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Social relationships of gamers and their parents

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Abstract

The purpose of this study is to understand how playing digital games affect children and adolescents. relationships with their parents. Ninety primary and secondary school students from 6 schools were randomly invited to participate in a one-on-one qualitative semi-structured interview. Mixed responses were received from the students, with regard to whether gaming displaced time with their family and whether it caused conflicts with parents. On a positive note, the majority of them felt that playing games did not displace time with parents or lead to conflicts with parents. This paper presents a detailed account of their perception and reasons on the issue. (C) 2011 Published by Elsevier Ltd. Selection and/or peer-review under responsibility of the 2nd World Conference on Psychology, Counselling and guidance.
Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences 30 (2011) 1237 – 1241
Available online at www.sciencedirect.com
Procedia
Social and
Behavioral
Sciences
Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences 00 (2011) 000000
www.elsevier.com/locate/procedia
WCPCG-2011
Social relationships of gamers and their parents
Su Li Chaia, Vivian Hsueh-Hua Chenb, Angeline Khooa* 1
aNational Institute of Education, 1Nanyang Walk, Singapore 637616, Singapore
bNanyang Technological University, 50 Nanyang Avenue, Singapore 639798, Singapore
Abstract
The purpose of this study is to understand how playing digital games affect children and adolescents‟ relationships with their
parents. Ninety primary and secondary school students from 6 schools were randomly invited to participate in a one-on-one
qualitative semi-structured interview. Mixed responses were received from the students, with regard to whether gaming displaced
time with their family and whether it caused conflicts with parents. On a positive note, the majority of them felt that playing
games did not displace time with parents or lead to conflicts with parents. This paper presents a detailed account of their
perception and reasons on the issue.
Keywords: parent-child relationship, video computer games, adolescent, child
1. Introduction
The massive popularity of digital games and significant amount of time which children and adolescents have
spent playing them has been well documented in the literature. Recent studies have noted that the amount of time
which children and adolescents spent on digital gaming is increasing. According to a report done by NDP Group
(2007), more than one-thirds of children from the age of 2 years to 17 years in the United States are playing more
video games compared to a year ago. 50% of these children spent on average, 5 hours or less per week, while the
other 50% of these children spent about 6 to 16 hours per week on playing video games. In Singapore, a recent
study reported that most children and adolescents in Singapore between the ages of 10 to 16 years play games (Choo
et al, 2010). On average, a child spent about 20 hours per week on games. Boys reported 22 hours per week while
girls reported 18 hours per week. Obviously, gaming has become a social activity and constitutes a major part of
their social experience (Choo, et al, 2010). However, up to date, there is limited local research on the possible
impacts of gaming on children and adolescents‟ social lives. Further, in view of the increasing amount of game
play, research has argued that excessive game play could lead to detrimental consequences. One of which
consequences is that gaming replaces social activities that are important to maintain one‟s social connectivity with
significant others such as family and friends.
1.1. Time displacement
An early Internet study by Nie and Hillygus (2002) reported that individuals who frequently use the Internet tend
to interact less with other individuals even with just 2-5 hours of Internet time per week. For individuals who used
* Angeline Khoo. Tel.: (+65)-6790-3212 .
E-mail address: angeline.khoo@nie.edu.sg
© 2011 Published by Elsevier Ltd. Open access under CC BY-NC-ND license.
Selection and/or peer-review under responsibility of the 2nd World Conference on Psychology, Counselling and
Guidance.
1877-0428 © 2011 Published by Elsevier Ltd. Open access under CC BY-NC-ND license.
Selection and/or peer-review under responsibility of the 2nd World Conference on Psychology, Counselling and Guidance.
doi:10.1016/j.sbspro.2011.10.239
1238 Su Li Chai et al. / Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences 30 (2011) 1237 – 1241
Su Li Chai / Procedia Social and Behavioral Sciences 00 (2011) 000000
more than 10 hours of Internet per week, the interaction time reduced even more significantly. According to the
study by Stanford Institute for the Quantitative Study of Society (SIQSS), it was reported that 31% of US population
who used Internet frequently spent 70 minutes lesser interacting with family, 25 minutes lesser sleeping and 30
minutes lesser watching television, all on a daily basis compared to those who did not use Internet frequently. Not
surprisingly, when more time is allocated to the Internet, time spent socializing with family, friends and other
people, and performing other social activities decreased. A similar phenomenon was observed in digital games play.
