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Settling Accounts: The Duty To Prosecute Human Rights Violations of a Prior Regime
Abstract
Professor Orentlicher addresses the problem of whether and on what basis a successor government must prosecute the human rights abuses of a prior regime. Contending that the rule of law requires that the very worst crimes be prosecuted, she argues that principles of international law, customary and conventional, impose a duty to investigate and prosecute the most serious violations. Transitional societies serve the obligation to protect human rights best, not when they prosecute every prior violation, nor when they allow all past violators to go unpunished, but when those most responsible for the past system and the most notorious human-rights violators are brought to justice. The Article concludes with a suggestion that human-rights values may be promoted both through further elaboration of international law standards and through vigorous application of present law.
... Estos análisis sobre México -los que argumentan que la Fiscalía fracasó porque no obtuvo resultados-se inspiran en la literatura dominante sobre justicia transicional que se ha popularizado en los últimos treinta años. Según esta literatura, los mecanismos de justicia transicional que se implementan en distintas sociedades traen consigo beneficios -paz, verdad, justicia, reconciliación-que contribuyen al avance de la democracia liberal (Borneman 1997;De Greiff 2020;Hayner 2002;Mendez 1997;Minow 2000;Orentlicher 1991;Roht-Arriaza 1990). ...
... Un análisis extenso de la literatura está más allá de los objetivos de este artículo. Lo importante es resaltar que gran parte de los fundamentos normativos que todavía hoy dan sustento a la justicia transicional fueron ideados en los noventa (Borneman 1997;Orentlicher 1991Orentlicher , 2551; Roht-Arriaza 1990) -fundamentos que hasta hoy siguen inspirando la literatura sobre el tema (De Greiff 2020). Por ello, aun hoy, la literatura dominante advierte que la justicia transicional es deseable porque su materialización trae consigo beneficios que contribuyen al avance de la democracia liberal: paz, reconciliación, justicia y verdad. ...
Resumen
El tema de la justicia transicional mexicana, materializado a través de una Fiscalía Especial que funcionó entre 2001 y 2006, sigue siendo ignorado en la academia. La mayoría de los estudios existentes supone que la Fiscalía Especial fue creada para generar resultados que contribuirían a la consolidación de la democracia mexicana: particularmente, verdad y justicia. También señalan que esta institución fracasó, porque no obtuvo verdad ni justicia. No coinciden, sin embargo, sobre las razones detrás de dicho fracaso: falta de voluntad política, ausencia de personal capacitado, elaboración de estrategias jurídicas torpes. Este artículo se aleja de estas interpretaciones y rastrea la genealogía de la Fiscalía Especial. Para hacerlo, analiza críticamente el papel crucial que desempeñó en la justicia transicional la Comisión Nacional de los Derechos Humanos (CNDH), institución que hasta ahora ha sido ignorada en los estudios sobre el tema. El argumento que enmarca esta investigación es que, en México, la justicia transicional fue diseñada por la CNDH de tal manera que contribuyó a perpetuar la injusticia. Este artículo busca mostrar que no es que la Fiscalía Especial haya fracasado en la marcha, sino que desde su origen fue pensada para otorgar un indulto a los perpetradores de crímenes.
... This can be related to the literature on the winners and losers of the policy process, which has been found to affect satisfaction with democracy (Blais et al., 2017;Singh & Mayne, 2023). Trials have an expressivist function, sending a clear message to elites and citizens (Bakiner, 2014;Leebaw, 2008;Orentlicher, 1990). For that reason, they have been understood as a signal of a clear cut between the previous authoritarian regime and the current democracy (Smeulers and Drumbl, 2008). ...
Trials are considered the most polarizing measure of transitional justice, as they have harsh consequences on the prosecuted and may criminalize a portion of the previous authoritarian elite that might still enjoy some popular support. However, transitional justice trials may also signal that the current democratic regime differs from the previous dictatorship. Relying on the literature about the winners and losers of the policy process, I argue that the trials’ message increases citizens’ satisfaction with democracy, especially among individuals whose ideology is the opposite of the dictatorship. To show this, I use three empirical strategies. First, combining several data sets at the country level, I find a positive relationship between trials and satisfaction with democracy that is robust to several specifications. Second, I show, using surveys at the individual level in eight Latin American countries, that trials are correlated with an increase in satisfaction with democracy for citizens ideologically unaligned with the dictatorship, but there is no evidence of higher dissatisfaction among those ideologically aligned who support democracy. Third, to show that this increase is caused by the trials and not by underlying factors, I provide quasi-experimental evidence by leveraging the regional variation in the announcements of the court rulings against those committing crimes in the Argentinean Military Junta.
