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Interpersonal Instrumental Emotion Regulation
Abstract
What motivates people to regulate the emotions of others? Prior research has shown that people are motivated to regulate the emotions of others to make others feel better. This investigation, however, was designed to test whether people are also motivated to regulate the emotions of others to promote personal instrumental benefits. We tested whether participants would be motivated to increase unpleasant (Studies 1-3) or pleasant (Study 3) emotions in others, when they expected to benefit from doing so. We found that participants tried to increase an emotion in others when it was expected to lead to desirable outcomes, but decrease an emotion in others when it was expected to lead to undesirable outcomes. These instrumental motives were found even when they led participants to make their partners feel worse and their rivals feel better. Furthermore, the more participants expected others' emotions to result in behaviors that would personally benefit (or harm) participants themselves, the more they were motivated to increase (or decrease) the corresponding emotion in others. These findings demonstrate the operation of instrumental motives in regulating the emotions of others, whether friends of foes.
... Extrinsic interpersonal affect worsening has been observed in experimental (e.g., López-Pérez et al., 2017;Netzer et al., 2015;Niven et al., 2019), scenario-based (e.g., Gummerum & López-Pérez, 2020;López-Pérez et al., 2022), and survey studies in the field (e.g., Madrid et al., 2019;Vasquez et al., 2020). More recently, some studies have started looking at extrinsic interpersonal affect worsening by relying on daily diaries (Tran et al., 2023). ...
... On the other hand, people could differ as to whether they engage in momentary extrinsic affect worsening to deteriorate others' emotions in specific contexts. For example, if targets need to challenge others in a confrontation situation, regulators can decide to boost the targets' anger, as this can motivate the target to engage in confrontation (López-Pérez et al., 2017;Netzer et al., 2015). It might be sensible to expect that the two forms (dispositional and momentary) of affect worsening might be interrelated, due to behaviors or reactions stemming from people's tendencies to act and the consistency of behaviors across situations (Saucier et al., 2007). ...
... Extrinsic interpersonal affect worsening entails making other people feel bad. Although previous research had documented that people engage in such emotional processes (López-Pérez et al., 2017Netzer et al., 2015;Niven et al., 2019), most of the data collected were confined to experimental, questionnaire-based contexts or self-reports cross-sectionally. In addition, although some limited research has highlighted that engaging in extrinsic interpersonal affect worsening is linked to lower well-being in the regulator (Martínez-Íñigo et al., 2018;Niven, Totterdell, et al., 2012), there is, to the best of our knowledge, no previous research looking at anger as a possible antecedent and consequence. ...
Previous research has demonstrated how people are motivated to induce negative feelings in others, a phenomenon known as extrinsic interpersonal affect worsening. This process has been linked to decreased well-being for those involved in regulating these emotions. However, prior studies have primarily centered on experimental scenarios, neglecting the emotions (such as anger) experienced by those regulating extrinsic affect worsening as possible predictors. To address this gap, a study involving 166 British adults (Mage = 35.09, SD = 12.94) was conducted from the end of 2019 to February 2020. Participants reported their general disposition to engage in extrinsic interpersonal affect worsening and subsequently recorded their levels of momentary anger and momentary extrinsic affect worsening through ecological momentary assessments for 28 days at three different daily time points. The findings unveiled a reciprocal relation with nuanced differences between occurrence and intensity of affect worsening. While for occurrence, we only observed an effect where the occurrence of affect worsening led to a heightened experience of anger in the regulator; for intensity, we observed a detrimental cycle in which anger can serve as both a cause and a consequence of the higher intensity of extrinsic affect worsening. These results are discussed within the context of aggression and abuse theories.
... In a study focusing on instrumental motives, Tamir et al. (2008) found that individuals were likely to prefer angry stimuli that could improve their game performance before playing an aggressive computer game. Moreover, when participants' partners were expected to play an aggressive computer game, they were also more likely to prefer that angry stimuli be introduced to their partners to facilitate their partners' performance (Netzer, Van Kleef, et al., 2015;Niven et al., 2019). These findings are consistent with the idea that anger can help in confrontational situations (van Kleef et al., 2004). ...
... These findings are consistent with the idea that anger can help in confrontational situations (van Kleef et al., 2004). Furthermore, the extent to which individuals perceive the utility of anger varies and is positively associated with their preference for angry stimuli (Netzer, Van Kleef, et al., 2015;Tamir & Ford, 2012). ...
... Previous research has found that individuals regulate their own anger (Tamir et al., 2008) as well as that of their partners (Netzer, Van Kleef, et al., 2015) based on instrumental motives. Therefore, we tested the above hypotheses for both intrinsic (Study 1) and extrinsic emotion regulation (Study 2). ...
Instrumental motives, such as increasing negative emotions to facilitate performance, are one of the primary motives in regulating one’s own emotions (i.e., intrinsic emotion regulation) and others’ emotions (i.e., extrinsic emotion regulation). However, most instrumental emotion regulation research has been conducted in Western countries, even though desired emotions, such as anger, could vary across Western and Eastern cultures. This research investigates cross-cultural similarities and differences between European Americans and Japanese in instrumental motives for regulating one’s own (Study 1) and others’ anger (Study 2). To this end, the two preregistered studies used the context of playing an aggressive or nonaggressive computer game, a common methodology used in previous research on instrumental anger regulation. The results showed that both European Americans and Japanese significantly preferred angry stimuli for themselves and their partners before playing an aggressive game over a nonaggressive one. We also found that European Americans preferred anger stimuli significantly more than Japanese, although these cultural differences were neither large nor robust. Furthermore, individual differences in the perceived utility of anger were positively associated with a preference for angry stimuli, whereas cultural self-construals were not significantly associated with a preference for angry stimuli among either European Americans or Japanese. This research provides novel evidence for the cross-cultural similarity of instrumental anger regulation in both intrinsic and extrinsic emotion regulation between European Americans and Japanese.
... The intentional, controlled, and conscious nature of EER implies a goal-directed process where people guide their behavior by seeking to achieve a higher-order goal (Cloonan, 2019) and deliberately choosing some strategies over others to that end. The literature suggests that the use of EER may be motivated by reasons of reciprocation, commitment, or obligation to oneself or others (Cloonan, 2019), hedonic and cooperative (Cohen & Arbel, 2020), selfish or instrumental (Netzer et al., 2015), altruistic (López-Pérez et al., 2017), or antisocial motivations (Zaki & Williams, 2013). We also know that regulating extrinsically brings costs and benefits for the regulator, and according to the findings of Netzer et al. (2015), people would be aware of this when choosing extrinsic strategies. ...
... The literature suggests that the use of EER may be motivated by reasons of reciprocation, commitment, or obligation to oneself or others (Cloonan, 2019), hedonic and cooperative (Cohen & Arbel, 2020), selfish or instrumental (Netzer et al., 2015), altruistic (López-Pérez et al., 2017), or antisocial motivations (Zaki & Williams, 2013). We also know that regulating extrinsically brings costs and benefits for the regulator, and according to the findings of Netzer et al. (2015), people would be aware of this when choosing extrinsic strategies. ...
... For example, when the motivation for EER is to generate pain or discomfort, there is often an implicit belief that fear, anger, anguish, or guilt will bring long-term benefits (Zaki, 2020). In short, EER also has a role in maximizing personal instrumental gains or benefits, even when doing so entails immediate costs or harm to the other person (Netzer et al., 2015). ...
The literature on extrinsic emotion regulation or the intention to modify other people’s emotions has grown in recent years, accompanied by proposals in which its definition is made more precise, the way to understand it in relation to other related processes is delimited, and the consequences of its use in the quality of close relationships are evidenced. Conceptual reviews on this topic recognize the importance of examining the affect and dyadic dynamics that arise between those who regulate each other extrinsically. This dynamic refers to emotional interdependence, the potential of the members of a dyad to shape each other’s emotions reciprocally, particularly in those who share a close bond, such as that of a romantic couple. There is little theoretical development regarding the relevance of this characteristic in relation to EER. This article has two objectives: (1) to make a narrative synthesis of the characteristics that define EER and (2) to expand and complexify the existing model by including the emotional interdependence as a vital component in the understanding of the functioning of EER. Lastly, the role of emotional interdependence in the emergence, maintenance, and satisfaction concerning couple relationships is made explicit through phenomena such as shared reality.
... For instance, in confrontational contexts, adults are more motivated to experience anger, but only if they believe anger is useful in that context . Conversely, in collaborative contexts, adults are more motivated to experience happiness and believe it to be more useful Netzer et al., 2015). ...
... Despite the importance of emotion goals in emotion regulation, existing developmental evidence is sparse. Available studies have focused exclusively on young adults (e.g., Netzer et al., 2015), the elderly (Charles & Carstensen, 2014), and adolescents (Riediger & Luong, 2016), overlooking children. Moreover, these studies have not compared different age groups. ...
... First, we only considered happiness, anger, and sadness (in Study 1) to compare our findings to existing findings with adults. Future research could consider other pleasant and unpleasant emotions to test a broader range of emotion goals and beliefs (e.g., fear when facing potential threats, Netzer et al., 2015), as well as different contexts (e.g., seeking support, avoidance) or situations involving different targets (e.g., contexts of confrontation with peers vs. authority figures). Second, because we used methodologies previously used with adults, we did not study younger children. ...
Beliefs about emotion utility can influence context‐sensitive emotion goals (i.e., desired emotional responses). Although key for emotion regulation, emotion goals have been overlooked in children and adolescents. In 2018–2019 results of Studies 1 and 2 showed that children (N = 192, Mage = 8.65, 47% girls, 96% White) were less motivated by and found anger less useful in confrontation than adolescents (N = 192, Mage = 12.96, 50% girls, 93% White) and adults (N = 195, Mage = 29.82, 51% women, 96% White). The link between emotion goals and beliefs about emotion utility was weaker in children. In 2021, Study 3 (N = 60, 8‐year‐olds, 47% girls, 90% White) ruled out expectations as a possible explanation for the previous findings. Context‐sensitive utility of emotions may be acquired during development.
... Similar to their motivation to regulate their own emotions, people are also motivated to regulate the emotions of others for either hedonic or instrumental reasons (e.g., Netzer et al., 2015). With respect to the former, for example, people may wish to make others feel better (e.g., Brewer & Kramer, 1985;Halevy et al., 2008) or worse (e.g., Bar-Tal et al., 2007;Plant & Devine, 2003), depending on the type of relationship with the other (whether the other is a friend or a foe). ...
... With respect to the former, for example, people may wish to make others feel better (e.g., Brewer & Kramer, 1985;Halevy et al., 2008) or worse (e.g., Bar-Tal et al., 2007;Plant & Devine, 2003), depending on the type of relationship with the other (whether the other is a friend or a foe). With respect to the latter, for example, people may be motivated to make others experience emotions that promote what they perceive as instrumental behavior (Netzer et al., 2015). We expected mothers to be motivated to have their children experience less empathy toward the outgroup, in line with their conflict-related intergroup goals (their political ideology). ...
... This investigation also extends the prior research on motivation for intergroup emotions (Hasson et al., 2018;Porat et al., 2016), as well as motivation for interpersonal emotions (Netzer et al., 2015). To the best of our knowledge, this is the first time mothers' motivation for their child's emotion has been examined (as an interpersonal process), especially in the intergroup context. ...
Like adults, children experience less empathy toward some groups compared with others. In this investigation, we propose that mothers differ in how much empathy they want their children to feel toward specific outgroups, depending on their political ideology. We suggest that how mothers want their children to feel (i.e., the motivation for their child’s empathy), in turn, is correlated with children’s actual experience of empathy toward the outgroup. Across four studies in the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict ( N Total = 734), the degree of empathy mothers wanted their children to experience in the intergroup context varied as a function of their political ideology. Mothers’ motivation for their child’s empathy toward the outgroup (but not in general) was further associated with how they chose to communicate messages to their children in a real-life context and how children actually felt toward the outgroup. We discuss implications for the socialization of intergroup empathy.
... For example, a parent can induce guilt in their child so that they stop misbehaving. So far, such paternalistic empathic goals have only been theorised (Zaki, 2020) and empirically shown (López-Pérez et al., 2017;Netzer et al., 2015) to operate in dyadic interactions in which a regulatory agent aims to worsen a target's emotional response. In the present paper, we suggest that this process may also happen in third parties where an observer may operate as a regulatory agent when observing situations in which transgressors breach rules that can potentially affect victims. ...
