided training to the community. INAH’s
policies have caused clashes between villagers
and park guards because they do not allow
craft sales. There is limited assistance from
government agencies in the area. “We want to
request Palenque government to pave our
roads”, a villager mentioned. In the past,
tourists used to come walking from the
pyramids t o the c ommunity, but INAH
blocked the rear access that connected the
pyramids with the community citing tourism
security concerns.
NGOs There are no NGOs supporting ecotourism initiatives
in Palenque that the government interviewees knew
of. “Many times NGOs act as the performers of
national or international financial aid for sustainable
development programs in indigenous communities,
including ecotourism”, a government official
expressed. The challenge for NGOs is to transfer
knowledge in ecotourism and to create awareness
about the community resources for tourism. NGOs
have integrated stakeholders and have been involved
with ecotourism in other communities in Chiapas.
NGOs have provided
infrastructure and training
(capacity building and
managerial skills) in
different parts of the Mayan
rainforest. However, there is
alackofNGOs
implementing ecotourism
projects in Palenque. “Our
guides’ accreditation project
is the pioneer in the area”,
said the consultant.
In other areas of
Chiapas, NGOs
have provided
infrastructure and
capacity building.
In Palenque, no
efforts from
NGOs have been
perceived.
Today, there is an NGO involved with a project
to formalise tour guides in the community, but
this has just been recently. No NGOs have
visited the community for the development of
projects such as ecotourism. “We really
expect the work this NGO is doing can lead to
better organisation in our village, otherwise,
we will feel that we lose the time in the
workshops we participate”, said the villager.
They also look forward to receive assistance
from funding institutions and aid donors to
better develop and participate in ecotourism.
(Continued on next page)
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12 A. Mendoza Ramos and B. Prideaux
Table 2. Stakeholders’ perspectives of Mayan indigenous ecotourism participation in Palenque, Mexico. (Continued)
Government authorities NGO consultant
Tou r o p erat o r
manager
Mayan indigenous leaders and community
members
Tou r
operators
There is minimal collaboration or no negotiation
between local communities and private enterprises.
Tour operators are not interested in developing
multiple sites for tours. Travel agencies that market
destinations are the link with the supply.
Partnerships between tour operators and indigenous
communities for ecotourism projects have led to
positive results in other communities in Chiapas.
Tour operators are normally narrow minded in
Palenque and just look for the short-termed
economic benefit. They do not care about
environmental or cultural impacts of tourism. They
pay minimal fees for conservation and generate
income at the expense on impacts on the
environment.
There are no tour operators in
Palenque. All of them are
transportation companies
who hire local tour guides in
the visited sites. Tourists
then buy crafts; however,
they go regularly with the
cheapest deal. Two
enterprises tried to develop
ecotourism ventures in
Palenque in the past, but
they closed down.
Anumberof
prearranged tours
from national or
international
travel agencies
bring large groups
of tourists to
Palenque. Other
visitors come in
local tours or are
independent
travellers.
Tour operators are not participating directly in
the community. They are not taking the
community into account for ecotourism. On
the other hand, elders in the community do
not like tourism and believe that the
community will be affected with the tourism
arrival because “they leave rubbish”, said the
sheriff. Many elders grow mainly tomato,
manioc and pumpkin. “They grow everything,
that’s why they don’t feel the need to go to
work at the pyramids or to negotiate with tour
operators”, concluded the sheriff.
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Journal of Sustainable Tourism 13
Table 3. Stakeholders’ perspectives about indigenous ecotourism empowerment in Palenque.
Government authorities NGO consultant Tour operator manager
Mayan indigenous leaders and community
members
Economic The economic benefits for El Naranjo come
from offering tour-guided services and
selling handcrafts. Now there are concrete
houses in the community and some people
have invested in cargo trucks. According to
the Tourism Delegate in Palenque “there are
no studies and no records from SECTUR
about the economic benefits from tourism
for local communities”.
Profits are at a family level
and come from tour
guidance and craft sales.
There are local businesses
in the community
developed from money
earned in tourism such as
convenience stores and
truck transportation to
Palenque.
All the economic incomes in
this community come from
tourism. Before tourism
existed there was no cash
economy system. There is
money in El Naranjo to
hire people to crop the
land. Many have improved
their lifestyle.
Almost all revenues in the community come
from tourism. Today, many of the jobs in the
farms associated with the community are
funded by money derived from tourism. As a
result, the community has better rural
development. However, some families still
rely almost entirely on crops and cattle.
Psychological They are not very keen to participate in
ecotourism, excepting for selling retail
handcrafts to tourists. They no longer wear
traditional costumes, and do not have many
traditional festivities. However, they are
proud of being Mayans and the new
generation feels that tourism is the way of
the future. Many youngsters have come from
a situation of marginalisation and have
studied in Palenque town. They strive to get
what they want.