... In developing policies and implementing its duties, the Aceh TRC faced a number of challenges that needed to be overcome, including how to collect evidence and listen to victims' stories (Kusumastuti & Purnama, 2019;Sulistiawati & Santoso, 2014). The Aceh TRC must also consider legal and ethical aspects in the process of revealing this truth (Orentlicher, 2007). from that, this research will also relate the experience of the Aceh TRC in uncovering the truth in other areas after the conflict. ...
This journal describes the formulation and implementation of the Aceh Truth and Reconciliation Commission (KKR) in revealing the truth regarding human rights violations that occurred in Aceh in the past. Aceh is one of the regions in Indonesia that has experienced armed conflict for decades involving the government and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) group. This period of conflict has led to many cases of human rights violations, and the Aceh TRC has an important role in revealing the truth and seeking reconciliation between the parties involved. This journal will use a research methodology combining a qualitative approach and document analysis to investigate the role and performance of the Aceh Truth and Reconciliation Commission (KKR). Apart from that, this journal also evaluates the challenges and obstacles faced by the Aceh TRC in the process of revealing the truth. The results of this research found that truth disclosure carried out by the Aceh Truth and Reconciliation Commission (KKR) can provide deeper insight into efforts to overcome human rights violations in Aceh and contribute to understanding the reconciliation process in areas that have been affected by conflict.
... These concern positive obligations which require that States adopt reasonable measures to prevent violations and to investigate, prosecute, punish, and provide reparation when serious human rights abuses arise. This is well recognized by international courts and bodies as arising under all general human rights treaties for example in Osman v. UK [13] The obligation extends to not only foreign State actors, but also non-State actors including terrorist groups. This is reflected in United Nations Human Rights Committee[14] regarding the nature of the general legal obligation imposed on States parties to the Covenant: The positive obligations on States Parties to ensure Covenant rights will only be fully discharged if individuals are protected by the State, not just against violations of Covenant rights by its agents, but also against acts committed by private persons or entities that would impair the enjoyment of Covenant rights in so far as they are amenable to application between private persons or entities. ...
Terrorism remains a global threat, with terrorists operating across borders and targeting innocent civilians. While criminal law traditionally operates within national boundaries, the challenge of terrorism necessitates a reevaluation of legal frameworks to effectively combat this phenomenon. This article explores the legal framework for countering terrorism in Uganda, emphasizing the need for enhanced national and regional cooperation to strengthen criminal justice structures. It examines international and regional human rights instruments, victim rights, criminal justice responses to terrorism, and the role of international cooperation in combating this transnational threat. Additionally, it discusses the adoption of administrative measures within a rule of law framework to prevent individuals from engaging in terrorist activities. The study underscores the importance of addressing terrorism through both legal and operational means to ensure the safety and security of citizens.
... In der Herausbildung von transitional justice als eigenem Forschungsfeld ist die Funktion der Vergangenheit, als negative Referenz zu dienen, zu einer zentralen Aufgabe von Strafverfahren geworden. Wurde anfangs vor allem auf die mögliche Gefahr hingewiesen, die von einer strafrechtlichen Verurteilung für demokratische Transitionsprozesse ausgehe (Orentlicher 1991b;Nino 1991;Orentlicher 1991a;Kritz 1995), nimmt ein Großteil der Literatur inzwischen an, dass strafrechtliche Aufarbeitung wesentlich für eine gewaltfreie Zukunft sei (Überblick bei Carvajalino und Davidović 2023). Die Aufarbeitung der gewaltvollen Vergangenheit, in Kombination mit der Zuschreibung rechtlicher Verantwortung, so die Annahme, trage dazu bei, rechtstaatliche Strukturen zu stärken und zu verhindern, dass sich die Geschichte wiederholt. ...