Studies reported that gaming not only displaced time spent with other people and on other activities (Nie & Erbring,
2002), it has also been associated with poorer relationships and increased conflicts with family and friends (Padilla-
Walker et al, 2009).
In a later study conducted by Cumming et al (2007), they specifically examined this notion that playing video
games displace the time adolescents spent in other daily activities. The study involved 1941 children aged 10 to 19
years. Data, in the form of type, number, duration, location and identity of other persons (if the activity was carried
out with another person) were collected via twenty-four-hour time-use diaries on a randomly chosen weekday and a
weekend. Time-use diaries were used to determine adolescents‟ time spent playing video games, with parents and
friends, reading and doing homework, and in sports and leisure activities. Results revealed that gamers spent 30%
and 34% lesser time on reading and doing homework respectively when comparing to non-gamers. Furthermore,
the amount of time gamers spent on playing video games alone was found to be negatively correlated with time
spent on other activities with their parents and friends. Hence, the finding further demonstrated that spending more
time on playing digital games could possibly displace time individuals spent on interacting with other people and on
doing other activities. Indeed, college students surveyed in Jones et al (2003) study also expressed similar
sentiments that playing computer, video, online games took “some” or “a lot” of time away from other leisure
activities. Elsewhere, like Kolo and Baur‟s (2000) study, gamers of Ultima Online also complained about the lack
of time to do other activities except for playing the game.
A number of studies have assessed the length of game play in relation to gamers‟ social relationships with
family, friends and/or other individuals and found negative consequences. For instance, Padilla-Walker et al (2009)
study found that video game use was related to lower relational quality with parents and friends, and usage might be
a risk factor in affecting adult social development. Cole and Griffiths (2007) explored the occurrence of social
interactions of 912 self-selected MMORPGs players in and outside of game. The sample age ranged from 11 to 63
years. They found that the number of hours per week spent on playing MMORPG game has a negative effect on
relationships; the correlation is weak but significant, particularly with friends or family members who did not play
the same game. For some players, they reported experiencing more conflicts with partners, friends or relative whom
felt that they were being neglected due to their game playing (Woods et al, 2007).
1.2. Parent-child conflicts
In some studies, it has been reported that gamers experienced conflicts with the people around him or her in
regarding to their game play. As mentioned above, for some players, conflicts with their partners, friends or family
members occurred when the latter felt neglected due to the gamers‟ devotion to their games (Woods et al, 2007).
Only a few studies which involving parents have examined the frequency of conflicts with their children (for
example Skoien & Berthelsen, 1996) and even fewer have explored the issues in depth. In Skoien and Berthelsen‟s
(1996) study, about 10% of parent participants reported that they had frequently experienced conflicts with their
child because of game issues with regard to such issues as buying games and amount of time to play. 54% reported
occasional conflicts, and 37% reported that they had not experience any conflicts with their child because of digital
gaming.
Parents and children often hold different views and opinions about digital games, such as the appropriateness of
game content, gaming habits and other real life priorities, leading to different benchmarks about playing digital
games and amount of parental mediation (Nikken & Jansz, 2006). For instance, Aarsand (2007) described a case
study in which a grandmother and her grandchild had different understanding on how much time was required to
finish a game. The grandmother gave a particular amount of gaming time to her grandson, how he played the game
was of little interest to her. He had to stop playing when his time was up. In contrast, the grandson determined the
amount of time he required based on “task-bound reasoning” (p. 250), as he wanted to complete the task before
stopping the game. Moreover, parents who have a negative view about the effect of games tend to restrict their
children‟s gaming time more, especially if they thought that their child is spending too much time on playing games
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instead of participating in other more socially beneficial activities (Skoien & Berthelsen, 1996). Hence, it is
proposed that conflicts between parent and child could arise due to differences in perception and expectations about
game play.
1.3. Purpose of study
Existing studies are mostly quantitative in nature. How children gamers view this issue is understudied.