... The emotion regulation literature suggested that agents could be driven by instrumental motives, that is, they may want to change others' emotions if those emotions may serve a specific purpose (Mauss & Tamir, 2014). For example, adults were motivated to hurt rivals' feelings if this would negatively affect the rival's performance (Netzer et al., 2015). In addition, agents can also be motivated to worsen others' feelings if they believe that this can improve the target's well-being (López-Pérez et al., 2017). ...
... Previous research has shown that people are motivated to engage in interpersonal affect worsening not only for hedonic (Niven et al., 2011) but instrumental reasons (Netzer et al., 2015), especially if making others feel bad can improve these people's long-term well-being (López-Pérez et al., 2017;Zaki, 2020). Being motivated by empathic goals (i.e. ...
Experiencing empathy for others has been linked to worsening others’ feelings against their wishes. These paternalistic empathic goals have been theorised to happen at the dyad level when an agent aims to worsen a target’s emotional state. They may also operate at a broader level when agents are third-party observers of COVID-19 lockdown rule violations. In these instances, agents can impact transgressors’ affect engaging in Coronashaming. In three studies, we measured British people’s (Ntotal = 767) vulnerability (Study 1), age (Studies 2 and 3), and empathy towards COVID-19 victims and presented them with different scenarios depicting a breach of lockdown rules to assess the emotions participants wanted to inflict in transgressor, the strategies used, and whether they wanted stricter rules to be enforced. Results confirmed shame as the emotion preferred to induce in violators, with this preference linked to higher use of engagement strategies (i.e. to make transgressors understand what they did wrong). Finally, empathy was positively linked to higher affect worsening and wanting stricter rules to be enforced. This suggests that empathy towards potential victims of COVID-19 rules violations can motivate people to worsen the feelings of transgressors.
... These strategies include situation modification, such as assisting students in problem-solving within their research; and cognitive reappraisal, involving helping students rationalize difficulties encountered in research practice (Ryan, Baik, and Larcombe 2021). Nevertheless, there are notable research gaps concerning the underlying motives of such regulation strategies, which significantly influence individuals' choice of EER strategies in interpersonal interactions (Netzer, Van Kleef, and Tamir 2015;Niven 2015). ...
... The existing studies have classified the motives underlying EER and proposed several theoretical frameworks. Netzer, Van Kleef, and Tamir (2015) categorized goals for engaging in EER into two main groups: the hedonism motive (regulating emotions to increase pleasure) and instrumentality motive (regulating emotions to achieve specific goals). López-Pérez, Ambrona, and Gummerum (2017) introduced a third category known as altruistic motive (regulating emotions to satisfy others' needs) based on whether the ultimate beneficiary is the regulators themselves or the individuals being regulated. ...
In graduate education, research supervisors' regulation of graduate students' emotions significantly affects their research productivity and well-being. This study explored the distinct strategies and underlying motives behind supervisors' extrinsic emotion regulation during their interactions with students. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews, observations during meetings, and document analysis involving ten research supervisors from Chinese higher education institutions. The study identified fourteen regulation strategies and four underlying motives employed by supervisors. These findings underscore the intricate interplay between supervisors' emotionality and rationality in regulating students' emotions, offering implications for enhancing relationships and promote the well-being and research performance of both supervisors and graduate students. ARTICLE HISTORY
... Engaging in interpersonal ER involves thinking about what emotion the target should experience in a particular context (Niven, 2017). Hence, to engage in interpersonal ER agents need to be able to identify a potential discrepancy between the target's current emotional state and the desired emotional state they want to induce in the target (López-Pérez et al., 2016;Netzer et al., 2015). This involves understanding that different situations may trigger distinct emotions depending on how individuals may appraise those contexts (e.g., Ellsworth, 2013;Kappas & Descôteaux, 2003). ...
... For example, by manipulating whether the agent gets any reward for affecting the feelings of the third party and the target we can investigate whether agents are driven by selfish or altruistic motives. In the same vein, manipulating the goal to fulfill (e.g., reaching an agreement vs competing for resources) can help study affect improvement and worsening, respectively (López-Pérez et al., 2017;Netzer et al., 2015). In addition, experimental paradigms in which conditions (e.g., power imbalance, diffusion of responsibility, or physical barrier between the agent and the target) might be manipulated could provide information about people's readiness to engage in other-based interpersonal ER. ...
Interpersonal emotion regulation involves having emotions changed in a social context. While some research has used the term to refer to instances where others are used to alter one’s own emotions (intrinsic), other research refers to goal-directed actions aimed at modifying others’ emotional responses (extrinsic). We argue that the self-other distinction should be applied not only to the target (who has their emotion regulated) but also to the means (whether the agent uses themselves or others to achieve the regulation). Based on this, we propose interpersonal emotion regulation can take place when an agent changes a target’s emotions by affecting a third party’s emotion who will shift the emotion of the target in turn (direct other-based interpersonal ER) or by impacting a third party’s emotion (indirect other-based interpersonal ER). We discuss these processes and the conditions that lead to their emergence reconciling findings from different fields and suggesting new research venues.
... provides an integrative framework of the social-function of emotion, which is founded on the assumption that one's own emotions may guide thoughts, actions and feelings in another person. Using emotion as social information may, for instance, be a first step in the social regulation of emotion, that is, the attempt to voluntary act upon other people's emotion (Netzer, Van Kleef, & Tamir, 2015;Reeck, Ames, & Ochsner, 2016;Zaki & Williams, 2013). According to Reecks and colleagues (2016, p. 48), "[t]he goal-driven nature of social regulation distinguishes it from related phenomena, such as social sharing, empathy, or emotional contagion, where one person's actions are not strategically directed towards influencing another's emotions". ...
... H. Fischer & Manstead, 2016;Parkinson, 2008;Rimé, 2009;Van Kleef, 2018). In addition, if a form of emotion regulation is implied, that could also be from an inter-personal perspective (Netzer et al., 2015;Reeck et al., 2016;Zaki & Williams, 2013). Finally, the emotion expressed by the partner can become a trigger for an emotion in the learner, that is, an inter-personal meta-emotion (Miceli & Castelfranchi, 2019;E. ...
In computer-mediated learning environments, especially in remote conditions, learners often lack the socio-affective cues that are usually available in face-to-face interactions. Socio-affective phenomena are known to play a prominent role at various levels of learning processes and outcomes, spanning high-order cognitive functions, motivation, sense of belonging, and quality of interaction with colleagues. Emotions, in particular, are nowadays considered dynamic and multifaceted phenomena that serve a wide range of adaptive functions. As a result, an interdisciplinary interest has recently emerged on ways by which computer-mediated learning environments may be endowed with emotional awareness, that is, information about one’s own emotions and/or the emotions of colleagues, which is instrumental to the learning task at hand. Emotion Awareness Tools are one such attempt to bestow learners with the possibility to produce and peruse emotional awareness through a dedicated interface that coexists with the overall learning environment. The thesis provides the details of the implementation and empirical assessment of an Emotion Awareness Tool with the following main characteristics. First, it is based on voluntary self-report of emotion. Second, it implements a computational structure of emotion rooted in appraisal theories of emotion, for which emotion elicitation and differentiation is a dynamic and ongoing process driven by a cognitive evaluation of the situation. Third, learners can produce and peruse emotional awareness through the tool on a moment-to-moment basis. Adopting an iterative design process, the implementation and assessment of the tool are guided by evidence gathered through empirical contributions aimed at investigating which factors – intrinsic to the tool, deriving from the interaction between learners and the tool, between learners themselves, as well as between learners and the instructional design – determine whether and how emotional awareness may be
beneficial in computer-mediated learning environments. The main outcomes of the
thesis are a toolbox that allows researchers and practitioners to configure an instance of the tool according to their own scientific or instructional goals, a structural causal
model of the influence of emotional awareness on learning in computer-mediated
environments, and methodological techniques or instruments that may be applied in
similar contexts.
... Strategies are often characterized by how much they are used to change the emotion either through changing the valence or intensity of the emotion. For instance, some operationalizations of strategies refer to changing the valence of emotions through phrases such as "cheering up" (Byrne & Barling, 2017) or "intervenes in consumers' negative emotions, and, in lieu, recruits more positive feeling" (Locke, 1996: 41) and other operationalizations refer to changing the intensity of the expresser's emotion through phrases such as "alleviating pain" (Schabram & Heng, 2021), "increasing unpleasant or pleasant emotions" (Netzer, Van Kleef, & Tamir, 2015), or "softening the blow" (Overall, Simpson, & Struthers, 2013). Some operationalizations also pointed to low change, using phrases such as "not directly seek[ing] to change or alter a person's emotional experience" (Shenk & Fruzzetti, 2011: 165). ...
... Instrumentally increasing someone else's emotions Pep talk before a big game Netzer et al., 2015;Aragon & Clark, 2018 Interpersonal altering Expressed worry in order to draw an under-responsive partner's attention to potential concerns and "I am not sure if you recognize the gravity of the situation." Parkinson et al., 2016 Responding to Emotions at Work 82 make another feel more rather than less worried (Parkinson & Simons, 2012) Lower involvement, lower change-oriented strategies (6%) ...
... Strategies are often characterized by how much they are used to change the emotion either through changing the valence or intensity of the emotion. For instance, some operationalizations of strategies refer to changing the valence of emotions through phrases such as "cheering up" (Byrne & Barling, 2017) or "intervenes in consumers' negative emotions, and, in lieu, recruits more positive feeling" (Locke, 1996: 41) and other operationalizations refer to changing the intensity of the expresser's emotion through phrases such as "alleviating pain" (Schabram & Heng, 2021), "increasing unpleasant or pleasant emotions" (Netzer, Van Kleef, & Tamir, 2015), or "softening the blow" (Overall, Simpson, & Struthers, 2013). Some operationalizations also pointed to low change, using phrases such as "not directly seek[ing] to change or alter a person's emotional experience" (Shenk & Fruzzetti, 2011: 165). ...
... Instrumentally increasing someone else's emotions Pep talk before a big game Netzer et al., 2015;Aragon & Clark, 2018 Interpersonal altering Expressed worry in order to draw an under-responsive partner's attention to potential concerns and "I am not sure if you recognize the gravity of the situation." Parkinson et al., 2016 Responding to Emotions at Work 82 make another feel more rather than less worried (Parkinson & Simons, 2012) Lower involvement, lower change-oriented strategies (6%) ...
... For instance, when people believe an emotion is useful (vs. useless), regardless of its valence, they are more likely to both intentionally experience such an emotion themselves (Netzer et al., 2018;Tamir et al., 2015;Tamir & Ford, 2012) and induce such an emotion in others (López-Pérez et al., 2017;Netzer et al., 2015). In addition, a recent study has demonstrated that when participants endorse the belief that their anger is useful (vs. ...
... We furthermore examine whether utility beliefs about emotion expression play a similar or different role in four distinct social emotion events. Previous research on the association between utility beliefs and emotion regulation has mostly focused on a few emotions, primarily anger (López-Pérez et al., 2017;Netzer et al., 2015;Tamir & Ford, 2012). Moreover, although these studies have been conducted in interpersonal domains, their focal emotions have not been related to participants' interaction partners. ...
The present study investigates the association between people’s beliefs about emotion and their overall satisfaction with a social interaction. We focus on three specific aspects to examine this association: (a) utility beliefs—a dimension of emotion beliefs; (b) emotion expression—an emotion channel; and (c) four social emotions—anger, other-embarrassment, gratitude, and other-pride. We examine whether people’s utility beliefs about expressing a social emotion can predict their evaluation of a social interaction when they express (vs. suppress) their social emotion. Results (N = 209) consistently show that when people express their social emotion, their utility beliefs positively predict their satisfaction with an event. However, when people suppress their gratitude, their utility beliefs negatively predict their satisfaction, an effect not observed in the other three emotion events. These findings corroborate the claim that emotion beliefs impact people’s emotional lives. Implications for research on emotion beliefs and motivated emotion regulation are discussed.
... For example, people may try to alleviate their personal distress by assisting a friend going through a difficult event (Eisenberg et al., 1989). Although less common, people can also be motivated to increase negative (e.g., anger) or decrease positive emotion (e.g., happiness) in an interaction partner (contrahedonic; Netzer et al., 2015). Therefore, both selfand other-related prohedonic and contrahedonic motives were included in the present study. ...
... Previous work has shown that the most frequently endorsed intrapersonal instrumental emotion regulation motives center around performancerelated concerns (Kalokerinos et al., 2017). Much like hedonic motives, performance motives can be held regarding oneself (e.g., how emotions will impact one's own ability to complete a task) or the target of regulation (e.g., how someone else's emotions will impact their own performance (Netzer et al., 2015;Niven, 2016). Thus, the present study assessed self-and otherfocused performance motives in addition to the previously noted hedonic and social motives. ...