Zusammenfassung
Der vorliegende Text analysiert die von den US-Amerikanern nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg durchgeführten Gerichtsverfahren gegen Vertreter der deutschen Industrie. Anders als ein Großteil der existierenden Literatur aus den Bereichen des Internationalen Strafrechts/transitional justice und „Unternehmen und Menschenrechte“ verfolgt er dabei einen analytischen Ansatz und fokussiert die wirtschaftspolitischen Ordnungsvorstellungen, die den Verfahren zugrunde liegen. Dazu richtet die Analyse den Blick auf die Konzepte und Annahmen, anhand derer in den Urteilen die Beweise und Materialien zu Bildern der gewaltvollen Vergangenheit zusammengefügt werden. Anhand einer detaillierten Lektüre der juristischen Argumentation in Bezug auf die Anklagepunkte „Beteiligung am Angriffskrieg“, „Sklavenarbeit“ und „Plünderung“ zeigt der Text, dass die Richter die liberale Trennung von Staat und Wirtschaft als normative Setzung auf die Vergangenheit projizieren und rechtwidriges Verhalten der Unternehmer dort feststellen, wo der totalitäre Staat die Freiheit der wirtschaftlichen Sphäre verletzt. Ähnlich der ordoliberalen Theoriebildung verorten die Verfahren die Ursachen für die mit den Unternehmen assoziierte Gewalt im totalitären Staat und stilisieren im Umkehrschluss die freie Marktwirtschaft zum Garanten einer demokratischen Ordnung. Der Text schließt mit Überlegungen zu den Implikationen dieser Beobachtung für aktuelle Bestrebungen, der Gewalt im Kontext transnationaler Akkumulationsprozesse durch die Etablierung von Menschenrechtspflichten für Unternehmen zu begegnen.
... Furthermore, if the non-signatory state refuses to cooperate, it will be difficult to declare jurisdiction over the committed crimes on its territory (RS of ICC). In other words, concerning the practical challenges, the non-signatory states lack of cooperation in the matters of investigation, gathering evidence, bringing suspect, arresting warrants, prosecution, enforcing ICC decisions, etc. which is basic and necessary for the work of the ICC (Orentlicher, 2003;Scheinin, M., 2007;Cryer et al., 2007). v. Another issue is that state referral demands a strong political that might be missed from the side of the non-signatory states that could strongly be reluctant concerning its sovereignty and the autonomy of its national legal systems due to the lack of confidence of the ICC or due to political implications (Broomhall, 2004;Arts and Popelier, 2005;Woods, 2010). ...
The International Criminal Court is one of the pillars of the international criminal judicial system that was established according to the Rome Statute with the aim of prosecuting individuals accused of crimes of an international nature according to the jurisdictions that fall under its legal jurisdictional authority. However, the court faces obstacles and problems with regard to submitting and referring cases to the court. The researchers attempt to shed light on some of these problems. The researchers found that the problems are divided into four main categories related to the referrals from signatory states, referrals from non-signatory states, referrals from the United Nations Security Council, and referrals from the Prosecutor of the Court. The researchers presented a number of solutions and suggestions that aim to develop the work of the court and increase its effectiveness to achieve the ultimate goal of achieving justice and protecting victims.
... However, progress, when thought of concomitantly with the contextual underpinnings of the discussion at hand seems to be an obfuscated, and even erroneous proclamation to make, because justice has not been served equitably in the Rwandan case. As Orentlicher (1991Orentlicher ( :2543 states, ...
... However, progress, when thought of concomitantly with the contextual underpinnings of the discussion at hand seems to be an obfuscated, and even erroneous proclamation to make, because justice has not been served equitably in the Rwandan case. As Orentlicher (1991Orentlicher ( :2543 states, ...
... However, progress, when thought of concomitantly with the contextual underpinnings of the discussion at hand seems to be an obfuscated, and even erroneous proclamation to make, because justice has not been served equitably in the Rwandan case. As Orentlicher (1991Orentlicher ( :2543 states, ...
... consideraciones políticas relativas a la viabilidad de los procesos de democratización o pacificación (Kritz, 1995;Zalaquett, 1999;Murphy, 2018;Yusuf y van der Merwe, 2022). Generalmente son dos las fuerzas en tensión: por una parte, quienes sostienen que se deben priorizar los objetivos de viabilidad democrática, la paz social y que, en consecuencia, deben matizarse las cuestiones que puedan poner en riesgo dichos objetivos, dentro de las cuales se encuentran las respuestas a las graves violaciones de derechos humanos (Nino, 1991;Zalaquett, 1999); por otra parte, están quienes sostienen que las obligaciones de los Estados en materia de derechos humanos obligan a sancionar a los responsables de graves violaciones sin otra consideración que no sea una total y plena justicia (Orentlicher, 1991;Méndez, 2001). ...
En los estudios de Justicia Transicional y Derechos Humanos, uno de los temas que ha surgido con mayor fuerza en las últimas décadas ha sido el estudio de memoria asociada a los hechos que constituyen graves violaciones de los derechos humanos. Este artículo busca responder a la pregunta de cómo la memoria debe entenderse como uno de los pilares de la Justicia Transicional, que coexiste junto con verdad, justicia, reparación y garantía de no repetición. Así, se estudia la evolución del tema de la memoria en el derecho internacional de los derechos humanos, su contornos, mecanismos e instrumentos que le dan una configuración propia y la actual amenaza (negacionismo y discurso de odio).