Considering that family plays a major role in children and adolescents‟ lives, it is important to investigate how
gaming influences the family relationships between children and their parents and vice versa. This study aims at
gaining deeper understanding of how the children gamers understand the impact of gaming in their own daily lives
as well as how their family relationship influence their game play habits.
1.4. Research questions
In view of the concerns raised, two research questions were proposed:
RQ1: How does playing games influence gamers‟ involvement in family activities?
RQ2: How does playing games influence the frequency and nature of family conflict between parents and
children?
2. Method
This interview study is part of a larger national study to investigate the effects of playing digital games on the
children and adolescents in Singapore. Invitations were randomly sent out to primary and secondary students who
earlier participated in a quantitative study on digital gaming. A total of 90 students agreed to take part, with parental
consent. There were 67 primary students (ages ranging from 11 to 12 years) and 23 secondary students (ages
ranging from 13 to 15 years) from 6 schools. One-on-one semi-structured interviews were conducted to understand
how playing games influence their interactions and relationships with family members. The duration of each
interview lasted about 1 to 1.5 hours. Interviews were audio-recorded with consent from the participants, and
subsequently transcribed. The transcripts were then coded for categories or themes by 2 coders, which the answers
to the research questions were gleaned.
3. Findings
3.1. Time displacement
With regard to whether playing games displaced time with their parents, mixed responses were received from
both primary and secondary students. About half of the students felt that gaming did not affect their time with
parents while the rest were split between agreeing and undecided.
A minority of the students felt that playing games affected their time with their family. When asked to explain
their reasons, one of common reasons given was that they spent much of their time gaming. Consistent with the
time displacement hypothesis, when more time is spent playing on one activities, this naturally lead to lesser time
and subsequently lesser interactions with parents. As one of the students mentioned, “I will spend more time with
my games than with my parents, talk less with them and relationship with them is lesser”. These students often gave
higher priority to gaming when they had to choose between playing games and participating in shared activity with
family, especially if they were not interested in the activity that their parents had decided for them, for example,
shopping. As one student commented, “When they are going for shopping, I too lazy to go out always, then I
always stay at home alone, always, so I play the game”. Another reason given was that they were so engrossed in
the game that interactions with family members, especially parents were reduced or were only half-hearted as they
had to consistently focus their attention to concentrate on the games. Hence, the interviews revealed that for some
students, their relationships with parents could be neglected when they spent more time and attention gaming.
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However, the majority of the students reported that gaming did not affect their time with family, even though
they may spend many hours gaming. Three reasons were commonly cited, low amount of game play, gaming and
family time did not clash, and playing of games with parents.
For the group of students who reported that they spent very limited time on playing games, it is usually due to
either a low interest in playing video/computer games or they have strict parental restriction on the amount of time
they could play games. For the first group, they were keener on other activities, such as playing sports or reading.
For the latter group, their parents, particularly mothers, controlled the amount of time or decide when they could
play games. As one mentioned, “Not really because our mother only gives us limited time to play”. Permission to
play games was usually accompanied with the fulfilment of certain requirements, for instance, after homework was
completed or after exams, etc. When the parents have control over children‟s time, gaming time is less likely to
clash with family time since it was their „under control‟.
Another group of students felt that gaming did not take away time from their family as their gaming and family
time did not clash. As one student explained, “Not really ah (sic) because my parents usually come home late”.
Another student commented that “Because the time I choose to play games my family is busy doing work or
something else”. It is observed that they usually game when their parents were at work, or when their parents were
busy with other tasks at home and thus had no time to do activities together with them. Therefore, it could be
inferred that playing games provided some form of companionship for these children and also functioned as a
medium to pass time and relieve boredom. Two secondary students stated that they usually made prior
arrangements with their family in regards to their gaming time and family time, so that they would enjoy their
gaming without interruption and at the same time, enjoy time together with their family. For a small group of
students, their family activities involved playing games with their parents. Since they were doing the same activity
together, they did not feel that playing games displaced any time with their parents.