The people from El Naranjo
involved in tourism feel
better than before they
were participating in
tourism. Although
youngsters are optimistic,
their perspectives differ
from those of the elders
who “don’t feel they can
participate in tourism”,
said the consultant.
Before obtaining
accreditation to guide, the
former informal guides
started to offer tour
guidance services with
fear. Now that they are
accredited, they have a
feeling of being productive
in tourism and they feel
more enthusiastic and
more optimistic in tourism
for make a living.
The current community sheriff and most of the
leaders are not keen on tourism involvement.
“If the community has had control over
entrance fees, or over one of FONATUR’s
new projects for Palenque, the community
will like to participate”, said the
sheriff.Youngsters and some other people
are interested in tourism. A few others prefer
to continue working in farming and cattle
raising.
(Continued on next page)
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14 A. Mendoza Ramos and B. Prideaux
Table 3. Stakeholders’ perspectives about indigenous ecotourism empowerment in Palenque. (Continued)
Government authorities NGO consultant Tour operator manager
Mayan indigenous leaders and community
members
Social They have organised in groups as tour
guides. Income has benefited families, not
community groups. However, they are still
developing as an ejido.Intheruinsof
Palenque, there are rivalries between the
legal and illegal guides. Illegal guides,
seeking for legalisation, are from this
community. “It is urgent to train and
formalise this group for tour guidance”.
An ejido is an example of social
organisation. However, there
are differences in opinion
between a number of villagers
with regards to involvement
in tourism, and the reluctance
of leaders to participate in
tourism has make tourism
development a slow process.
They are grouping in
cooperatives and some
of them have joined to
syndicates, considered
as “groups of power”
for tour guiding. There
is competition in the
community for the
wealth of tourism with
alowlevelofjealousy.
There are domestic problems in El Naranjo because
some parents want their children to work on the
farm rather than being involved in tourism.
However, it has achieved a good level of social
cohesion because they cannot find tourism
involvement opportunities in a different way.
“When El Naranjo came together, INAH had to
grant a space for us in the park to sell our
handcrafts”, said a villager.
Political The groups and the initiatives emerge from
the Assembly.Someofthemhavelearnt
how to follow procedures to receive
government assistance. Some organised
groups of handcrafts sellers have emerged
along with the FONATUR’s Integrally
Planned Centre in Palenque.Although
other ecotourism centres in Chiapas are
managed by local communities, leaders in
El Naranjo hardly visualise a
community-based ecotourism project.
Some members from the
community act as leaders
representing the interests of
organised groups and they
have a say in external bodies
such as institutions or
organisations. However, many
do not have administrative
capacity for a major
involvement in tourism.
People in El Naranjo are
starting to be more
involved in
administrative issues to
develop negotiation
skills and access to
government funds and
assistance from NGOs.
However, they have no
skills to negotiate with
tour operators to
promote tourism.
Young people involved in tour guiding and crafts
sales are becoming better organised to capitalise
on the opportunities offered by being involved in
tourism. The previous sheriff from El Naranjo is
keen on encouraging tourism initiatives for the
community and is leading a group of informal
guides trying to gain accreditation from
SECTUR in Chiapas, but “SECTUR hasn’t
facilitated us the opportunity to do our job
legally”, said the ex-sheriff.
Environmental The earnings from tourism have helped the
environment in El Naranjo in the way that
the labour energy of youngsters, who could
be the new loggers for cropping areas and
cattle grazing, has been converted to
tourism. El Naranjo has received funds and
training from CONANP for environmental
protection, and other government funds to
promote agriculture in their lands.
There are internal rules in the
community for rubbish
clean-ups and for not
littering. They have a
communal natural reserve,
and nowadays, they are more
aware abo ut the pote ntial o f
their natural resources for
ecotourism.
They are now confident
and aware about natural
resources, and they are
oriented towards the
development of
nature-based tourism.
Anumberofpeopleusedtohuntatnight,butnow
the community has a ban for hunting and
logging. There are also clean policies for the
community. The tour guides have a nature- and
culture-oriented speech when they are guiding.
“We persuade tourists to follow good practices
for tourism in terms of environmental education
while they are visiting the park”, said a villager.
The Assembly works together with
environment-related governmental projects.
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Journal of Sustainable Tourism 15
a neutral situation of empowerment (neither empowered nor disempowered). There were
differences in how tourism was perceived in El Naranjo with younger members of the
community showing a far higher level of participating than the community’s elders. The
social dimension mean of 2.4 indicates that the community is somewhat disempowered due
to the tension between younger members of the community seeking to develop a greater
level of engagement in ecotourism and older members of the community who are reluctant
to become more closely engaged in ecotourism activity. The environmental dimension
mean of 2.2 indicates that the community is somewhat environmentally disempowered in
relation to tourism activities. The economic and political dimensions had the lowest scores
averaging 1.7 points in each case, indicating a disempowering in relation to income derived
from tourism and in decision-making related to tourism issues. There is passive participation
in tourism since younger members of the community do not have a voice in community
decision-making. This has resulted in slow economic growth from ecotourism. Collectively,
the results over the five dimensions indicate that in general younger members of the
community feel disempowered in relation to their desire to more fully engage in ecotourism.