... 11 By contrast, amnesties are frequently deemed a sacrifice of accountability and due process for reasons of political expediency; they 7 Jeffery (2014), p. 3. 8 Amnesties granted to correct a prior injustice include the amnesty granted in Morocco in 1994 in favour of 424 political prisoners, many serving sentences imposed pursuant to unfair trials, for offences under state security laws, membership of banned organizations, distributing leaflets and the like. 9 See, for example, Orentlicher (1991), p. 2540: "the central importance of the rule of law in civilized societies requires, within defined but principled limits, prosecution of especially atrocious crimes". 10 Ruti Teitel observes: "Punishment dominates our understandings of transitional justice. ...
The aim of this paper is to assess an objection to amnesties conferred in transitional justice contexts: that they violate the rule of law. The paper begins by setting out the objection and presenting three possible replies to it. Each is argued to be unsatisfactory. The central contention of the paper, namely that the success of the objection depends on amnesties’ terms and the reasons for which they are introduced, as well as on what conception of the rule of law is operative, is then presented. The argument that amnesties violate the rule of law on account of public international law, or national constitutions containing bills of rights, prohibiting their use without exception is then rebutted. Few amnesties violate the rule of law for this reason. Finally, the paper addresses a further rule of law-based objection to amnesties that is related to, yet distinct from, the objection that amnesties violate the rule of law. According to this second rule of law-based objection, amnesties prevent, or at least hinder, the restoration of the rule of law in post-conflict societies. This objection is countered by demonstrating that amnesties do not always promote the rule of law less effectively than trials and punishment and may even, in some cases, be essential for the restoration of the rule of law.
... Firstly, by possessing a ius cogens status and the obligation to apply obligation erga omnes, then a state is required by law to actively conduct investigation, prosecution or extradition for the perpetrators of those crimes. This opinion is supported by a number of legal experts, such as Bassiouni, 86 Orenlichter, 87 Scharf, 88 dan Weiner. 89 They argue that because of existence of the ius cogens status within the Court's Complementarity Principle, the primary consequence of this is the universal jurisdiction of those crimes, thus states must and is required to conduct investigation, prosecution or extradition of the perpetrators. ...
In practice, the application of the complementarity principle in the Rome Statute remains unclear, particularly with respect to the prioritization of national penal law jurisdiction. This paper willdiscuss the relevance of the complementarity principle to the development of a national criminal justice system and to the investigation and prosecution of the most serious crimes provided for in the Statute. It was concluded that the complementarity principle should be used to unravel the twisted development of the national criminal justice system in accordance with the provisions of international law. We need to establish our national criminal justice system as the main and foremost forum (hence, willing and able) in the process of investigating and prosecuting the most serious crimes on earth. Dalam praktik, aplikasi Asas Pelengkap (the complementarity principle) dalam Statuta Roma masihbelum jelas, khususnya terkait dengan pengutamaan (prioritization) yurisdiksi hukum pidana nasional. Oleh karena itu, tulisan ini akan membahas relevansi asas tersebut terhadap pembangunan sistem hukum pidana nasional dan terhadap penyelidikan dan penuntutan kejahatan paling serius yang diatur dalam Statuta. Disimpulkan bahwa Asas Pelengkap harus Mahkamah digunakan sebagai pengurai benang kusutpembangunan sistem hukum pidana nasional Indonesia sesuai dengan ketentuan hukum internasional supaya menjadi forum utama (mau dan mampu) dalam proses penyelidikan dan penuntutan kejahatan paling serius di muka bumi.
... Overall, it has been argued that the effects of criminal trials go beyond achieving the primary backward-looking goal of settling accounts with the perpetrators. Trials can, at least in theory, also contribute to forward-looking goals of promoting peace, reconciliation, and transition to democracy, for example, by providing a sense of healing and closure for victims, deterring future crimes, and establishing democratic norms and values (e.g., Akhavan, 1998Akhavan, , 2001Orentlicher, 1991). While being a primarily retributive measure, trials can therefore also serve restorative goals. ...
Transitional justice refers to a variety of measures that aim to address large-scale or systematic human rights violations in societies emerging from repression or mass violence. This chapter reviews the interdisciplinary literature on transitional justice with a particular focus on empirical studies attempting to uncover its effects on individuals affected by violence and repression, including victims, perpetrators, and communities at large. We first consider retributive and restorative justice as two distinct notions of justice that are of primary concern in the aftermath of mass atrocities, and then zoom in on the psychological implications of major transitional justice measures. These measures include criminal trials, truth commissions, material and symbolic reparations, as well as grassroot and hybrid measures. In addition, we discuss the case of impunity, or the absence of transitional justice. Our review highlights the advantages and limitations of different transitional justice measures in promoting human rights, peace, and reconciliation, and identifies directions for future research.