3.2. Parent-child conflicts
Although the majority of students did not report conflicts, a handful of them reported that they have often
experienced unhappiness with their parents over playing of games, especially when their play was interrupted,
affecting their game progress, for example, leveling halted. One student complained, “Sometimes I will feel
irritated because it‟s like a quite a long time never play computer game. Then I only played for about one hour. Then
my mother asks me to stop I feel abit irritated”. In the case of another student, “I was starting to play for like about
5 minutes then my mother ask me to stop. Then I only played for a bit, so I was a bit angry. So I told my mother to
let me play for a while more then she didn‟t allow, then I got angry”. It is observed that for these students, conflicts
with parents commonly occurred when parents interrupted their game play or confronted them about their “gaming
time and frequency”. Another student complained, “Ya, they think I spend too long on the computer game then
she‟ll (mother) start shouting. They get like naggy each time, like angrier”. Sometime conflicts occurred when the
student disregarded or breached rules which parents have set regarding the playing of video/computer games. It
seemed that these parents do not understand video/computer games and tend to view it negatively. Gaming is
sometimes portrayed in the media in a negative light as affecting, social performance. Parents tend to react
negatively to their use, and attempt to enforce strict control or access without communicating their concerns to their
children. Conflicts occurred as a result, especially for adolescents who value autonomy.
On the other hand, it was observed that students who did not experience conflicts with parents, placed higher
priorities to other activities, such as studying and thus did not spend much time on gaming, “My dad knows that I
can control the time that I play la, so for me, the most maybe one hour, nowadays la, then I‟ll stop already”. Some
students explained, they have an agreement with their parents about the tasks they were expected to complete, in
return for an amount of time to play games. One reported, , “My family rule is if I want to play game, I need to
finish some of my homework before I can play half an hour to one hour computer games.” Most of these students
understood the reasons for the rules and abided by them. One student said, “so they want me to have balance. So like
I won‟t be playing too much, can study too”. Another reported, “Because if you play too much games, your eye
sight will worsen and you need to wear spectacles.” In other words, these students have internalized the reasons
provided by parents and therefore are more willing and agreeable to abide by rules which they have set.
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4. Conclusion
Results of the interviews with the students painted an interesting picture of the role of gaming within the family
context. Overall, there is also little evidence to suggest that gaming has detrimental effects on parent -child
relationships, although a number of interviews did indicate that playing games could lead to potential problems and
conflicts for some parents and their children. There is a need for parents to better understand the games that their
children are playing. They also need to enforce developmentally appropriate rules when controlling their children‟s
gaming habits. At the same time, it is also important to have enjoyable activities together as a whole family.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank the Ministry of Education, Singapore and the Media Development Authority for
jointly funding the research project (Project #EP1/06AK).
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... 2008;Madill 2011;Russell & Johnson 2016). Pelaamisen ympärille voi syntyä kotona konflikteja liittyen esimerkiksi ajankäyttöön (Chai, Chen & Khoo 2011), pelaamisen rajoittamiseen ( (Valkenburg ym. 1999), mutta vanhempien on osoitettu soveltavan samanlaisia malleja myös muihin medioihin (Nikken & Jansz 2014;Mascheroni 2014). ...
... Yhden vastaajan epäilykselle näkökyvyn heikkenemisestä pelaamisen vuoksi ei toistaiseksi ole tieteellistä perustetta, ja kyseessä on mahdollisesti laajemminkin jaettu harhakäsitys, joka voi olla lähtöisin vanhemmilta (ks. Chai, Chen & Khoo 2011). ...