Interpersonal goals and adult attachment have implications for how people interact with others as well as for emotion experience and regulation. Literature on intrapersonal emotional processes has typically not examined motivations underlying people's engagement with others' emotions and its connections to individual differences related to close relationships such as attachment. This study analyzed the relationships between interpersonal emotion regulation motives, perceived social interaction outcomes, and attachment. Undergraduates (N = 211) reported their trait attachment. Experience sampling was used to examine the reasons why they wanted to regulate others' emotions during daily interactions and perceived changes in their own well-being and relationship quality with the target of regulation. Attachment anxiety was associated with more self-focused prohedonic motives and impression management motives, while attachment avoidance predicted less perceived increases in emotional and relational well-being after interactions. People who tended to report more (self- and other-focused) prohedonic and less impression management motives in daily life perceived more positive changes in their emotional well-being and people who tended to report higher emotional similarity motives perceived more positive changes in their relational well-being after interactions People also perceived more positive emotional and relational interaction outcomes at times when they held more (self- and other-focused) prohedonic, impression management, or relationship maintenance motives and less self-focused performance and relationship distancing motives. Overall, these findings suggest that attachment anxiety may guide why people engage with other people's emotions and these extrinsic interpersonal emotion regulation motives may play a role in socioemotional outcomes of daily interactions. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).
... Here, we suggest that the same principle might guide the interpersonal behaviors aiming to regulate others' feelings, namely, people may seek to benefit themselves (egocentric) or to benefit others (prosocial) by regulating others' feelings. Examples of egocentric interpersonal emotion regulation motives are documented in Netzer and colleagues' research, in which it is shown that regulators are willing to improve the feelings of rivals and to worsen the feelings of partners when they believe that it will help them to achieve their own performance goals (Netzer et al., 2015). ...
... The influence of interpersonal emotion regulation motives on the quality of the relationship between leaders and group members as perceived by the latter is argued to be due to the information provided by the motivation embedded in leader behavior (L opez-Pérez et al., 2017;Netzer et al., 2015;Van Kleef et al., 2012;van Knippenberg & van Kleef, 2016). In this sense, we argued that group members make inferences about the intentions behind the leader's interpersonal behavior (Siem & Stürmer, 2018). ...
Recent research has shown that leader interpersonal emotion regulation is a relevant process for fostering desirable work outcomes. Expanding knowledge on this stream of research, here we argue that to have a complete view of the influence of leader interpersonal emotion regulation, the motives underlying the regulation behavior, namely, egocentric or prosocial, should also be taken into account. We draw on the informational function of interpersonal emotion regulation motives and use a multisource survey study with 99 group leaders and their 1482 group members to examine the effects of leader interpersonal emotion regulation motives. We found evidence that leader egocentric interpersonal emotion regulation motives were negatively related to group members’ perceptions of the relationship quality with their leaders, expressed in the group’s mean leader‐member exchange (LMX), and, thereby, related to lower leader appraisals of their own effectiveness. However, these negative effects were mitigated when leaders were at the same time prosocially motivated to regulate the emotions of the members of their groups. Therefore, this study contributes to expanding theory on interpersonal emotion regulation and its application to leadership, which is informative for theory and interventions about leaders’ affective influence in organizations.
... In impression management, individuals aim to influence decision makers' behaviors by increasing their attractiveness to others [21]. Similarly, organizational citizenship behaviors are the most direct and strategic tactic for individuals to reciprocate to their colleagues by unselfishly helping and cooperating with them to ensure high job performance [22]. ...
... Impression management is the individuals' aim to increase their attractiveness to others and thereby influence decision makers' behaviors [21]. Organizational citizenship is one of the most direct and visible strategies where individuals rely on their colleagues to help achieve important work goals [22]. ...
Studies on physiotherapists are generally focused on clinical professionalism, with very few examining job performance from a management standpoint. To address this gap, this study sought to investigate the relationship between impression management and organizational citizenship behavior and job performance. This study targeted medical institutions offering rehabilitation and physiotherapy services and conducted a questionnaire survey based on scales developed by domestic and foreign scholars. A total of 600 questionnaires were distributed and 523 valid ones collected. The data was tested and verified using regression analysis and hierarchical linear modeling (HLM). In the survey, the Impression Management Scale, Organizational Citizenship Behavior Scale, and Job Performance Scale indicated that at the individual level, the impression management of physiotherapists is significantly related to their organizational citizenship behaviors and job performance. The organizational citizenship behaviors were also found to have a mediating effect between impression management and job performance. At the group level, impression management had a conditioning effect on organizational citizenship behaviors and job performance. In terms of statistical methods, group-level variables act as moderators, which affects the power of individual-level explanatory variables on outcome variables, i.e., the influence of the slope. The job behaviors of physiotherapists entail direct service and their performance is closely related to organizational development. Impression management gives people certain purposes and behaviors while organizational citizenship behaviors are a type of non-self-seeking, selfless dedication behaviors. Therefore, the motivation of physiotherapists who demonstrate organizational citizenship behaviors should be further explored.
... In the case of instrumental motivation, a person treats the regulation of other people as a path to achieve their own benefits, admitting that it may lead to negative consequences for the other person (Niven et al. 2019;Tamir 2016). IER in most cases is prosocial motivated, where the regulator, for altruistic purposes, wants to reduce the negative or increase the positive emotions of another person (Netzer et al. 2015;Niven 2016). ...
... It concerns the desired directional change in emotion (Tamir, 2021) and is in itself agnostic to any specific motive (i.e., desired end goal). Indeed, although theory posit affect-worsening regulation can serve a contrahedonic motive (i.e., the inherent phenomenology of negative emotions; Tamir, 2016), empirical evidence from experimental studies suggests affect-worsening regulation can also have both self-serving (Netzer et al., 2015) and altruistic motives (López-Pérez et al., 2017;Niven et al., 2019). ...
Interpersonal emotion regulation occurs when people influence others’ emotions (extrinsic regulation) or turn to others to influence their own emotions (intrinsic regulation). Research on interpersonal regulation has tended to focus on how people regulate emotions, with little interrogation of why people do it, despite the importance of motives in driving emotion regulation goals and strategy selection. To fill this gap, we conducted a systematic exploration of interpersonal emotion regulation motives, employing a participant-driven approach to document the breadth of motives that people hold across different social contexts. Study 1a (N = 100) provided an initial qualitative examination of motives for both intrinsic and extrinsic interpersonal emotion regulation. Study 1b (N = 399) quantitatively catalogued these motives in recalled social interactions. Study 2 (N = 200), a daily diary study, used the motive taxonomy generated in Studies 1a and 1b to understand why people regulated their own and others’ emotions in everyday social interactions over the course of 14 days. Together, our findings reveal the diversity of intrinsic and extrinsic interpersonal emotion regulation motives and open avenues to further explore motives both as a precursor to and an outcome of regulatory processes in daily life.
... This suggests that intergroup competition can exacerbate in-group favoritism. In cooperative contexts, individuals often perceive their partners as closer and more intimate, exhibiting greater favoritism and trust towards them [30][31][32]. As a result, group bias may be less pronounced. ...
Intergroup interaction, a pivotal aspect of social interaction, encompasses both cooperation and competition. Group identity significantly impacts individual behaviors and decision-making processes. This influence manifests in two contrasting ways when addressing rule-breaking by interaction partners: in-group favoritism, where individuals are more lenient towards infractions committed by in-group members, and the black sheep effect, where in-group members are penalized for their rule-breaking. Although trust is crucial in intergroup interactions, the precise impact of group identity on trust restoration and the potential moderating role of intergroup interaction types remain to be elucidated. This study presents two experiments designed to explore these dynamics. In Study 1, the manipulation of group identity through a point estimation task was utilized to evaluate its impact on intergroup trust restoration via a series of repeated trust games. Study 2 aimed to explore the moderating role of intergroup interaction on intergroup trust restoration by contrasting cooperation and competition situations. The results uncovered a “black sheep effect”, where participants demonstrated a greater propensity for trust restoration with out-group members than with in-group members. This effect, however, was only evident in competitive contexts. Conversely, in cooperative contexts, the individual’s trust in the in-group and out-group members is effectively repaired. These findings contribute to a deeper comprehension of trust dynamics in intergroup interactions, promoting trust establishment and repair between diverse groups, thereby boosting team collaboration efficiency and mitigating conflicts.
... People are constantly pursuing various personal goals, from trivial ones such as having a delicious meal to consequential ones such as pursuing a certain career. To achieve these goals, people endeavor to mobilize resources, both from within themselves (i.e., self-control; Jia et al., 2019;Kokkoris & Stavrova, 2021) and from those around them (Aron et al., 2004;Fitzsimons & Finkel, 2011;Netzer et al., 2015). They may naturally and automatically think about, or sometimes, ponder on others' instrumental values for their goals (e.g., activating a process of social capitalization, the endeavor to cultivate social ties, Milardo et al., 2014; hereafter referred to as instrumental deliberation). ...
Three studies examined whether contemplating the usefulness that non-close and close others may provide for one’s personal goals would promote or hinder interpersonal closeness. The results consistently demonstrated that such instrumental deliberation increased people’s closeness with distant others (Studies 1–3); and the effect lasted until the next day (Study 2). For close others, however, the evidence was weaker. Moreover, perceived instrumentality, as a product of such elaboration, was more strongly related to the increase in closeness with non-close than with close others. Study 3 further showed that instrumental deliberation enhanced humanness perceptions of non-close others and reduced unethical behavior towards them. We discussed the potential implications of these findings for the understanding of instrumentality, objectification and interpersonal relationships.
... It concerns the desired directional change in emotion (Tamir, 2021) and is in itself agnostic to any specific motive (i.e., desired end goal). Indeed, although theory posit affect-worsening regulation can serve a contrahedonic motive (i.e., the inherent phenomenology of negative emotions; Tamir, 2016), empirical evidence from experimental studies suggests affect-worsening regulation can also have both self-serving (Netzer et al., 2015) and altruistic motives (López-Pérez et al., 2017;Niven et al., 2019). ...
Interpersonal emotion regulation occurs when people influence others’ emotions (extrinsic regulation) or turn to others to influence their own emotions (intrinsic regulation). Research on interpersonal regulation has tended to focus on how people regulate emotions, with little interrogation of why people do it, despite the importance of motives in driving emotion regulation goals and strategy selection. To fill this gap, we conducted a systematic exploration of interpersonal emotion regulation motives, employing a participant-driven approach to document the breadth of motives that people hold across different social contexts. Study 1a (N = 100) provided an initial qualitative examination of motives for both intrinsic and extrinsic interpersonal emotion regulation. Study 1b (N = 399) quantitatively catalogued these motives in recalled social interactions. Study 2 (N = 200), a daily diary study, used the motive taxonomy generated in Studies 1a and 1b to understand why people regulated their own and others’ emotions in everyday social interactions over the course of 14 days. Together, our findings reveal the diversity of intrinsic and extrinsic interpersonal emotion regulation motives, and open avenues to further explore motives both as a precursor to and an outcome of regulatory processes in daily life.
... A rapidly growing body of work focused on the "slice of interpersonal interactions deliberately devoted to influencing one's own (intrinsic) or others' (extrinsic) emotions" is documenting the ubiquity and importance of interpersonal emotion regulation (IER) 314 processes (e.g., Dixon-Gordon, Bernecker, & Christensen, 2015, p. 37;Netzer, Van Kleef, and Tamir, 2015;Niven, 2017;Zaki & Williams, 2013), which are the focus of the current work. We frequently reach out to others when we are experiencing strong emotions, often with the express goal of regulating our emotions (Rimé, 2009;Heiy & Cheavens, 2014;Liu, Strube, & Thompson, 2021;Tran et al., 2023). ...
Most research on interpersonal emotion regulation (IER) has focused on nonclinical samples. On one hand, people with clinically significant emotion, mood, or interpersonal difficulties may encounter more challenges with IER. On the other hand, IER could potentially be a useful resource for addressing challenges related to intrapersonal emotion dysregulation. We analyzed data from two samples characterized by heightened emotionality: people who self-reported a history of bipolar disorder (N = 51) and people seeking treatment for aggression and emotional impulsivity (N = 199). For comparison, we analyzed data from two samples recruited without regard to clinical status: undergraduates (N = 389) and online respondents (N = 116). We assessed multiple aspects of participants’ experiences of intrinsic IER, including frequency of seeking and receiving IER, perceptions of provider responsiveness and provider hostility, perceptions of helpfulness, and reports of feeling ashamed due to receiving IER. We used two complementary methods: participants were first asked to report on their general experiences of seeking and receiving IER and were then asked to recall a rate a recent instance of receiving IER. Results were largely consistent across the two methods and the two comparison samples, providing a replication in-kind. Relative to the comparison samples, the aggression sample reported more negative experiences of IER, on average, including more difficulty obtaining IER, receiving less responsive support, encountering more hostility, and perceiving IER as less helpful. In contrast, the bipolar disorder sample appeared to be less distinct from the comparison samples. We discuss the implications of this apparent divergence.