... 12 La demanda por la aplicación estricta del Estado de derecho fue señalada como una meta que debía ser perseguida por la comunidad internacional si los gobiernos nacionales eran débiles para hacerla realidad (Orentlicher, 1991). 13 La credibilidad del Poder Judicial pasó de 90% (1992) a una tasa de desconfianza del 90% después de darse los perdones (Peralta et al. , 1991). ...
Reúne un conjunto original de estudios relativos a la composición, historia y especificidad de la sociedad civil en distintos países de América Latina.
... This state-provoked, but universally embraced hostility towards denationalized offenders therefore conceives of them as hostes humani generis-enemies of the mankind, a portrayal traditionally reserved for pirates-authorizing subsequently the use of 'force and extraordinary measures' against them (Thorup 2009: 402). Terrorists are thus considered to be 'outside the reach of reason' (Thorup 2009: 401) while their actions are taken as evidence of their desire to forfeit legal protection (Orentlicher 1991). Recognizing the transnational and extraterritorial nature of international terrorists, calls have been made to include such individuals under the application of the principle of universal jurisdiction (Burgess 2006). ...
The article examines instances of de jure and de facto denationalization that arise from (suspected) terrorism by analyzing penal outcomes for affected citizens. The article first exposes cases of de jure denationalization that confine citizens to global spaces and draws parallels with instances of de facto denationalization that deny repatriation from abroad. I then argue that both situations signal state’s avoidance of the duty to punish, deviate from conventional penal aspirations and engender volatile global penality. To support this argument, I explore three questions: (1) who punishes, (2) who is punished and (3) what the purpose of punishment is. I conclude by exposing the emerging features of global neo-colonial penality as they pertain to both its objects and objectives.
... 54 Indeed, the failure to carry out prompt, accurate and thorough investigations, capable of shedding light on alleged violations of human rights, render the ECHR's guarantees ineffective in practice. 55 The judges also underlined "the great importance of the [...] case not only for the applicant and his family, but also for other victims of similar crimes and the general public, who had the right to know what had happened". 56 All of the above manifests the international community's favorable attitude towards the recognition of the right to the truth. ...
Safeguarding the right to the truth has become crucial in dealing with systematic violations of human rights. Especially in contexts of transition to democracy, telling the truth is considered of utmost importance for fighting against impunity and promoting peace. Nevertheless, scholars have paid little attention to the judicial implementation of this right and, in particular, to the value of judicial protection of the right to the truth. The article aims to fill this gap by discussing the Juicios por la Verdad (the Truth Trials), a unique experience promoted by the Argentinian civil society in the wake of the military dictatorship. Specifically, it investigates the impact of the judicial recognition of the right to the truth on both the victims' lives and society's attempt to come to terms with the past. The analysis shows that the right to the truth may serve as a tool for knowledge, acknowledgment, strengthening the rule of law and, to an extent, for justice.
... 17 Di sisi lain, sudah begitu banyak RTA yang dibuat (termasuk oleh Indonesia) 18 sehingga hampir 12 North American Free Trade Agreement, 17 Desember 1992, 32 ILM 289, 605 (1993. 13 Treaty Establishing a Common Market between the Argentine Republic, the Federal Republic of Brazil, the Republic of Paraguay and the Eastern Republic of Uruguay, 26 Maret 1991, 30 ILM 1041(1991. sebagian besar volume perdagangan internasional diatur berdasarkan RTA. Dengan demikian, pada dasarnya prinsip non-diskriminasi serta keterbukaan pasar tidak mengalami perubahan. ...
The essence of the right to education as outlined in section 29 of the 1996 Constitution remains a crucial and empowering entitlement deserving protection. Legally speaking, the right to education is inherent and thus places a responsibility on both governmental bodies and educational institutions to ensure its preservation at all cost. However, despite this legal mandate, it's evident that this right isn't always adequately upheld in accordance with educational legislation. This study delves into the safeguarding of the right to education, seeking to identify the parties responsible for ensuring its protection. In simpler terms, the central inquiry posed by this analysis is who holds the obligation to uphold the right to education. Methodologically, this study employs a literature review approach, utilizing resources such as Google Scholar and other internet search engines to access relevant scholarly works. By incorporating contemporary research findings, this paper aims to address the duty of safeguarding this right and ascertain which entities bear the responsibility.