Thesis
Digitaalinen pelaaminen on noussut merkittäväksi harrastukseksi ja ilmiöksi etenkin nuorten ja nuorten aikuisten parissa, ja tuonut mukanaan uudenlaisia kasvatuksellisia haasteita. Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan, millaisia vaatimuksia suomalaisten nuorten (13–30-vuotiaat) pelaamismotiivit, kokemukset pelihaitoista ja pelaamiseen liittyvästä kasvatuksesta asettavat kotien pelikasvatukselle. Tutkimuksessa esitellään pelisivistyksen käsite ja tarkastellaan sen näkökulmasta pelikasvatuksen keskeisiä kysymyksiä. Tutkimuksen kolmessa osatutkimuksessa tarkasteltiin pelaavien nuorten kokemuksia pelaamisestaan: miksi nuoret pelasivat, mitä haittoja nuoret olivat pelaamisen yhteydessä kokeneet ja miten nuoret olivat kokeneet pelaamisen käsittelyn kotikasvatuksessa. Tulokset paljastivat laajan kirjon erilaisia pelaajia, pelikokemuksia ja pelaamisen tapoja. Peleistä saatiin tärkeitä omaehtoisuuden, yhteenkuuluvuuden ja osaamisen kokemuksia, mutta ne olivat myös ajantappamista tylsinä hetkinä. Runsaasti pelaavilla nuorilla esiintyi muita nuoria enemmän pelihaittoja. Pelaamisen määrä ei kuitenkaan ollut luotettava haitallisuuden mittari, vaan pelaamisen motiivit ja vastaajien omat kokemukset liikaa pelaamisesta olivat yhteydessä haittojen esiintymiseen. Nuoret olivat tietoisia pelaamiseen liittyvistä riskeistä ja pyrkivät ehkäisemään niitä. Tulosten perusteella pelaaminen ei vaikuta olevan suomalaisille nuorille merkittävä riski ikäluokkatasolla, mutta yksilötasolla vaikutukset voivat olla hyvinkin suuria, etenkin mikäli pelaaminen kytkeytyy muihin ongelmiin. Nuorten kertomuksissa vanhempien asenteet pelaamista kohtaan vaihtelivat hyvin kielteisistä voimakkaan myönteisiin, mikä näkyi myös kasvatusvalinnoissa. Nuorten pelikasvatusnäkemyksissä korostuivat sekä pelaamisen ymmärtämisen ja myönteisen käsittelyn että haittojen ehkäisyn näkökulmat. Tuloksia peilataan nuorten pelaamisen aiempaan tutkimukseen ja julkiseen keskusteluun. Tulosten perusteella annetaan suosituksia pelisivistykselliseen pelikasvatukseen, jossa huomioidaan sekä nuorten pelaajien että pelaamisen monimuotoisuus ja korostetaan nuorten toimijuutta.
... These attributes unlock an opportunity to capitalize on video games as a tool for promoting social relationships. However, most studies recruited players with existing relationships, such as family (Chai et al., 2011) and friendship (Verheijen et al., 2019). The existence of these prior connections could have dictated the outcomes because of distinct social gaming patterns when gamers play with friends, family, or strangers (Eklund, 2015). ...
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Social relationships are a fundamental aspect of human existence. Unsurprisingly, policymakers are incessantly devising strategies that accentuate the benefits of social relationships and diminish the risks of social isolation. The natural manifestation of player-to-player interaction in a video game context poses a unique opportunity to study the effects of co-playing on social relationship formation. However, most studies recruited players with existing relationships (e.g., family and friendship), utilized random commercial video games, or experimented in an online environment. These research gaps warrant further investigation on the utility of video games for promoting social relationships among unacquainted players while in the same physical space. Thus, this study presents the development and evaluation of a couch cooperative video game grounded on sequential team-building mechanics. The findings of this study offer empirical evidence that would have significant practical implications for any organization seeking to increase teamwork and cooperation among its members.
... This finding validates the results of current studies, conducted in China (Dredge and Chen 2020) and Yilmaz and colleagues (2018). However, Chai et al. (2011) argued that playing games did not lead gamers to any conflicts with parents. ...
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Gaming related experiences and addictive behaviours are emerging causes of adverse psycho-social health such as depression, anxiety, in adolescents and young adults around the world. Nonetheless, there remains a dearth of information relating to adolescents and young adults in India, a country which has millions of gamers. Present study examined the effects of massively multiplayer online role-playing games on the psychological health and inter-personal relationships of adolescents and young male adults of sub-urban Kolkata, West Bengal, India. Questionnaires were used to collect data on socio-economic and lifestyle traits, psychological health and inter-personal relationships were obtained from both gamers (n = 150) and non-gamers (n = 150). Data on gaming experiences and addiction were obtained only from gamers. MANCOVA and linear regression were performed to understand the effects of socio-economic and lifestyle traits, gaming experience and addiction traits on psychological health and inter-personal relationships of gamers. Study findings revealed that both gamers and non-gamers derived from a similar age group (mean age = 19.94 years) and socio-economic cluster. Disparities in psychological health in terms of depression, anxiety and stress and inter-personal relationship in terms of parent and peer attachments were present across social groups and between gamers and non-gamers. Various problematic gaming experiences and gaming related addictive behaviours resulted in poor psychological health and inter-personal relationship with parents and peers. Male gamers were at high risk to develop adverse psychological health and poor inter-personal relationships with parents and peers due to problematic gaming experience and gaming addiction. Proper education and counselling regarding the beneficial and detrimental sides of gaming may ensure better psycho-social health of adolescents and young adults in India.