This finding indicates that empowerment may be both external to the community as well as
internal.
Discussion and conclusion
This research builds on previous studies into indigenous ecotourism and offers a new
approach to assessing the relationship between stakeholders’ participation in indigenous
ecotourism and the empowerment of local communities. Based on an enhanced version of
the Scheyvens (2002) framework, levels of empowerment/disempowerment were measured
using a 60-item evaluative checklist based on economic, psychological, social, political and
environmental dimensions.
The study found that it was possible to measure empowerment and displayed a vi-
sual representation of it, as demonstrated by the wheel of empowerment in Figure 1. The
research also found that empowerment is a multidimensional process that includes both
external empowerment that enables a community to exercise control over its affairs and
internal empowerment where various sectors of the community are either empowered or
disempowered to peruse actions that they wish to engage in. Further, the results indicate the
need for greater consideration of empowerment at the village and project levels if successful
indigenous ecotourism is to occur. It was also apparent that empowerment required broad
community participation in decision-making.
In the case of El Naranjo, the reluctance of the village elders to participate in ecotourism
has precluded members of the community interested in developing ecotourism ventures
from gaining federal funding. This situation has arisen because of the belief by many
members of the older generation including village elders, that if they do not use their land
for farming or domestic livestock it will be taken over by the government and converted into
aprotectedarea.AstatementbyElNaranjo’sCommunitySherifftypifiesthisfear:“The
elders are not interested in tourism, they are growing maize, tomato, beans, and pumpkin,
they don’t need tourism”.
Despite this view, the number of community members participating in tourism is in-
creasing and at the time this paper was written about half the residents of the village are
involved at least part time in the tourism industry. Participation ranges for the provision of
guide services to working at Palenque WHS, making and selling handcrafts and paid job in
tourism services. Greater participation in the tourism industry and ecotourism, in particular,
is hampered by the attitude of the village elders; the lack of training the community has in
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16 A. Mendoza Ramos and B. Prideaux
providing collective services such as ecolodge and the current focus on individual rather
than community participation in the provision of tourism-related services. Despite these
problems there is a growing interest in increasing the level of participation in the tourism
industry by the community’s younger generation. This sector of the community is more
aware of the benefits that can come from tourism in general, has recently become interested
in ecotourism and is prepared to increase their level of participation as an alternative to
traditional farming. However, because of the structure of community governance where
only landholders have voting rights in community decisions, younger community members
are largely ignored and disempowered.
As Nault and Stapleton (2011) observed, long-term viable community-based ecotourism
development requires close collaboration and sustained support from trusted community
leaders and from knowledgeable and committed outside stakeholders. For example, while
INAH has managed the archaeological site for more than 50 years, it has done little to
involve local communities. As one government official from INAH stated, “ecotourism is
aterminwhichIdon’tbelieveandIhaveseriousdoubtsonthebenefitsthateventually
represent for communities”. Although more than 500,000 tourists visit Palenque each year,
INAH is essentially an academic jurisdiction. Conversely, CONANP’s administration of the
Protected Natural Area of Palenque started in 2004 and few of their programmes involved
participation by local communities. This appears to indicate that INAH’s interest is limited
to issues concerning research and archaeological protection, and there is an administrative
gap in terms of tourism management inside the protected area.
Local tour operators and travel agencies offer tours to the site via a jungle walk, and
visit Misol ha and Agua Azul waterfalls as part of a one-day tour to Palenque. Most tour
operators in the region are locally owned and many started as transport companies that
provided local passenger services in cities such as Palenque and San Cristobal. Few of
the operators have developed itineraries that offer specific ecotourism experiences, many
lack marketing skills and there has been little effort by operators to develop profit-sharing
arrangements with local Mayan communities. While local communities benefit by selling
handcrafts and providing guiding services they generally have little influence in the manner
that the tourism industry operates in the Palenque region and can in most cases be described
as lacking empowerment.
Compared to the level of support given by the federal authorities there has been very
little support from international, national or local NGOs in the Palenque study region.