‘Transitional justice’ refers to the full range of efforts to deal with past human rights violations. Since its inception, the concept has undergone an immense expansion of interpretation as it has been applied to a wider range of scenarios in the field. This paper examines the dilemmas of transitional justice as a concept, showing how it has evolved over time and adapted to new contexts. After a brief conceptual history, the paper analyzes the two components of the concept, ‘justice’ and ‘transition,’ followed by an examination of the contemporary challenges facing the concept. We argue that the evolving and multifaceted nature of transitional justice defies a singular definition, as neither the term ‘justice’ nor ‘transition’ fully encapsulates its scope. Although conceptual ambiguities persist and debates over its boundaries continue, the conclusion argues that the term remains analytically and normatively valuable and warrants further engagement rather than abandonment.
The 1948 Genocide Convention is a vital legal tool in the international campaign against impunity. Its provisions, including its enigmatic definition of the crime and its pledge both to punish and to prevent the 'crime of crimes', have now been considered in important judgments by the International Court of Justice, the international criminal tribunals and domestic courts. Since the second edition appeared in 2009, there have been important new judgments as well as attempts to apply the concept of genocide to a range of conflicts. Attention is given to the concept of protected groups, to problems of criminal prosecution and to issues of international judicial cooperation, such as extradition. The duty to prevent genocide and its relationship with the doctrine of the 'responsibility to protect' are also explored.
El diseño de un modelo de transición a la paz requiere abordar las causas del conflicto para evitar la repetición de violaciones masivas y sistemáticas de derechos humanos. Así vista, la justicia transicional (JT) constituiría una garantía de no repetición (GNR), en la medida en que busca corregir las fallas estructurales que subyacen a tales violaciones, con el fin de prevenir ilícitos continuos o repetitivos. Esta investigación explica cómo el modelo de justicia transicional colombiano ha integrado las GNR, los aportes que ofrece este diseño para otros procesos transicionales y algunas alertas. Por su contenido y finalidad, el artículo es de interés para una amplia audiencia: para quienes están a cargo del diseño, del seguimiento y de la implementación de mecanismos de JT, académicos y todos aquellos que desean comprender la panorámica del sistema de transición colombiano, las posibilidades y los desafíos que implica ese deseado “no volver atrás”.
This book examines global accountability for war crimes and human rights violations, exploring legal frameworks, historical evolution, and strategies for justice. It analyzes international laws, conventions, and mechanisms for addressing atrocities, while delineating the scope and impact of these crimes. The text provides historical context, case studies, and an assessment of ongoing challenges in achieving accountability. Emphasizing victim-centered approaches, the book underscores the importance of justice, healing, and prevention in upholding human dignity and peace.
Esta comunicação, originalmente apresentada na École dês Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, em junho de 2014, durante o “Colloque International – 1964: La dictature brésilienne et son legs”, correlaciona como Argentina, Brasil e Chile responderam a sentenças internacionais pró-responsabilização de crimes de Estado. Questiona como tais respostas se ligam a quadros de continuidade/descontinuidade de leituras dos judiciários locais sobre o autoritarismo e as relações entre direito doméstico e internacional no processo de sua superação. Oferece, assim, uma contribuição ao entendimento de como o direito lê a história ao julgar o passado, partindo da relação entre o direito doméstico e o direito regional (Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos).
Con la intención de homenajear al profesor Miguel Soto Piñeiro, el siguiente artículo presenta una opinión sobre la pena y sus fines en relación con los crímenes de carácter internacional, a través de analogías con la historia narrada en el cómic ¿Qué le ocurrió al paladín enmascarado? que representan al retribucionismo como explicación a la idea de castigo o sanción. A continuación, el autor realiza una revisión sobre la concepción que entrega el derecho internacional a la obligación de proscripción de la impunidad que tienen los estados ante crímenes de lesa humanidad, crímenes de guerra y genocidios, la que incluye, además de la persecución penal, la proporcionalidad en la sanción impuesta y la ejecución y cumplimiento efectivos de la sentencia, para evitar nuevas formas de impunidad. Finalmente, el autor realiza un análisis del sistema penal chileno y su respuesta a los crímenes y violaciones a derechos humanos perpetrados durante la dictadura militar, exponiendo cómo fueron abordados y las fallas que este presentó en cuanto al deber de proscripción de la impunidad, tales como la prescripción gradual o media prescripción, la falta de aplicación de agravantes y la concesión de atenuantes injustificada por la jurisprudencia.