... Si la pratique des jeux vidéo a déjà un certain impact au niveau du fonctionnement familial, elle peut en plus être source de conflits, en particulier lorsque l'enfant va à l'encontre des règles instaurées par ses parents, et lorsqu'il désinvestit toutes les autres sphères de sa vie (Chai, Chen, & Khoo, 2011 ;Young, 2009). Plus précisément, lorsqu'il y a un déséquilibre entre le désir, plus ou moins problématique, de jeu de l'enfant et les croyances et normes des parents, plus ou moins restrictives. ...
Thesis
La pratique des jeux vidéo peut parfois prendre des aspects problématiques et impliquer un ensemble de conséquences négatives pour le joueur et son entourage. La venue en soin de ces joueurs est cependant assez rare. La littérature scientifique pointe de plus l’existence de barrières au traitement entravant la recherche de soin. Cette recherche a pour objectif l’étude de l’accès au soin de joueurs problématiques en utilisant le point de vue de leurs proches. On s’intéresse tout particulièrement aux barrières au traitement, à la demande de soin, à la nature de la pratique de jeu et à la validité d’apparence d’un nouvel outil destiné à relever ces barrières au traitement. La méthodologie comprend une approche quantitative, avec une version française du Problematic Internet Use Questionnaire adaptée aux jeux vidéo et l’Inventaire des Barrières au Traitement, et une approche qualitative avec la réalisation d’un entretien téléphonique semistructuré. L’échantillon comprend 16 proches ayant contacté pour la première fois l’Espace Barbara, ou proches d’un patient déjà suivi au sein de cette structure du service d’addictologie du Centre Hospitalier Universitaire de Nantes. Des analyses descriptives sont réalisées sur les questionnaires et des analyses thématiques le sont sur les entretiens. On constate alors que la demande de soin a lieu lorsque la pratique de jeu prend une proportion excessive récurrente. Les proches donnent par ailleurs des détails concernant cette pratique : trajectoire, caractéristiques, motivations et conséquences négatives. La présence de barrières au traitement est soulignée. Le rôle et l’origine de certaines barrières internes est particulièrement discuté. L’analyse de la validité d’apparence n’est cependant pas complète. Cette étude est à notre connaissance l’une des premières à s’intéresser et à fournir des données sur l’accès au soin des joueurs problématiques de jeux vidéo. Des pistes de réflexion pour améliorer la démarche de soin des joueurs sont finalement envisagées.
... Our interview study (Chai et al. 2011) focused on their interactions with family and friends. Out of the 90 students interviewed, 49 % felt that gaming did not affect their time with their family. ...
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This chapter presents the research findings of a 3-year longitudinal project on video gaming among 2,527 children and adolescents in Singapore between the ages of 9 and 17, with the main objective of investigating positive and negative effects in playing video games. Negative effects referred to pathological play, aggression and mental health problems. Positive effects investigated included prosocial behaviour and empathy and social relationships. Results from published papers are summarised.
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The family is one of the main institutions for raising a child, starting from the moment of birth and ending with his formation of a mature personality. The development of parent-child relations will determine the further formation of a person, including the emergence of addictions and other deviations. This article is devoted to the problem of the relationship between parents among teenagers who are addicted to online games. The sample consisted of 50 people, including students of secondary schools, public colleges and technical schools. Among them there are 21 girls and 29 boys aged 14 to 18 years. In the course of the study, test methods: PVP Questionnaire (Problem Video Game Playing Questionnaire) of Dr. Ricardo Tejeiro-Salguero and Dr. Rosa María Bersabé-Moran (designed to measure the disorder commonly referred to as video game addiction); questionnaire PCI (parent-child interaction) of I.M. Markovskaya. In the course of the study, a relationship was established between the assessment of satisfaction with relationships with parents and with the degree of dependence on video games in complete and single-parent families. The results showed that adolescents who are addicted to online games can experience disharmonious relationships with both their mother and father. It was found that the assessment of satisfaction with relations with parents does not depend on the composition of the family. The results also demonstrated the presence of violations in the structure of parent-child relations, which contribute to the escape from reality in online games in order to compensate for those needs that parents could not realize.