... However, in their everyday lives, people are more likely to empathize with close others . In addition, while counter-hedonic motives have been documented in rare instances when people selfregulate (Luong et al., 2016;Riediger et al., 2011;Tamir et al., 2020), evidence outside the laboratory is scarce (Netzer et al., 2015;Parkinson et al., 2016;Zaki, 2020). While controlled experimentation is necessary, a shift to more ecologically valid methods incorporated in people's everyday lives that include the measurement of state and trait levels may considerably enrich studies on empathy and emotional experiences (Colombo et al., 2020). ...
Responding to the emotions of the people around us is a phenomenon traversing human lives; however, research has only recently started exploring the predictors of interpersonal emotion regulation (IER). In two ecological momentary assessment studies conducted in 2021 and 2022, we tested whether facets of empathy (i.e., mentalizing, experience sharing, empathic concern, and personal distress) are associated with other-focused IER goals and their attainment in everyday life (Ns = 125 and 204). Study 1 examined associations between mentalizing, experience sharing, and global hedonic and counter-hedonic IER goals (i.e., making others feel better or worse) in a relatively young and predominantly female student sample in Germany. Study 2 expanded these findings to empathic concern, personal distress, and specific types of hedonic and counter-hedonic IER goals (i.e., increasing, decreasing, and/or maintaining others’ positive and/or negative emotions) in a more diverse U.S. community sample. Participants primarily endorsed hedonic IER goals, which were associated with higher mentalizing and experience sharing in both studies and higher empathic concern and lower personal distress in Study 2. Counter-hedonic IER goals were positively associated with experience sharing and personal distress in Study 2. Conversely, empathic concern and mentalizing were negatively related to counter-hedonic IER goals. We also found differential associations for state and trait empathy with IER goals. All empathy facets except personal distress were positively associated with goal attainment in Study 2. These findings address a major gap in our knowledge about everyday IER and offer a novel perspective on empathy in social emotion regulation processes.
... According to previous literature, people who engage in extrinsic IER are motivated by different goals, whether these are hedonic, non-hedonic (impression manage motivation), selfish or prosocial. 5,[14][15][16] To assess the motives of extrinsic IER, Cloonan developed the Extrinsic Emotion Regulation Motive Scale. 17 The EERMS consists of 28 items that describe regulation motives covering four higher-order goals: other-orientation to help reduce others' negative emotions; self-orientation to regulate others' emotions to benefit the self; obligation as a sense of responsibility to help others feel better; and reciprocation with receiving or expecting the same help from others. ...
Purpose
In recent years, research on interpersonal emotion regulation has garnered increasing attention. Extrinsic emotion regulation (EER) or the regulation of others’ emotions is associated with individual personal relationships and mental health outcomes. However, investigations into why people engage in extrinsic emotion regulation are relatively rare. The current study aimed to identify the underlying factor structure of the motives of extrinsic emotion regulation, based on the Extrinsic Emotion Regulation Motives Scale (EERMS), to examine how these factors related to people’s moral identity and social relationships during the COVID-19 pandemic.
Participants and Methods
The participants of this study were 464 adults (73.1% females) from China who completed an online survey based on EERMS and other related measures. An exploratory factor analysis (EFA) was utilized to examine the underlying structure of EER motives followed by a bifactor EFA (bi-EFA).
Results
Analyses revealed that the bi-EFA model, with an overarching factor (other-oriented empathetic concern) and three specific factors (self-orientation, reciprocation, and obligation), was best applied to the data. These factors were differently associated with social well-being indicators (moral self-identity, peer relationship quality, and perceived social support).
Conclusion
This preliminary study supports the use of a hierarchical perspective to understand the different dimensions of motives for extrinsic emotion regulation.
... R. Smith 1993) was developed precisely to integrate the social identity approach with an analysis couched in terms of the emotions likely to arise in such intergroup situations. For example, research showed that groupbased anger can predict collective action and that it is distinguishable from a more instrumental route based on efficacy (Van Zomeren et al. 2004; see also Goldenberg et al. 2016;Netzer et al. 2015;Porat et al. 2016). However, given its key appraisal of illegitimacy or injustice, anger is more compatible with normative or moderate forms of collective action justified by the situation. ...
We examine how anti-Trump democrats ( N = 460), prior to the 2020 election, managed their options to protest, focusing on when moderate collective action predicts more radical intentions to protest. We investigate the relationship of moderate action involvement and effectiveness with radical action intentions and the effects of various other variables such as intergroup emotions, group identification, and political vs. participative efficacy. Although moderate action involvement is correlated with radical intentions, the effectiveness of moderate action is negatively related to radical intentions. Analogously, while political efficacy positively predicts radical action, participative efficacy negatively predicts radical action, both with increasing moderate action experience. Social-identity-based collective action models explain this radical use of political violence as protest (e.g., ESIM) and the counteracting effect of efficacy forms (SIDE, NTL).
... However, in their everyday lives, people are more likely to empathize with close others instead of unfamiliar ones (Depow et al., 2021). In addition, while counter-hedonic motives have been documented in rare instances when people regulate themselves (Tamir et al., 2020), evidence outside the laboratory is scarce (Netzer et al., 2015;Parkinson et al., 2016;Zaki, 2020). While controlled experimentation is necessary, a shift to more ecologically valid methods incorporated in people's everyday lives (e.g., ecological momentary assessment (EMA) that include the measurement of state and trait levels may considerably enrich studies on empathy and emotional experiences (Colombo et al., 2020). ...
Responding to the emotions of the people around us is a phenomenon traversing human lives; however, research has only recently started exploring the predictors of interpersonal emotion regulation (IER). In two ecological momentary assessment (EMA) studies, we tested whether different facets of empathy (i.e., mentalizing, experience sharing, empathic concern, and personal distress) are associated with other-focused IER goals and their attainment in everyday life (Ns = 131 and 204). Study 1 examined associations between mentalizing, experience sharing, and global hedonic and counter-hedonic IER goals (i.e., making others feel better or worse). Study 2 expanded these findings to empathic concern, personal distress, and associations with specific types of hedonic and counter-hedonic IER goals (i.e., increasing, decreasing, and/or maintaining others’ positive and/or negative emotions). In both studies, participants primarily endorsed hedonic IER goals. Hedonic IER goals were associated with higher mentalizing and experience sharing in both studies and higher empathic concern and lower personal distress in Study 2. Counter-hedonic IER goals were positively associated with experience sharing in both studies, and personal distress in Study 2. Conversely, empathic concern and mentalizing were negatively related to counter-hedonic IER goals in Study 2. We also found differential associations for empathy with IER goals on the state and trait levels. All empathy facets except personal distress were positively associated with goal attainment in Study 2. These findings address a major gap in our scientific knowledge about IER in everyday life and offer a novel perspective on empathy in social emotion regulation processes.
... However, in their everyday lives, people are more likely to empathize with close others instead of unfamiliar ones (Depow et al., 2021). In addition, while counter-hedonic motives have been documented in rare instances when people regulate themselves (Tamir et al., 2020), evidence outside the laboratory is scarce (Netzer et al., 2015;Parkinson et al., 2016;Zaki, 2020). While controlled experimentation is necessary, a shift to more ecologically valid methods incorporated in people's everyday lives (e.g., ecological momentary assessment (EMA) that include the measurement of state and trait levels may considerably enrich studies on empathy and emotional experiences (Colombo et al., 2020). ...
Responding to the emotions of the people around us is a phenomenon traversing human lives; however, research has only recently started exploring the predictors of interpersonal emotion regulation (IER). In two ecological momentary assessment (EMA) studies, we tested whether different facets of empathy (i.e., mentalizing, experience sharing, empathic concern, and personal distress) are associated with other-focused IER goals and their attainment in everyday life (Ns = 131 and 204). Study 1 examined associations between mentalizing, experience sharing, and global hedonic and counter-hedonic IER goals (i.e., making others feel better or worse). Study 2 expanded these findings to empathic concern, personal distress, and associations with specific types of hedonic and counter-hedonic IER goals (i.e., increasing, decreasing, and/or maintaining others’ positive and/or negative emotions). In both studies, participants primarily endorsed hedonic IER goals. Hedonic IER goals were associated with higher mentalizing and experience sharing in both studies and higher empathic concern and lower personal distress in Study 2. Counter-hedonic IER goals were positively associated with experience sharing in both studies, and personal distress in Study 2. Conversely, empathic concern and mentalizing were negatively related to counter-hedonic IER goals in Study 2. We also found differential associations for empathy with IER goals on the state and trait levels. All empathy facets except personal distress were positively associated with goal attainment in Study 2. These findings address a major gap in our scientific knowledge about IER in everyday life and offer a novel perspective on empathy in social emotion regulation processes.
... Emotion regulation has been extensively studied in professional sectors such as education (Gratz & Roemer, 2004;Gross, 2002;Jiang, Vauras, Volet, & Wang, 2014;Netzer, Kleef, & Tamir, 2015;Tamir, Mitchell, & Gross, 2008), hospitals, public offices, and nursing homes (Hülsheger, Alberts, & Feinholdt, 2013). To date, there have been far fewer studies aimed at understanding emotion regulation among Information Technology (IT) professionals (Lindgren, Packendorff, & Sergi, 2014). ...
The COVID-19 pandemic has created an intensive WFH (Work-From-Home) situation over an extended period. WFH blurs the physical boundary between work and family, creating a spill over of both work and emotions from one domain to the other. This paper analyses the challenges of workplace emotion regulation experienced by professionals (managers) in the IT sector. Data were collected from two different sample groups (Group 1 n = 21, Group 2 n= 25) through online interviews and analysed. New management practices such as provision of training to develop daily work schedule and regulate emotions, and the organisation of online events with employees' families are recommended to help IT managers overcome these challenges.
... Hofmann (2014) berpendapat bahwa emosi dan regulasi emosi dibentuk dalam konteks sosial. Hal tersebut terlihat ketika individu mengharapkan manfaat atau bahaya dari orang lain, proses regulasi emosi mereka berubah; dan bahwa manusia, sebagai makhluk sosial, diharapkan untuk mengevaluasi orang lain dengan memperhatikan berbagai karakteristik mereka (Netzer et al., 2015). Einsberg et al. (2000) juga menekankan bahwa proses sosialisasi merupakan suatu proses di mana individu dipengaruhi oleh reaksi orang lain. ...
Experience has different impacts for each individual. Individuals have several choices in the emotions one feels by regulating emotions. Emotion and emotional regulation take shape in a social context. This makes researchers interested in seeing messages, emotions in a social context. This formation is by looking at the results of the test results of the construct validity of the Indonesian version of the Interpersonal Emotion Regulation Questionnaire (IERQ) measuring instrument which has the same construct as the IERQ measuring instrument from Hofmann, Carpenter and Curtis (2016). It is hoped that this can contribute to measuring emotions that come from the social context in Indonesian. This research was conducted in May 2020 on 202 participants with adolescents aged 12-21 years. The factor analysis method used in this study is Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) using the Lisrel program. The results of data analysis show that the construct validity of the IERQ measuring instrument which has been entered into Indonesian shows a positive and significant loading factor. This shows the Indonesian version of the IERQ construct with the same construct as the IERQ measuring instrument from Hofmann, Carpenter and Curtis. The results showed that the Indonesian version of the IERQ measuring instrument can be used by researchers to measure emotional regulation in adolescents in Indonesia. The next research can look in more detail and in-depth about the causes of people to do emotional regulation, and can try out the Indonesian version of the IERQ measurement tool on different participants. Pengalaman emosional merupakan suatu pengalaman yang pasti akan dialami oleh semua individu. Pengalaman emosional memberikan dampak yang berbeda-beda untuk setiap individunya. Individu memiliki beberapa pilihan dalam memodifikasi emosi yang dirasakan salah satunya dengan meregulasi emosi. Emosi dan regulasi emosi terbentuk dalam konteks sosial. Hal tersebut membuat peneliti tertarik untuk mengetahui pembentukan regulasi emosi dalam konteks sosial. Pembentukan tersebut dengan melihat hasil uji validitas konstruk alat ukur Interpersonal Emotion Regulation Questionnaire (IERQ) versi Indonesia memiliki konstruk yang sama dengan alat ukur IERQ dari Hofmann, Carpenter dan Curtis (2016). Hal tersebut diharapkan dapat memberikan sumbangan alat ukur regulasi emosi yang berasal dari konteks sosial dalam Bahasa Indonesia. Penelitian ini dilakukan pada bulan Mei 2020 terhadap 202 partisipan dengan karakteristik remaja berusia 12-21 tahun. Metode analisis faktor yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) dengan menggunakan program Lisrel. Hasil analisis data menunjukkan validitas konstruk pada alat ukur IERQ yang sudah diterjemahkan kedalam Bahasa Indonesia menunjukan loading factor positif dan signifikan. Hal ini menunjukkan konstruk IERQ versi Bahasa Indonesia memiliki konstruk yang sama dengan alat ukur IERQ dari Hofmann, Carpenter dan Curtis. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa alat ukur IERQ versi Bahasa Indonesia dapat dipergunakan oleh para peneliti untuk mengukur regulasi emosi pada remaja di Indonesia. Penelitian berikutnya dapat mengamati lebih mendetail dan mendalam mengenai penyebab orang-orang melakukan regulasi emosi, serta dapat mengujicobakan alat ukur IERQ versi Indonesia pada partisipan yang berbeda.