El Estado es el garante de la seguridad e integridad de las personas privadas de la libertad a quienes se les atribuye la comisión de un delito, los Centros de Reinserción Social son los sitios destinados para esta medida, no obstante, debido al contexto penitenciario actual en México, han surgido diferentes respuestas para hacer frente a las problemáticas que se presentan, producto de la ausencia de gobernabilidad de un sistema penitenciario con marcadas áreas de oportunidad, sin embargo, lejos del fortalecimiento de la reinserción social, se plantean mecanismos desde una óptica de idealismo en papel del Sistema Penitenciario, que limita el cumplimiento de la Ley Nacional de Ejecución Penal al no existir las condiciones para su implementación, no obstante, sin duda, esta Ley ha permitido dar pasos agigantados en materia penitenciaria, marcando la dirección de las acciones con una visión de derechos humanos y perspectiva de género y que además considera claros beneficios de preliberación, de tal forma que, la aprobación de un instrumento de Amistía como el que se ha planteado en México recientemente, vuelve al Sistema Penitenciario liberal sin un enfoque criminológico, por lo que, es preciso realizar un análisis en contraposición con la realidad penitenciaria, considerando que el fin último de los Centros de Reinserción Social es la reinserción social.
This paper critically examines systematic mass rape as a weapon of war in the former Yugoslavia, particularly in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Croatia, with reference to international humanitarian law. It also looks into potential remedies which may address the needs of mass rape victims under national, regional, and international law.
The obligation of States to incorporate ICC Statute crimes into domestic law has been central in previous debates on implementation. The existence of an obligation to criminalize, however, does not mean that States engage in implementation. Relevant for State compliance is also the level of precision of the norm and mechanisms of enforcement in case of a violation. This chapter assesses potential sources of an obligation by taking into account factors that influence compliance. It starts with domestic constitutional law and continues with international treaty law, such as the ICC Statute and human rights treaties, customary international law and ius cogens. The chapter shows that the lack of an obligation stemming from the principle of complementarity under the ICC Statute is not compensated by the usually available enforcement mechanisms in case States are legally unable to exercise jurisdiction. The restricted aggression jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court and the few domestic implementations do not push States to proactively criminalize aggression. The chapter argues that it is possible to infer an obligation to criminalize aggression from the constitutional obligation of States to protect fundamental rights. The obligation of States to protect international human rights, the ius cogens nature of the prohibition of aggression or its accepted consequences in the field of State responsibility also support such an inference. However, this requires an extensive interpretative process, which is why the claimed existence of an obligation does not induce compliance.KeywordsObligationState complianceHard law and soft lawConstitutional obligation to protect fundamental rightsICC StatuteCoercive potential of complementarityLegislative Pinochet effectObligation to criminalize serious human rights violationsAggression and the human right to lifeHuman right to peaceExtraterritorial applicability of human rights treatiesCustomary obligation
Ius cogens
Duty of the aggressor State to make reparations
El presente artículo realiza un estudio comparativo de la aplicación del derecho internacional por parte de los tribunales superiores de Argentina y España, en relación con los modelos de justicia transicional adoptados en cada caso. Para ello, el trabajo adopta los enfoques teóricos y metodológicos propuestos por el Derecho de las relaciones exteriores y por el Derecho internacional comparado, explicados de manera general en la primera parte. La investigación sugiere que el grado de aplicación del derecho internacional por los tribunales de Argentina y España, al decidir acerca de la posibilidad de enjuiciar criminalmente los delitos de lesa humanidad, tiene relación directa con diversos aspectos del derecho interno de cada Estado.
L’impact du Tribunal pénal international pour l’ex-Yougoslavie (TPIY) a été principalement évalué en fonction de sa contribution à la paix et à la réconciliation dans la région. Cet article offre une perspective différente en explorant les effets des politiques de conditionnalité associées au TPIY sur la consolidation démocratique en Serbie. Dans son analyse, l’auteur avance que l’imposition du droit pénal international sur des États récalcitrants peut entraver la stabilité démocratique et saper les objectifs de la justice transitionnelle dans les pays concernés. Dans le contexte d’une transition fragile et incertaine, les autorités serbes ont dû concilier les exigences et les priorités du TPIY avec celles de différents groupes d’intérêts nationaux. En examinant les modes de coopération des autorités serbes avec le TPIY, cet article met en lumière les effets contradictoires des politiques de conditionnalité et montre comment les mises en œuvre de la justice internationale sont affectées par les développements politiques sur le terrain.