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Digital gaming is a major part of the current media landscape. Parents employ a variety of practices, such as limiting gaming time and discussing games, when addressing their childrens' gaming. Yet, there is still a notable gaming-related generational gap between adolescents and their parents. In this qualitative study, gaming-related parenting practices and parents' and teenagers' views are examined through a thematic analysis of reports from Finnish, 16-19-year-old, active game players. The results suggest a core tension between elements of protection and understanding. Perceived parental attitudes towards gaming ranged from excessively negative to indifferent to very positive. These attitudes were not static, but instead changed according to life situations and parents' familiarity with gaming. Young game players' perceptions and views were also not uniform. Respondents indicated the need for both parental understanding of games and gaming, and parents' responsibilities in limiting gaming, particularly in the case of younger children. Implications for parenting and future research are discussed.
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The abstract for this document is available on CSA Illumina.To view the Abstract, click the Abstract button above the document title.
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Increase in internet use and video-gaming contributes to public concern on pathological or obsessive play of video games among children and adolescents worldwide. Nevertheless, little is known about the prevalence of pathological symptoms in video-gaming among Singaporean youth and the psychometric properties of instruments measuring pathological symptoms in video-gaming. A total of 2998 children and adolescents from 6 primary and 6 secondary schools in Singapore responded to a comprehensive survey questionnaire on sociodemographic characteristics, video-gaming habits, school performance, somatic symptoms, various psychological traits, social functioning and pathological symptoms of video-gaming. After weighting, the survey data were analysed to determine the prevalence of pathological video-gaming among Singaporean youth and gender differences in the prevalence. The construct validity of instrument used to measure pathological symptoms of video-gaming was tested. Of all the study participants, 8.7% were classified as pathological players with more boys reporting more pathological symptoms than girls. All variables, including impulse control problem, social competence, hostility, academic performance, and damages to social functioning, tested for construct validity, were significantly associated with pathological status, providing good evidence for the construct validity of the instrument used. The prevalence rate of pathological video-gaming among Singaporean youth is comparable with that from other countries studied thus far, and gender differences are also consistent with the findings of prior research. The positive evidence of construct validity supports the potential use of the instrument for future research and clinical screening on Singapore children and adolescents' pathological video-gaming.
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The purpose of this study was to gain a clearer understanding of the pattern of video game and internet use among college students and to examine how electronic leisure was related to risk behaviors (i.e., drinking, drug use, sex), perceptions of the self (i.e., self worth and social acceptance), and relationships with others (i.e., relationship quality with parents and friends). Participants included 813 undergraduate students (500 young women, 313 young men, M age = 20, SD = 1.87) who were mainly European American (79%), unmarried (100%) and living outside their parents' home (90%). Results suggested that (a) video game use was linked to negative outcomes for men and women, (b) different patterns of video game and internet use existed for men and women and (c) there were different relations to risk behaviors, feelings about the self, and relationship quality based on the type of internet use, and based on gender. The discussion focuses on the implications of electronic leisure on the overall health and development of young people as they transition to adulthood.
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To examine the notion that playing video games is negatively related to the time adolescents spend in more developmentally appropriate activities. Nonexperimental study. Survey data collected during the 2002-2003 school year. A nationally representative sample of 1491 children aged 10 to 19 years. Main Outcome Measure Twenty-four-hour time-use diaries were collected on 1 weekday and 1 weekend day, both randomly chosen. Time-use diaries were used to determine adolescents' time spent playing video games, with parents and friends, reading and doing homework, and in sports and active leisure. Differences in time spent between game players and nonplayers as well as the magnitude of the relationships among game time and activity time among adolescent game players were assessed. Thirty-six percent of adolescents (80% of boys and 20% of girls) played video games. On average, gamers played for an hour on the weekdays and an hour and a half on the weekends. Compared with nongamers, adolescent gamers spent 30% less time reading and 34% less time doing homework. Among gamers (both genders), time spent playing video games without parents or friends was negatively related to time spent with parents and friends in other activities. Although gamers and nongamers did not differ in the amount of time they spent interacting with family and friends, concerns regarding gamers' neglect of school responsibilities (reading and homework) are warranted. Although only a small percentage of girls played video games, our findings suggest that playing video games may have different social implications for girls than for boys.