... Specifically, they refer to the intention behind making another person feel better (e.g., by listening to their problems or by making them laugh), referred to as positive extrinsic regulation, and the intention behind making another person feel bad (e.g., by pretending to be angry), referred to as negative extrinsic regulation (Niven et al., 2011). Several authors point out that, underlying these motivations, there could be hedonistic and instrumental (Netzer et al., 2015), altruistic (López-Pérez et al., 2017), egoistic (Niven et al., 2019), or antisocial (Zaki & Williams, 2013) reasons. ...
Couples’ extrinsic emotion regulation strategies are associated with marital quality or dyadic adjustment. However, only the strategies employed according to the objective they are expected to achieve have been examined; it is not known if strategies on the bases of positive or negative extrinsic emotion regulation motivation would have the same consequences for the dyad. The purpose of this study was to examine if extrinsic emotion regulation (EER) predicts one’s own and one’s partner’s dyadic adjustment and if this effect differs by gender and relationship length. Using the Actor-Partner Interdependence Model (a type of dyadic data analysis, which incorporates the scores of the two members of the relationship into the analyses), data from 103 Chilean couples who completed self-report scales on dyadic adjustment and EER were analyzed. The participants were between 22 and 78 years old (Mmen = 39.84, SD = 11.37; Mwomen = 38.01, SD = 10.64), and the relationship lengths were between 1 and 50 years (M = 12.98, SD = 11.53). The motivation or the intention to make the partner feel good (positive) or bad (negative) respectively predict higher and lower dyadic adjustment in both the one who uses the strategy (actor) and the receiver of the strategy (partner). There was no difference by gender or by duration of the relationship in the dyads, but there was with children in common. It is important to consider the motivation underlying the emotional management of the couple, given its implication in marital quality and the need to broaden the understanding of other EERs related to healthy dyadic functioning.
... Moreover, emotional intensity moderates the effectiveness of reappraisal (and problem-solving) in a manner similar to intrinsic emotion regulation: i.e., it is only effective for regulating relatively less intense emotions. These results are consistent with other studies showing commonalities between intrinsic and extrinsic emotion regulation (e.g., Netzer et al., 2015;Niven et al., 2019). ...
In daily life, others play a key role in helping regulate an individual’s emotions. Such emotion regulation occurs not only in face-to-face communication but also in text-based online communication. To date, much research has examined strategies for alleviating one’s own negative emotions (intrinsic emotion regulation) based on the process model of emotion regulation (Gross, 1998, 2015a). However, little is known about the effectiveness of the full range of strategies for alleviating others’ negative emotions (extrinsic emotion regulation) derived from this model. This research aims to fill this gap. In study 1, participants wrote response letters to bogus pen pals who had recently experienced negative emotional events. Independent coders rated the effectiveness of these response letters in alleviating pen pal’s negative emotions. In study 2, participants communicated with each other on an online forum by posting about distressing events and messages that attempted to alleviate another person’s negative emotions. When participants received a reply to their posts, they rated its effectiveness in alleviating their negative emotions. The results of both studies consistently showed that strategies classified as reappraisal and empathic responding effectively alleviated others’ negative emotions. Moreover, emotional intensity moderated the effectiveness of some extrinsic emotion regulation strategies. Specifically, problem-solving and reappraisal showed positive effects on the alleviation of relatively less intense negative emotions. However, these effects were neither positive nor negative in regulating relatively intense negative emotions. The present study offers novel insights into other-focused emotion regulation research by clarifying similarities and differences between intrinsic and extrinsic emotion regulation.
... Following prior work (Tamir, 2005(Tamir, , 2009bTornquist & Miles, 2019), we assessed how useful participants believed different emotions would be to their success on their assigned typing task (i.e., beliefs about the utility of emotions), given that these beliefs predict emotion regulation and subsequent performance and are therefore often used as an index of emotion regulation (Netzer et al., 2015;Tamir & Ford, 2012). Emotions were chosen based on the Modified Differential Emotions Scale (mDES), which defines each emotion by three adjectives (joy: joyful, glad, or happy; Fredrickson et al., 2003). ...
Three studies (N = 555) examined whether emotion regulation and emotions help people higher in trait self-control (TSC) to achieve their goals. Because emotion utility beliefs predict emotion regulation and performance, Study 1a examined whether TSC predicts emotion utility beliefs in two performance contexts, and Study 1b examined whether these beliefs predict preferences to regulate emotions. Study 2 examined whether TSC predicts choice to regulate emotions, and how choice and emotions influence self-control performance. While TSC did not predict emotion regulation, people higher in TSC considered positive (negative) emotions more (less) useful and experienced more (less) positive (negative) emotion after an emotion regulation task, which enhanced their self-control performance. This research underscores the role of emotion regulation and emotions in self-control.
... Self-and Interpersonal Emotion Regulation (Niven et al., 2009) Interpersonal Emotion Regulation Framework (Niven et al., 2007) Emotions as Social Information Model (EASI; van Kleef, 2009) Extrinsic vs. Intrinsic Emotion Regulation (Gross & Thompson, 2007) 'Interpersonal emotion regulation has been defined as deliberate attempts by one social entity known as the "agent" to change the emotions or moods of another social entity known as the "target" (Gross & Thompson, 2007).' ) 'Emotion regulation is defined as "the process by which individuals influence which emotion they have, when they have them, and how they experience and express these emotions" (Gross, 1998, p. 275). Within the process model of emotion regulation (Gross, 1998;Gross & Thompson, 2007), it is stated that emotions can be self-regulated but also interpersonally regulated (Netzer, Van Kleef, & Tamir, 2015) the latter as applying to an emotion regulated by others as well as the regulation of others' emotions (Zaki & Williams, 2013).' (Campo et al., 2017, p. 380) 'One approach to classifying the strategies that individuals use to regulate their emotions is Gross' ...
There has recently been a surge in sport psychology research examining various aspects of the interpersonal and social processes related to emotions and emotion regulation. The purpose of this study was to review the literature related to the interpersonal experience, expression, and regulation of emotions in sport, in order to provide a comprehensive overview of the studies that have been conducted to date. A scoping review of the literature (Grant, M. J., & Booth, A. [2009]. A typology of reviews: An analysis of 14 review types and associated methodologies. Health Information and Libraries Journal, 26(2), 91–108) using a systematic search process returned 7,769 entries that were screened for inclusion; the final sample of studies included in the review consisted of 79 relevant articles and 8 dissertations. The results describe the interconnected findings on athletes’ self-regulation of emotions in social contexts, interpersonal emotion regulation, collective emotions (group-based emotions, emotional contagion, and effervescence), emotional expressions, and individual and contextual moderators (e.g. personality, culture, norms, gender, roles, and situational/temporal aspects). We identify key issues to advance theory and research, including: the need for programmatic research to investigate these processes, their effects, and underlying mechanisms; greater theoretical and conceptual clarity; more research among diverse populations (e.g. female athletes, youth athletes); the need to consider interconnected emotional phenomena in future research; and the need for applied intervention research.
... اسة در لنتائج ا ً ووفق (Taylor et al., 1996) ( Schuetz, 2003) . (Netzer et al., 2015;Shu,2019) . (Gross, 2001;Gross & John, 2003) . ...
... Previous studies on inter-personal ER have focused predominantly on the type of ER strategies we recommend to others extrinsically (Pacella and López-Pérez, 2018;Netzer et al., 2015;Pauw et al., 2019), or the strategies we choose to implement ourselves during inter-personal contexts (see Lindsey, 2020). The few studies that have compared directly the efficacy of intra-relative to inter-personal intrinsic ER report the beneficial effects of the latter over the former (Lougheed et al., 2016;Morawetz et al., 2021;Levy-Gigi and Shamay-Tsoory, 2017). ...
Research into emotion regulation (ER) has focused primarily on the intra-personal process through which we regulate our own emotions intrinsically. More recently, however, studies have begun to explore the inter-personal nature of intrinsic ER – that is, how we regulate our emotions under the guidance of others. Preliminary evidence suggests that ER might be more effective when implemented in an inter- compared with an intra-personal manner, but these findings are based almost exclusively on self-reported ratings that capture only the subjective experience of emotions. The current study therefore investigated whether this apparent superiority of inter-personal intrinsic ER could be replicated and extended to physiological measures of affective reactions – namely, various metrics of electrodermal activity. In a within-subjects design, a sufficiently powered sample (N = 146) were required to down-regulate their emotional reactions to negatively valenced images using an ER strategy they had chosen themselves intra-personally or one that had been recommended to them inter-personally. Physiological responses converged to demonstrate the greater effectiveness of inter- over intra-personal ER in decreasing negative affective reactions, despite subjective ratings suggesting that participants perceived the opposite to be true. The superiority of inter- over intra-personal ER in physiological recordings was unrelated to individuals' perceptions of their ability to regulate their own emotions, however, and so it remains to be seen if and how such benefits extend to clinical populations.
... Austin and his colleagues [16] extended this notion of emotional intelligence, arguing that the ability to use and manage emotions could also be used in negative and malicious contexts for self-serving purposes. This misuse of emotional manipulation promotes the objectives of the regulator rather than those of the target [17,18], which is the dark side of emotional intelligence. Hence, a component of emotional intelligence is the emotional manipulation that is the capability of managing others' emotions for self-interest or the use of positive emotional skills for darker purposes [16,19,20]. ...
Background/Aims: When people hone their emotional skills, they become better at manipulating others. They use their emotional skills for coping with the demands of life. This study investigated the mediating role of moral disengagement between emotional manipulation and psychological well-being. Further, the moderating role of age is tested for the mediation model of the study. Methods: This study has a cross-sectional design. Participants included students from private and public institutions (n = 542; Mean age = 18.59 years, SD = 2.10 years; gender = 46% males). Responses were collected on emotional manipulation, moral disengagement, and psychological well-being questionnaires. Analyses were conducted using SPSS 21 and PROCESS 3.1. Results: The correlation analysis showed that both in late adolescents and young adults, moral disengagement negatively correlated with psychological well-being. However, the correlation is much stronger for young adults as compared to late adolescents. Similarly, emotional manipulation has a stronger positive correlation with moral disengagement in young adults compared to late adolescents. Results also showed that moral disengagement and emotional manipulation is higher in males than females, and psychological well-being is higher in females than males. Moral disengagement appeared to be a negative mediator for the relationship between emotional manipulation and psychological well-being. Further, age moderated the indirect effect of emotional manipulation on psychological well-being through moral disengagement. The moderation of age suggests that young adults are more inclined toward moral disengagement behaviors for manipulating emotions in comparison to late adolescents. Conclusions: It is concluded that use of emotional manipulation is associated with a direct increase in psychological well-being; however, indirect emotional manipulation decreases psychological well-being, with an increased use of moral disengagement. Moreover, this indirect effect is stronger in young adults compared to late adolescents, as young adults are more inclined toward moral disengagement.
... Ohbuchi et al. (1989) suggested that apologies reduce negative emotions and inhibit aggression in injured parties. In interpersonal emotion regulation, instrumental emotion regulation, where people regulate the feelings of others to achieve their personal goals, is documented (Netzer et al., 2015;Niven et al., 2018), and an instrumental apology can be considered a part of the same. Nakagawa and Yamazaki (2005) revealed that instrumental apologies do not resolve conflicts because violations repeat when there is no acceptance of responsibility or awareness of guilt. ...