Politics of Impunity investigates the failure of the anti-impunity agenda in Brazil, from the release of the truth commission report denouncing the crimes of the military regime (1964-1985) in 2014, to the election of the former-paratrooper and far-Right leader Jair Bolsonaro in 2018. Connecting debates on critical military studies, transitional justice and memory studies, the book moves beyond the conditions of implementation of accountability measures, the so-called best practices for the delivery of justice and reconciliation in the wake of conflict. It examines the conditions of possibility of the global anti-impunity agenda: when, how and why the question of impunity came to dominate debates on large-scale political violence. The book provides an extensive analysis of Brazilian official documents of the truth commission, including semi-structured interviews with activists and practitioners. It opens a pathway for exchange and comparison between representations of militarism and different strategies for resisting military violence, from both the Global North and the Global South. Finally, the manuscript reveals non-Eurocentric ways to represent and think about militarism by investigating the work of local scholars and practitioners in Brazil.
In the past two decades, peace negotiators around the world have increasingly accepted that granting amnesties for human rights violations is no longer an acceptable bargaining tool or incentive, even when the signing of a peace agreement is at stake. While many states that previously saw sweeping amnesties as integral to their peace processes now avoid amnesties for human rights violations, this anti-amnesty turn has been conspicuously absent in Asia. In Negotiating Peace: Amnesties, Justice and Human Rights Renée Jeffery examines why peace negotiators in Asia have resisted global anti-impunity measures more fervently and successfully than their counterparts around the world. Drawing on a new global dataset of 146 peace agreements (1980–2015) and with in-depth analysis of four key cases - Timor-Leste, Aceh Indonesia, Nepal and the Philippines - Jeffery uncovers the legal, political, economic and cultural reasons for the persistent popularity of amnesties in Asian peace processes.
Criminal justice has traditionally been associated with the nation state, its legitimacy and its authority. The growing internationalisation of crime control raises crucial and complex questions about the future shape of justice and urban governance as these are experienced at local, national and international realms. The emergence of new international justice institutions such as the International Criminal Court, the greater movement of people and goods across national borders and the transfer of criminal justice policies between different jurisdictions all present novel challenges to criminal justice systems as well as our understandings of criminal justice. This volume of essays explores the implications and impact of criminal justice developments in an increasingly globalised world. It offers cutting-edge conceptual contributions from leading international commentators organised around the themes of international criminal justice institutions and practices; comparative penal policies; and international and comparative urban governance and crime control.
This systematic, contextual and practice-oriented account of complementarity explores the background and historical expectations associated with complementarity, its interpretation in prosecutorial policy and judicial practice, its context (ad hoc tribunals, universal jurisdiction, R2P) and its impact in specific situations (Colombia, Congo, Uganda, Central African Republic, Sudan and Kenya). Written by leading experts from inside and outside the Court and scholars from multiple disciplines, the essays combine theoretical inquiry with policy recommendations and the first-hand experience of practitioners. It is geared towards academics, lawyers and policy-makers who deal with the impact and application of international criminal justice and its interplay with peace and security, transitional justice and international relations.
Taking stock of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the collapse of the communist regimes of Central and Eastern Europe, this volume explores how these societies have grappled with the serious human rights violations of past regimes. It focuses on the most important factors that have shaped the nature, speed, and sequence of transitional justice programs in the period spanning the revolutions that brought about the collapse of the communist dictatorships and the consolidation of new democratic regimes. Contributors explain why leaders made certain choices, discuss the challenges they faced, and explore the role of under-studied actors and grassroots strategies. Written by recognized experts with an unparalleled grasp of the region's communist and post-communist reality, this volume addresses far-reaching reckoning, redress, and retribution policy choices. It is an engaging, carefully crafted volume, which covers a wide variety of cases and discusses key transitional justice theories using both qualitative and quantitative research methods.
This collection of essays brings together jus post bellum and transitional justice theorists to explore the legal and moral questions that arise at the end of war and in the transition to less oppressive regimes. Transitional justice and jus post bellum share in common many concepts that will be explored in this volume. In both transitional justice and jus post bellum, retribution is crucial. In some contexts criminal trials will need to be held, and in others truth commissions and other hybrid trials will be considered more appropriate means for securing some form of retribution. But there is a difference between how jus post bellum is conceptualized, where the key is securing peace, and transitional justice, where the key is often greater democratization. This collection of essays highlights both the overlap and the differences between these emerging bodies of scholarship and incipient law.
This collection of essays brings together jus post bellum and transitional justice theorists to explore the legal and moral questions that arise at the end of war and in the transition to less oppressive regimes. Transitional justice and jus post bellum share in common many concepts that will be explored in this volume. In both transitional justice and jus post bellum, retribution is crucial. In some contexts criminal trials will need to be held, and in others truth commissions and other hybrid trials will be considered more appropriate means for securing some form of retribution. But there is a difference between how jus post bellum is conceptualized, where the key is securing peace, and transitional justice, where the key is often greater democratization. This collection of essays highlights both the overlap and the differences between these emerging bodies of scholarship and incipient law.
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