Multinational NGOs such as World Wildlife Foundation (WWF) and Conservation Interna-
tional (CI) have supported ecotourism projects in other areas of Mexico (e.g. the monarch
butterfly project in Michoacan and Escudo Jaguar in Chiapas) but not in Palenque. One of
the main national conservation donors, the Mexican Fund for Nature Conservation (FMCN)
has assisted many ecotourism projects in Protected Natural Areas (PNAs) across the coun-
try but Palenque was not included in the FMCN priority zones for funding. In recent years,
Acajungla has commenced promoting on-site visits and funded the development of an
ecopark (Aluxes)inPalenque,however,therehasbeennospecificeffortmadetoinvolve
local indigenous Mayans. A Mexican conservation NGO has recently approached the El
Naranjo community to assist with training but the results of this approach were not known
at the time this paper was written.
In this study, it was apparent that the failure to establish indigenous tourism ventures
was a direct result of the community leadership failing to recognise the potential offered
by ecotourism and discouraging a significant part of the community from participating in
ecotourism ventures. In effect while the community had the requisite power to become
involved in ecotourism, it did not use this power to facilitate the development of ecotourism
ventures effectively disempowering those sectors of the community that were interested in
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Journal of Sustainable Tourism 17
ecotourism. In part it appears that the reticence of the community leadership to encourage
ecotourism ventures was based on a lack of understanding of ecotourism and the benefits it
can bring and a belief that tourism in general did not generate significant economic returns.
The reluctance of the community leadership to sanction projects designed to establish
ecotourism ventures has parallels to the findings of research undertaken by Mason and
Beard (2008) who found that communities have refused to become involved in projects
coordinated by government programmes due to time- and resource-consuming concerns,
fear of losing control over local planning and decision-making and lack of confidence
in government initiatives and grants, which many communities associated with political
support in exchange of money. In the case of El Naranjo, ecotourism is a concept that many
of the community barely understand and in most cases equate with tourism which in their
experience provides jobs but not a great deal of economic benefits. In a similar way, Stronza
and Gordillo (2008) found that indigenous communities living in the Amazon rainforest
acknowledged the economic benefits of ecotourism associated with participation because
it offered a steady and predictable monthly income.
This situation has emerged in part because of the requirement that communities in-
terested in ecotourism ventures must apply to the federal government for funding via a
signed community agreement, and in part because NGOs have not been actively involved
in promoting the benefits of ecotourism. According to Dahles and Keune (2002) issues that
have affected indigenous ecotourism include low visitation rates, security issues, lack of
basic tourism infrastructure, little name area recognition for remote areas and continued
dependency on funding, staff training and marketing support from environmental NGOs
and industry partners. Further, Hall and Boyd (2005) have argued that local communities
often suffer from a lack of effective political and economic control over major decisions
that affect their well-being. Until there is a change in attitude by the village elders of El
Naranjo towards tourism in general and ecotourism in particular, it will be difficult to build
involvement beyond its present level resulting in continued disempowerment of part of the
village community.
While there is a growing body of research into Mayan ecotourism issues, there remains
amajorgapinidentificationoftheroleofempowermentasanunderlyingissueinallowing
Mayan people to take advantage of opportunities to develop their own ecotourism ventures.
This paper has addressed this gap in the literature and its value lies in testing an empower-
ment framework and acknowledging the importance of stakeholders in the process of local
empowerment. It affirms extant knowledge about empowerment in an indigenous commu-
nity surrounding a World Heritage Park in the Mayan rainforest of Mexico. It is apparent
that the conservation of natural areas and preservation of indigenous cultural values are im-
portant outcomes if it can be achieved from the participation of local communities in a form
that adds value to their lives. However, the success of indigenous ecotourism also depends
on community empowerment which should in turn trigger participation. Empowerment is
achieved once villagers are aware of the essence of ecotourism, have built capacities and
negotiation skills to participate in tourism and have a common will to participate in tourism
and to protect the environment on which they depend.
Acknowledgements
This research was financed by the Mexican Council of Science and Technology (CONACYT) and
supplemented with funds from the Graduate Research School of James Cook University in Australia.
The study was also made possible by the people who participated in the interviews. Special thanks
to government officials from SECTUR, CDI, SEMARNAT, CONANP and FONAES in Mexico City,
and to CONANP in Palenque who facilitated research in the study site. The guidance from Dr. Heather
Zeppel in the formative stage of this study was also valuable.
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18 A. Mendoza Ramos and B. Prideaux
Notes on contributors
Adrian Mendoza-Ramos has completed his PhD at James Cook University, Australia and has many
interests in sustainable tourism from an academic, consultant and project developer perspective.
During 2012, Adrian lectured for undergraduate students from the School of Business of James Cook
University and is currently writing a chapter for the book entitled “Rainforest Tourism”editedby
Professor Bruce Prideaux.
Bruce Prideaux is a professor of marketing and tourism management at James Cook University,
Australia. He is also a Visiting Professor at Bournemouth University, UK. He has a wide range of
research interests including tourism in developing countries, rainforest tourism, marine tourism and
climate change impacts on tourism.
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