This study examines the effects of different types of apologies and individual differences in self-monitoring on non-verbal apology behaviors involving a server apologizing to a customer. Apologies divide into sincere apologies that reflect genuine recognition of fault, and instrumental apologies, made for achieving a personal goal such as avoiding punishment or rejection by others. Self-monitoring (public-performing and other-directedness) were also examined. Fifty-three female undergraduate students participated in the experiment. Participants were assigned randomly to either a sincere apology condition or an instrumental apology condition. They watched the film clip of the communication between a customer and server and then role-played how they would apologize if they were the server. Participants’ non-verbal behavior during the role-play was videotaped. The results showed an interaction between the apology condition and self-monitoring on non-verbal behaviors. When public-performing was low, gaze avoidance was more likely to occur with a sincere apology than an instrumental apology. There was no difference when the public-performing was high. Facial displays of apology were apparent in the instrumental apology compared to the sincere apology. This tendency became more conspicuous with increased public-performing. Our results indicated that the higher the public-performing, the more participants tried to convey the feeling of apology by combining a direct gaze and facial displays in an instrumental apology. On the other hand, results suggest that lower levels of public-performing elicited less immediacy in offering a sincere apology. Further studies are needed to determine whether these results apply to other conflict resolution situations.
... Interpersonal emotion regulation is considered distinct but related to other interpersonal emotional processes such as social support, emotional contagion, and emotion socialization (Dixon-Gordon et al., 2015), and has been found to be associated with various outcomes such as affect and wellbeing (Berrios et al., 2015;, friendship and trust , and popularity . Individuals may try to regulate others' emotions for various reasons, including for instrumental or performance outcomes (e.g., better performance or goal-achievement), for altruistic or compassionate purposes (others' enhanced wellbeing), or for hedonic purposes (increased positive emotions or reduced negative emotions; Netzer et al., 2015;Porat et al., 2016). People may also attempt to regulate others' emotions to manage impressions, to promote a sense of self, or as a form of emotional labour to comply with organizational rules and social conformity within groups to maintain relationships (Niven, 2016). ...
Objectives
There exists a wealth of evidence that athletes must regulate their emotions for optimal performance and wellbeing. In addition to athletes’ attempts to regulate their own emotions, they may also attempt to regulate each other’s emotions (interpersonal emotion regulation). Though self- and interpersonal emotion regulation likely co-occur, previous research has not explored how these strategies concurrently impact athletes’ emotions and performance outcomes. In the current study, we examined whether athletes’ emotional self-regulation and the receipt of interpersonal emotion regulation from their teammates were related to their anxiety and goal achievement during competition.
Design
Quantitative, cross-sectional retrospective survey design.
Method
Data were gathered following sport competitions from 509 participants from 50 interdependent sport teams from Canada and the UK (Mage = 19.0, SD = 3.1).
Results
Analysis of the data using structural equation modeling revealed that after accounting for pre-competition anxiety, received interpersonal emotion regulation was not associated with anxiety during competition, though affect-worsening self-regulation was positively associated with anxiety during competition. Received interpersonal emotion regulation was also not associated with goal achievement, yet affect-improving and affect-worsening self-regulation were associated with goal achievement. Nevertheless, when the influence of emotional self-regulation on anxiety and goal achievement was set to zero, affect-improving and affect-worsening interpersonal emotion regulation were associated with anxiety during competition and affect-improving interpersonal emotion regulation was associated with goal achievement.
Conclusions
These data can be interpreted as evidence that emotion regulation actions between teammates are important for anxiety and performance outcomes, albeit this effect is attenuated in the presence of athletes’ own emotional self-regulation. These results extend the extant research on self- and interpersonal emotion regulation in sport, and in line with these observations, we highlight a number of future research opportunities for researchers examining emotion regulation in performance contexts.
Social interactions that support people who are experiencing negative emotions are ubiquitous in a wide array of interpersonal relationships. These social interactions are referred to as supportive communication . Decades ago, Burleson and Goldsmith (1998) first noted a connection between supportive communication and emotion regulation, with the goal of explaining the underlying mechanisms by which supportive messages change the recipient’s negative emotions. Since then, contemporary emotion regulation theory has matured, and now can explain a broad range of supportive communication processes via the expansion of interpersonal emotion regulation research and the development of the process model of emotion regulation. This paper aims to describe how contemporary advances in emotion regulation theory and research can shed light on dynamic processes in supportive communication. We then discuss the implications of this updated view for both research fields and show how it can advance interdisciplinary research.
Interpersonal emotion regulation occurs when people try to manage their own or others’ feelings or emotional expressions via social interactions. Research on this distinctive form of emotion regulation has grown exponentially over the last 15 years. In this article, we draw from literature across different disciplines, including multiple subdisciplines within psychology (e.g., social, clinical, developmental, organizational, sports), neuroscience, and sociology, to reflect on what is currently known about interpersonal emotion regulation. Our analysis focuses on the process through which interpersonal emotion regulation unfolds, its outcomes, and the development of abilities and difficulties in interpersonal emotion regulation through the lifespan. We also introduce this special issue, which presents a collection of 17 articles that advance our knowledge about these aspects of interpersonal emotion regulation in multiple ways. Finally, we chart the path forward by considering some of the most important challenges and opportunities for researchers aiming to deepen our understanding of interpersonal emotion regulation.
The study aims to explore the essential elements of an idea in designing visual marketing, advertising, or design developments to impose sustainable efforts. The final data is distributed into four categories: Behavior and Attitude in Visual Development, Mechanism in Public Information, Process of Public Understanding, and Public Understanding in Visual Sustainability. The research suggests creators of visual communications consider how their work shapes attitudes and behaviours about sustainability. With awareness around information, public understanding, and connections between visual media and sustainability, designers can promote responsible, eco-conscious messages. This framework proposes the development process should cultivate mindfulness about communicating sustainability effectively.
The aim of this study was to examine the relationship between social anxiety disorder and psychological symptoms in university students. It was also aimed to reveal the relationship between the dependent variables of the research and sociodemographic variables. The research is of the relational type, and the survey method was used to collect the relevant data. The research data were obtained from a total of 300 university students, 150 women and 150 men. According to the findings of the study, a low-, medium-, and high-strength linear relationship was found between social anxiety disorder and the Symptom Checklist-90 (SCL-90) general and its subdimensions. Scores on SCL-90 general and its subdimension increased as social anxiety disorder increased in the university student participants. It is recommended to give awareness education under the name of "general awareness-raising" about the concepts of social anxiety disorder and psychological symptoms in university students.
Understanding Theory of Mind should begin with an analysis of the problems it solves. The traditional answer is that Theory of Mind is used for predicting others’ thoughts and actions. However, the same Theory of Mind is also used for planning to change others’ thoughts and actions. Planning requires that Theory of Mind consists of abstract structured causal representations and supports efficient search and selection from innumerable possible actions. Theory of Mind contrasts with less cognitively demanding alternatives: statistical predictive models of other people’s actions, or model-free reinforcement of actions by their effects on other people. Theory of Mind is likely used to plan novel interventions and predict their effects, for example, in pedagogy, emotion regulation, and impression management.
The flow of human thoughts is frequently plagued by unwanted cognitive activity, which has the unfortunate power to interfere with task performance, planning, social behaviour, and many other aspects of our lives. Importantly, repetitive negative thoughts and memories play a major role in psychopathology and represent a fundamental transdiagnostic process which deserves experimental and clinical attention. Inhibitory deficits on the one hand and metacognitive beliefs on the other are thought to play a key role in maintaining intrusive repetitive memories and thoughts in a variety of mental health difficulties (Major Depressive Disorder, Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder, Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder, Generalized Anxiety Disorder). This thesis argues against Daniel Wegner’s Ironic Process Theory (Chapter 1) and examines the impact of thought suppression on intrusive Autobiographical Memories with two studies: an fMRI study (Study 1, Chapter 2), and a behavioural study (Study 2, Chapter 3). These two studies represent the first attempt to employ the Autobiographical Think/No-Think task (ATNT), a novel version of the Think/No-Think task solely based on autobiographical memories provided by each participant. In particular, Study 1 investigates the neural correlates of the ATNT task using functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging, and Study 2 explores the introduction of trial-by-trial intrusion ratings in the ATNT task and considers the affective consequences of thought suppression using Skin Conductance Response (SCR). This thesis also probes for the first time the relationship between metacognitive beliefs, intrusive memories, and thought control abilities using the standard Think/No-Think paradigm and manipulating participants’ metacognitive beliefs about the usefulness and the uncontrollability of repetitive intrusive thinking (Study 3, Chapter 4). After a general discussion (Chapter 5), this thesis reflects on the philosophical and ethical implications of forgetting, from a personal, psychological, and historical point of view (Chapter 6).
La literatura en el campo de la regulación emocional nos ha presentado un amplio panorama frente a cómo es el proceso por medio del cual influenciamos en nuestras propias emociones. Sin embargo, pocos estudios, se han centrado en resaltar la importancia de ayudar a otros en su gestión de estados emocionales. El objetivo de este artículo es sintetizar, discutir y organizar algunos elementos teóricos y empíricos sobre la regulación emocional interpersonal. Se presenta cómo se ha analizado la regulación emocional desde el surgimiento de estos estudios en los años noventa, describiendo características, procesos, clases, motivos, elementos y consecuencias de la regulación emocional interpersonal que han sido reportados en la literatura. Se concluye que existe una falta de consenso teórico entre los investigadores, una escasa investigación en diversas áreas del conocimiento, tales como en la educación. Existe también una incipiente exploración en el contexto latinoamericano y una carencia de estudios con niños, niñas y adolescentes. Estas limitaciones sirven para señalar los vacíos teóricos y motivar a futuros investigadores a colaborar en estos campos.
Societal and political changes mean that individuals are working until later in life, leading to interest in whether older workers' effectiveness differs from that of younger workers. An important predictor of work effectiveness is ‘interpersonal emotion regulation’, that is, the management of others' feelings. However, little is known so far about whether there are age-related changes in interpersonal emotion regulation ability. In this article, I apply theoretical evidence about aging to a model of the composite tasks involved in interpersonal emotion regulation, in order to form predictions about age-related differences in the management of others' feelings. I further review the existing empirical evidence base, to highlight areas where predictions are supported and areas where further research is needed. It is hoped that this article will guide future empirical work in this important area, in order to broaden the evidence base on age and emotion regulation.
Three studies tested the idea that when social identity is salient, group-based appraisals elicit specific emotions and action tendencies toward out-groups. Participants’ group memberships were made salient and the collective support apparently enjoyed by the in-group was measured or manipulated. The authors then measured anger and fear (Studies 1 and 2) and anger and contempt (Study 3), as well as the desire to move against or away from the out-group. Intergroup anger was distinct from intergroup fear, and the inclination to act against the out-group was distinct from the tendency to move away from it. Participants who perceived the in-group as strong were more likely to experience anger toward the out-group and to desire to take action against it. The effects of perceived in-group strength on offensive action tendencies were mediated by anger.
Coregulation refers to the process by which relationship partners form a dyadic emotional system involving an oscillating pattern of affective arousal and dampening that dynamically maintains an optimal emotional state. Coregulation may represent an important form of interpersonal emotion regulation, but confusion exists in the literature due to a lack of precision in the usage of the term. We propose an operational definition for coregulation as a bidirectional linkage of oscillating emotional channels between partners, which contributes to emotional stability for both partners. We propose several distinctions and raise unanswered questions that will need to be addressed in order to understand the relevance of coregulation for well-being in adulthood.
We investigated how another person's emotions about resource allocation decisions influence observers' resource allocations by influencing the emotions that observers anticipate feeling if they were to act in the same way. Participants were exposed to an exemplar who made a fair or unfair division in an economic game and expressed pride or regret about this decision. Participants then made their own resource allocation decisions. Exemplar regret about acting fairly decreased the incidence of fair behavior (Studies 1A and 1B). Likewise, exemplar regret about acting unfairly increased the incidence of fair behavior (Study 2). The effect of others' emotions on observers' behavior was mediated by the observers' anticipated emotions. We discuss our findings in light of the view that social appraisal and anticipated emotions are important tools for social learning and may contribute to the formation and maintenance of social norms about greed and fairness. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2014 APA, all rights reserved).