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The Internet has revolutionized the way Americans live and communicate, but at a steep social cost, according to researchers at the Stanford Institute for the Quantitative Study of Society (SIQSS). Compared to those who do not use the Internet frequently, those who do—31 percent of the U.S. population, according to the study—spend a whopping 70 minutes less daily interacting with family, 25 minutes less sleeping and 30 minutes less watching television. "[The Internet] has been an extraordinary productivity enhancer and an enormously powerful tool to stay in touch," said political science Professor Norman H. Nie, director of SIQSS. "But if you look at every major social innovation, there are both positive consequences intended and negative consequences unintended." Nie and other researchers at SIQSS have studied those unintended consequences since 2000, when they first reported an association between Internet use and social isolation, a charge that angered some Internet users and attracted widespread media coverage. In December, Nie and doctoral students Alberto Simpser, Irena Stepanikova and Lu Zheng released a report containing even stronger evidence for the controversial connection. The new report states that, on average, Internet users spend three hours online every day. More than half of the time is spent communicating, 8.7 percent playing games, 6.5 percent surfing and 4.3 percent shopping.
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Through an Internet survey of 536 parent–child dyads, the authors researched which mediation strategies parents used to regulate videogaming by their children (8–18 years). Factor analyses revealed that both parents and children distinguished three types of parental mediation: (1) ‘restrictive mediation’, (2) ‘active mediation’, and (3) ‘co‐playing’. These strategies are comparable with mediation types that were established in research about television. Comparing the parents’ and children’s reports it was found that both groups had highly congruent views about the application of mediation. Parental mediation of videogaming was most strongly predicted by the child’s age and the parents’s game behavior. Furthermore, parents applied more restrictive and active mediation when they feared negative behavioral effects and more often co‐played with their children when they expected positive social‐emotional effects of gaming.
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In this ethnographic study of family life, intergenerational video and computer game activities were videotaped and analysed. Both children and adults invoked the notion of a digital divide, i.e. a generation gap between those who master and do not master digital technology. It is argued that the digital divide was exploited by the children to control the game activities. Conversely, parents and grandparents positioned themselves as less knowledgeable, drawing on a displayed divide as a rhetorical resource for gaining access to playtime with the children. In these intergenerational encounters, the digital divide was thus an interactional resource rather than a problem.
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[Editor's note: This study is based on data on a panel of households recruited as a random telephone sample of the U.S. population. In order to use the Internet for the purpose of efficient multi-channel data collection, each household in the sample--with or without prior Internet connection--was equipped with a WebTV® set-top box, with free Internet access and email accounts. The data for the study were collected in December 1999, from a national random sample of 4,113 individuals in 2,689 panel households. The margin of sampling error is about ±1.5% for results from the complete survey, and about ±2.5% for the subset of Internet users.]
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Playing videogames is now a major leisure pursuit, yet research in the area is comparatively sparse. Previous correlational evidence suggests that subjective time loss occurs during playing videogames. This study examined experiences of time loss among a relatively large group of gamers (n = 280). Quantitative and qualitative data were collected through an online survey. Results showed that time loss occurred irrespective of gender, age, or frequency of play, but was associated with particular structural characteristics of games such as their complexity, the presence of multi-levels, missions and/or high scores, multiplayer interactions, and plot. Results also demonstrated that time loss could have both positive and negative outcomes for players. Positive aspects of time loss included helping players to relax and temporarily escape from reality. Negative aspects included the sacrificing of other things in their lives, guilty feelings about wasted time, and social conflict. It is concluded that for many gamers, losing track of time is a positive experience and is one of the main reasons for playing videogames.