In this commentary, we build upon the papers featured in this 2-part special issue to advance an integrative perspective on emotion regulation that emphasizes the developmentally specific goal-contexts of emotional phenomena. We highlight the importance of (1) multilevel longitudinal investigations of interactions among biological, affective, cognitive, and behavioral processes with respect to emotion regulation; (2) the integration of emotion-regulation processes with self-regulatory processes across the life course; (3) the dynamic relationship between positive and negative affect and their respective influence on regulatory processes; and (4) greater consideration of the dyadic context of emotion-regulation processes. From this perspective, the optimal developmental outcome with respect to emotion regulation is not affective homeostasis, but rather a dynamic flexibility in emotional experience, the ability to pursue and prioritize different goals, and the capacity to selectively and proactively mobilize emotions and cognitions in the service of context-specific and developmentally specific goals.
Contemporary emotion regulation research emphasizes intrapersonal processes such as cognitive reappraisal and expressive suppression, but people experiencing affect commonly choose not to go it alone. Instead, individuals often turn to others for help in shaping their affective lives. How and under what circumstances does such interpersonal regulation modulate emotional experience? Although scientists have examined allied phenomena such as social sharing, empathy, social support, and prosocial behavior for decades, there have been surprisingly few attempts to integrate these data into a single conceptual framework of interpersonal regulation. Here we propose such a framework. We first map a "space" differentiating classes of interpersonal regulation according to whether an individual uses an interpersonal regulatory episode to alter their own or another person's emotion. We then identify 2 types of processes-response-dependent and response-independent-that could support interpersonal regulation. This framework classifies an array of processes through which interpersonal contact fulfills regulatory goals. More broadly, it organizes diffuse, heretofore independent data on "pieces" of interpersonal regulation, and identifies growth points for this young and exciting research domain. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2013 APA, all rights reserved).
This review demonstrates that an individualist view of emotion and regulation is untenable. First, I question the plausibility of a developmental shift away from social interdependency in emotion regulation. Second, I show that there are multiple reasons for emotional experiences in adults to elicit a process of social sharing of emotion, and I review the supporting evidence. Third, I look at effects that emotion sharing entails at the interpersonal and at the collective levels. Fourth, I examine the contribution of emotional sharing to emotion regulation together with the relevant empirical evidence. Finally, the various functions that the social sharing of emotion fulfills are reviewed and the relevance of the social sharing of emotion for emotion scientists is discussed.
Makes explicit a reconceptualization of the nature of emotion that over the past decade has fostered the study of emotion regulation. In the past, emotions were considered to be feeling states indexed by behavioral expressions: now, emotions are considered to be processes of establishing, maintaining, or disrupting the relation between the organism and the environment on matters of significance to the person. When emotions were conceptualized in the traditional way as feelings, emotion regulation centered on ego-defense mechanisms and display rules. The former was difficult to test; the latter was narrow in scope. By contrast, the notion of emotions as relational processes has shifted interest to the study of person/environment transactions in the elicitations of emotion and to the functions of action tendencies, emotional "expressions," language, and behavioral coping mechanisms. The article also treats the importance of affect in the continuity of self-development by documenting the impressive stability of at least two emotional dispositions: irritability and inhibition. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
The tendency to "bask in reflected glory" (BIRG) by publicly announcing one's associations with successful others was investigated in 3 field experiments with more than 300 university students. All 3 studies showed this effect to occur even though the person striving to bask in the glory of a successful source was not involved in the cause of the source's success. Exp I demonstrated the BIRG phenomenon by showing a greater tendency for university students to wear school-identifying apparel after their school's football team had been victorious than nonvictorious. Exps II and III replicated this effect by showing that students used the pronoun we more when describing victory than a nonvictory of their school's football team. A model was developed asserting that the BIRG response represents an attempt to enhance one's public image. Exps II and III indicated, in support of this assertion, that the tendency to proclaim a connection with a positive source was strongest when one's public image was threatened. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Previous studies have demonstrated that 1-yr-old infants look toward their mothers' facial expressions and use the emotional information conveyed. In this study, 46 1-yr-olds were confronted with an unusual toy in a context where an experimenter familiar to the infants posed either happy or fearful expressions and where their mothers were present but did not provide facial signals. Results indicate that most of the Ss (83%) referenced the familiarized stranger. Once the adult's facial signals were noted, the S's instrumental behaviors and expressive responses to the toy were influenced in the direction of the affective valence of the adult's expression. It is suggested that infants may be influenced by the emotional expressions of a much broader group of adults than has previously been recognized. (22 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Experimental research on intergroup discrimination in favor of one's own group is reviewed in terms of the basis of differentiation between in-group and out-group and in terms of the response measure on which in-group bias is assessed. Results of the research reviewed suggest that (a) factors such as intergroup competition, similarity, and status differentials affect in-group bias indirectly by influencing the salience of distinctions between in-group and out-group, (b) the degree of intergroup differentiation on a particular response dimension is a joint function of the relevance of intergroup distinctions and the favorableness of the in-group's position on that dimension, and (c) the enhancement of in-group bias is more related to increased favoritism toward in-group members than to increased hostility toward out-group members. Implications of these results for positive applications of group identification (e.g., a shift of in-group bias research from inter- to intragroup contexts) are discussed. (67 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
In 2 studies, the Inclusion of Other in the Self (IOS) Scale, a single-item, pictorial measure of closeness, demonstrated alternate-form and test–retest reliability; convergent validity with the Relationship Closeness Inventory (E. Berscheid et al, 1989), the R. J. Sternberg (1988) Intimacy Scale, and other measures; discriminant validity; minimal social desirability correlations; and predictive validity for whether romantic relationships were intact 3 mo later. Also identified and cross-validated were (1) a 2-factor closeness model (Feeling Close and Behaving Close) and (2) longevity–closeness correlations that were small for women vs moderately positive for men. Five supplementary studies showed convergent and construct validity with marital satisfaction and commitment and with a reaction-time (RT)-based cognitive measure of closeness in married couples; and with intimacy and attraction measures in stranger dyads following laboratory closeness-generating tasks. In 3 final studies most Ss interpreted IOS Scale diagrams as depicting interconnectedness. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Exposure to someone else’s emotion can lead us to experience similar feelings. This paper considers two processes (emotion contagion and social appraisal) that may contribute to interpersonal emotion transfer (IET) effects of this kind. Research shows that people automatically mimic other people’s perceived movements including their emotion expressions. However, IET does not seem to depend directly on mimicry, suggesting that other processes underlie contagion. Social appraisal is supported by studies showing that IET may depend on changes in explicit interpretations and evaluations of events, as well as implicitly registered cues relating to the direction of attention. Future research needs to focus more on the object-focus of emotion expressions and their contextual meaning in order to explain the variety of reported IET effects.
The aim of the studies was to assess the effefcs of social categorization on intergroup behaviour when, in the intergroup situation, neither calculations of individual interest nor previously existing attitudes of hostility could have been said to have determined discriminative behaviour against an outgroup. These conditions were satisfied in the experimental design. In the first series of experiments, it was found that the subjects favoured their own group in the distribution of real rewards and penalities in a situation in which nothing but the variable of fairly irrelevant classification distinguished between the ingroup and the outgroup. In the second series of experiments it was found that: 1) maximum joint profit independent of group membership did not affect significantly the manner in which the subjects divided real pecuniary rewards; 2) maximum profit for own group did affect the distribution of rewards; 3) the clearest effect on the distribution of rewards was due to the subjects' attempt to achieve a maximum difference between the ingroup and the outgroup even at the price of sacrificing other ‘objective’ advantages.
The design and the results of the study are theoretically discussed within the framework of social norms and expectations and particularly in relation to a ‘generic’ norm of outgroup behaviour prevalent in some societies.
It is well established today that emotions are an important part of most societal dynamics. The current article focuses on the role of different collective emotional elements in creating, preserving, and resolving conflicts. The main premise is that collective emotions play a pivotal role in shaping individual and societal responses to conflicting events and in contributing to the evolvement of a social context that maintains the emotional climate and collective emotional orientation that have developed. The first part of the article provides a conceptual framework to discuss the relations between conflict, context, and collective emotions. The second part uses the conceptual framework to discuss the societal implications of the articles presented in this issue. Taken together, the parts create a platform for future research on the role of collective emotions in conflict resolution and the construction of cultures of peace.
This paper distinguishes processes potentially contributing to interpersonal anxiety transfer, including object-directed social appraisal, empathic worry, and anxiety contagion, and reviews evidence for their operation. We argue that these anxiety-transfer processes may be exploited strategically when attempting to regulate relationship partners' emotion. More generally, anxiety may serve as either a warning signal to other people about threat (alerting function) or an appeal for emotional support or practical help (comfort-seeking function). Tensions between these two interpersonal functions may account for mutually incongruent interpersonal responses to expressed anxiety, including mistargeted interpersonal regulation attempts. Because worry waxes and wanes over time as a function of other people's ongoing reactions, interpersonal interventions may help to alleviate some of its maladaptive consequences.
Individuals in a variety of social contexts try to regulate other people's feelings, but how does this process affect the regulators themselves? This research aimed to establish a relationship between people's use of interpersonal affect regulation and their own affective well-being. In a field study, self- and other-reported data were collected from prisoners and staff members in a therapeutic prison using two surveys separated in time. In a laboratory study, a student sample reported their affect before and after attempting to influence the feelings of talent show contestants in a role-play task. The results of both studies indicated congruent associations between the use of affect-improving and affect-worsening interpersonal affect regulation and strategy agents' affective well-being. Our findings highlight that, when performing interpersonal affect regulation, people may not be immune from the effects of their own actions.
In a laboratory experiment, we use an extensive form two person trust game to examine the hypothesis that human subjects have a preconscious friend-or-foe (FOF) mental mechanism for evaluating the intentions of another person. Instructions are used to weakly prime the FOF state: instead of the term “counterpart” for referring to the person that an individual is matched with, we substitute the word “partner” in one treatment, “opponent” in the other. This treatment produces a significant difference in trust and trustworthiness behavior in repeat interactions over time with distinct pairs on each trial. Trustworthiness with “partner” is over twice that for “opponent”, and this reinforces trust, although both trust and trustworthiness erode over time.
Is it adaptive to seek pleasant emotions and avoid unpleasant emotions all the time or seek pleasant and unpleasant emotions at the right time? Participants reported on their preferences for anger and happiness in general and in contexts in which they might be useful or not (i.e., confrontations and collaborations, respectively). People who generally wanted to feel more happiness and less anger experienced greater well-being. However, when emotional preferences were examined in context, people who wanted to feel more anger or more happiness when they were useful, and people who wanted to feel less of those emotions when they were not useful, experienced greater well-being. Such patterns could not be explained by differences in the perceived usefulness of emotions, intelligence, perceived regulatory skills, emotional acceptance, social desirability, or general emotional preferences. These findings demonstrate that people who want to feel unpleasant emotions when they are useful may be happier overall. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved).
Answers to the question "What are human emotions for?" have stimulated highly productive programs of research on emotional phenomena in psychology and neuroscience in the past decade. Although a variety of functions have been proposed and examined at different levels of abstraction, what is undeniable is that when emotional processing is compromised, most things social go awry. In this review we survey the research findings documenting the functions of emotion and link these to new discoveries about how emotion is accurately processed and transmitted. We focus specifically on emotion processing in dyads and groups, which reflects the current scientific trend. Within dyads, emotional expressions and learning and understanding through vicarious emotion are the phenomena of interest. Behavioral and brain mechanisms supporting their successful occurrence are evaluated. At the group level, group emotions and group-based emotions, two very different phenomena, are discussed, and mechanistic accounts are reviewed.
According to the instrumental approach to emotion regulation, people may want to experience even unpleasant emotions to attain instrumental benefits. Building on value-expectancy models of self-regulation, we tested whether people want to feel bad in certain contexts specifically because they expect such feelings to be useful to them. In two studies, participants were more likely to try to increase their anger before a negotiation when motivated to confront (vs. collaborate with) a negotiation partner. Participants motivated to confront (vs. collaborate with) their partner expected anger to be more useful to them, and this expectation in turn, led them to try to increase their anger before negotiating. The subsequent experience of anger, following random assignment to emotion inductions (Study 1) or engagement in self-selected emotion regulation activities (Study 2), led participants to be more successful at getting others to concede to their demands, demonstrating that emotional preferences have important pragmatic implications.
Emotion is often framed as an intrapersonal system comprised of subcomponents such as experience, behavior, and physiology that interact over time to give rise to emotional states. What is missing is that many emotions occur in the context of social interaction or ongoing relationships. When this happens, the result can be conceptualized as a temporal interpersonal emotion system (TIES) in which the subcomponents of emotion interact not only within the individual but across the partners as well. The present review (a) suggests that TIES can be understood in terms of the characteristics of dynamic systems, (b) reviews examples from diverse research that has investigated characteristics of TIES, (c) attempts to clarify the overlapping terms that have been used to refer to those characteristics by mapping them to the statistical, mathematical, and graphical models that have been used to represent TIES, and (d) offers pragmatic advice for analyzing TIES data.
Perceived support is consistently linked to good mental health, which is typically explained as resulting from objectively supportive actions that buffer stress. Yet this explanation has difficulty accounting for the often-observed main effects between support and mental health. Relational regulation theory (RRT) hypothesizes that main effects occur when people regulate their affect, thought, and action through ordinary yet affectively consequential conversations and shared activities, rather than through conversations about how to cope with stress. This regulation is primarily relational in that the types of people and social interactions that regulate recipients are mostly a matter of personal taste. RRT operationally defines relationships quantitatively, permitting the clean distinction between relationships and recipient personality. RRT makes a number of new predictions about social support, including new approaches to intervention.
The tendency to "bask in reflected glory" (BIRG) by publicly announcing one's associations with successful others was investigated in 3 field experiments with more than 300 university students. All 3 studies showed this effect to occur even though the person striving to bask in the glory of a successful source was not involved in the cause of the source's success. Exp I demonstrated the BIRG phenomenon by showing a greater tendency for university students to wear school-identifying apparel after their school's football team had been victorious than nonvictorious. Exps II and III replicated this effect by showing that students used the pronoun we more when describing victory than a nonvictory of their school's football team. A model was developed asserting that the BIRG response represents an attempt to enhance one's public image. Exps II and III indicated, in support of this assertion, that the tendency to proclaim a connection with a positive source was strongest when one's public image was threatened. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2006 APA, all rights reserved).
We review two experiments in which the intergroup prisoner’s dilemma (IPD) team-game was compared with a single-group prisoner’s dilemma (PD). The first experiment compared the games when played once. We found that although the IPD and PD games are strategically equivalent, subjects were more likely to cooperate in the intergroup than in the single-group game. The second experiment compared the IPD and PD games played repeatedly. We found again that subjects were initially more likely to cooperate in the IPD game than in the PD game. However, cooperation rates decreased as the game progressed and, as a result, the differences between the two games disappeared. This pattern suggests that subjects learn the structure of the game and adapt their behavior accordingly. Computer simulations based on a learning model support this interpretation.
In three studies, we examined whether the anticipation of group‐based guilt and shame inhibits in‐group favoritism. In Studies 1 and 2, anticipated group‐based shame negatively predicted in‐group favoritism; in neither study did anticipated group‐based guilt uniquely predict in‐group favoritism. In Study 3, we orthogonally manipulated anticipated group‐based shame and guilt. Here, we found that the shame (but not the guilt) manipulation had a significant inhibitory effect on in‐group favoritism. Anticipated group‐based shame (but not guilt) promotes egalitarian intergroup behavior. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Goals can determine what people want to feel (e.g., Tamir et al., 2008), but can they do so even when they are primed outside of conscious awareness? In two studies, participants wanted to feel significantly less angry after they were implicitly primed with a collaboration goal, compared to a neutral prime. These effects were found with different implicit priming manipulations, direct and indirect measures of emotional preferences, and when controlling for concurrent emotional experiences. The effects were obtained in social contexts in which the potential for collaboration was relatively higher (Study 1) and lower (Study 2). Also, similar effects were found when collaboration was activated nonconsciously (Studies 1–2) and consciously (Study 2). By showing that nonconscious goals can shape emotional preferences, we demonstrate that what people want to feel can be determined by factors they are unaware of.
Good things happen. In fact, positive events occur more often than negative events. In this chapter, we review research showing that people often turn to others to share their good news, a process called capitalization. These studies show that both the act of telling others about good events and the response of the person with whom the event was shared have personal and interpersonal consequences. We outline a theoretical foundation and propose a model of capitalization processes that includes mechanisms linking the act of telling others and their response to personal and interpersonal outcomes. This research has shown that when the close other responds in an active and constructive manner (and not in a passive or destructive manner), both the discloser and the relationship between the discloser and the responder profit. Personal benefits linked to capitalization processes include increased positive emotions, subjective well-being, and self-esteem, and decreased loneliness. Relationship benefits associated with capitalization processes include satisfaction, intimacy, commitment, trust, liking, closeness, and stability. We also review evidence for mechanisms involved in capitalization processes. Throughout this chapter, we discuss capitalization processes in the larger context of how people “cope” during good times and the value of having supportive partners in this process. Although research has consistently emphasized coping with negative events, our work suggests that positive events similarly provide both opportunities and challenges.
The fundamental intragroup problem in intergroup conflict can be characterized as a social dilemma: All group members are better off if they all cooperate in competing against the outgroup, but, at least when the group is large, each individual group member is always better off defecting. Are people less or more likely to cooperate in a social dilemma when it is embedded in the context of an intergroup conflict? To answer this question we contrasted the Intergroup Prisoners Dilemma (IPD) team game (Bornstein, 1992) with a structurally identical (single-group) Prisoners Dilemma (PD) game. The results indicate that subjects were almost twice as likely to cooperate in the IPD game than in the PD game even though: (a) the cost of cooperation for the individual group member is identical in the two games, (b) the external benefit to the individual′s group resulting from a cooperative choice is also identical, and (c) cooperation in the intergroup dilemma is collectively deficient whereas in the single-group dilemma it is collectively optimal. The motivational implications of this finding are discussed.
Consensus that emotions are functional and adaptive has reached such a level that contradictory evidence is no longer seriously considered, and the complex determinants of functionality are not fully appreciated. To remedy this complacency, the author draws attention to the nontrivial amount of dysfunctional emotion in everyday life, as well as to the many long-standing philosophical and religious traditions that counsel dispassion. This exercise is useful for tempering functionalist zeal and restoring scientific skepticism. It also demonstrates that the functionality of emotions depends critically on the appraisals that give rise to emotions, the choice and control of the behaviors motivated by emotions, and the socialization and training of emotions. These parameters, whether or not they are considered part of an emotion, must be considered part of what makes emotions functional. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
We summarize the empirical work on schadenfreude, or pleasure felt at someone else's misfortune. Although schadenfreude is a socially undesirable emotion, research reveals at least three conditions in which it commonly arises. One condition is when observers gain from the misfortune. We discuss research showing that gains in ingroup outcomes based on the failures of rival outgroups can create schadenfreude, especially for those highly identified with their ingroups. A second condition is when another's misfortune is deserved. We focus on research showing that the misfortunes of hypocrites are perceived as highly deserved and therefore create schadenfreude in observers. A third condition is when a misfortune befalls an envied person. We summarize studies showing that the core ingredients of envy prime the envying person for schadenfreude when the envied person suffers.
Within psychology, emotion is often treated as something private and personal. In contrast, this book tries to understand emotion from the 'outside,' by examining the everyday social settings in which it operates. Three levels of social influence are considered in decreasing order of inclusiveness, starting with the surrounding culture and subculture, moving on to the more delimited organization or group, and finally focusing on the interpersonal setting.
In this chapter, the authors present a social functional account of emotions that attempts to integrate the relevant insights of evolutionary and social constructivist theorists. The authors' account is summarized in 3 statements: (1) social living presents social animals with problems whose solutions are critical for individual survival; (2) emotions have been designed in the course of evolution to solve these problems; and (3) in humans, culture loosens the linkages between emotions and problems so that cultures find new ways of using emotions. In the first half of the chapter the authors synthesize the positions of diverse theorists in a taxonomy of problems of social living and then consider how evolution-based primordial emotions solve those problems by coordinating social interactions. In the second half of the chapter the authors discuss the specific processes according to which culture transforms primordial emotions and how culturally shaped elaborated emotions help solve the problems of social living. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
People are often motivated to increase others' positive experiences and to alleviate others' suffering. These tendencies to care about and help one another form the foundation of human society. When the target is an outgroup member, however, people may have powerful motivations not to care about or help that “other.” In such cases, empathic responses are rare and fragile; it is easy to disrupt the chain from perception of suffering to motivation to alleviate the suffering to actual helping. We highlight recent interdisciplinary research demonstrating that outgroup members' suffering elicits dampened empathic responses as compared to ingroup members' suffering. We consider an alternative to empathy in the context of intergroup competition: schadenfreude—pleasure at others' pain. Finally, we review recent investigations of intergroup-conflict interventions that attempt to increase empathy for outgroups. We propose that researchers across the range of psychological sciences stand to gain a better understanding of the foundations of empathy by studying its limitations.
How do emotions affect the opponent's behavior in a negotiation? Two experiments explored the interpersonal effects of anger and happiness. In Study 1 participants received information about the emotion (anger vs. happiness vs. no emotion) of their (fake) opponent. Participants with an angry opponent made lower demands and larger concessions than did participants with a happy opponent, those with a non-emotional opponent falling in between. Furthermore, the opponent's emotions induced similar emotions in the participants (i.e., "emotional contagion"), and participants with a happy opponent evaluated the opponent and the negotiation more favorably than did participants with an angry opponent. In Study 2 participants received information about both the opponent's experienced and communicated emotions. As predicted, angry communications (unlike happy ones) induced fear and thereby mitigated the effect of the opponent's experienced emotion.
Allport (1954) recognized that attachment to one's ingroups does not necessarily require hostility toward outgroups. Yet the prevailing approach to the study of ethnocentrism, ingroup bias, and prejudice presumes that ingroup love and outgroup hate are reciprocally related. Findings from both cross-cultural research and laboratory experiments support the alternative view that ingroup identification is independent of negative attitudes toward outgroups and that much ingroup bias and intergroup discrimination is motivated by preferential treatment of ingroup members rather than direct hostility toward outgroup members. Thus to understand the roots of prejudice and discrimination requires first of all a better understanding of the functions that ingroup formation and identification serve for human beings. This article reviews research and theory on the motivations for maintenance of ingroup boundaries and the implications of ingroup boundary protection for intergroup relations, conflict, and conflict prevention.
Emotions play an important role in coordinating social life. In the last decade, traditional research on the intrapersonal effects of emotions has been complemented by a growing focus on interpersonal effects. I propose that a primary function of emotion at this interpersonal level is to disambiguate social interaction by providing information about the expresser’s feelings, goals, motives, and intentions. Building on this idea, I introduce the emotions as social information (EASI) model. The model posits that emotional expressions influence observers by eliciting affective reactions in them and/or by triggering inferential processes, depending on the observer’s information processing motivation and ability and on social-contextual factors. I discuss implications of this view for theorizing about the social functions of emotions; the evolution of emotion; the influence of emotional expressivity, emotion recognition, and emotion regulation; and the role of culture.
Good things happen. In fact, positive events occur more often than negative events. In this chapter, we review research showing that people often turn to others to share their good news, a process called capitalization. These studies show that both the act of telling others about good events and the response of the person with whom the event was shared have personal and interpersonal consequences. We outline a theoretical foundation and propose a model of capitalization processes that includes mechanisms linking the act of telling others and their response to personal and interpersonal outcomes. This research has shown that when the close other responds in an active and constructive manner (and not in a passive or destructive manner), both the discloser and the relationship between the discloser and the responder profit. Personal benefits linked to capitalization processes include increased positive emotions, subjective well-being, and self-esteem, and decreased loneliness. Relationship benefits associated with capitalization processes include satisfaction, intimacy, commitment, trust, liking, closeness, and stability. We also review evidence for mechanisms involved in capitalization processes. Throughout this chapter, we discuss capitalization processes in the larger context of how people “cope” during good times and the value of having supportive partners in this process. Although research has consistently emphasized coping with negative events, our work suggests that positive events similarly provide both opportunities and challenges.
The study of inter-group relations has seen a renewed emphasis on emotion. Various frameworks converge on the general conceptualisation of group-level emotions, with respect to their antecedent appraisals and implications for inter-group relations. However, specific points of divergence remain unresolved regarding terminology and operationalisation, as well as the role of self-relevance (e.g., self-categorisation, in-group identification) in moderating the strength of emotion that individuals feel about groups and their inter-relations. In this chapter we first present a typology of group-level emotions in order to classify current conceptual and empirical approaches, differentiating them along the dimensions of the (individual or group) subject and object of emotion. The second section reviews evidence for the claim that individuals feel stronger group-level emotions about things that are relevant to their self-concept, with emphasis on three indicators of self-relevance: domain relevance, self-categorisation as an in-group member, and in-group identification. Implications for, and future directions in, the study of emotion in inter-group relations are discussed.