... Bernays und andere Wirtschaftspraktiker hatten den Begriff Propaganda für eine Bandbreite an Beeinflussungstechniken vorgesehen, die insbesondere in der Produktwerbung, aber auch in anderen Bereichen wie Staatsführung, Organisationskommunikation und Massenmedien erfolgreich eingesetzt wurden (Bernays 2005(Bernays [1928; siehe dazu auch Beder 2002, 121;Carey 1995;Miller und Dinan 2008). Nachdem diese Propagandatechniken von den Kriegsparteien in den beiden Weltkriegen zur Meinungsmanipulation missbraucht worden waren, führten Wirtschaftsleute neue Terminologien ein, insbesondere den Begriff Public Relations (PR) (Miller und Dinan, 2008: 18). ...
... Denn heute wird die neue Terminologie nicht nur in Wirtschaft, Staat und Militär verwendet, sondern findet ihren Niederschlag auch in vielen Hochschulfächern innerhalb der Human-und Sozialwissenschaften, die sogenannte "persuasive" Kommunikationstechniken erforschen und unterrichten (vgl. Bakir et al. 2019;Carey 1995;Zollmann 2019). Das bedeutet: In liberalen Gesellschaften werden Techniken der Propaganda bis heute in industriellem Maßstab angewendet, studiert und wissenschaftlich verfeinert. ...
... Dies geschieht allerdings unter Verwendung positiv konnotierter Begrifflichkeiten und Annahmen, was die Nutzung dieser Techniken angeht (vgl. Carey 1995). ...
... Propaganda is a process which serves to exploit the psychological effects of information dispersion that could concisely be defined as a set of systematic, deliberate communications practices that attempt to shape perceptions, and manipulate cognitions and direct behaviour to achieve a response that furthers the desired intent (Jowett and O'Donnell, 2012). Most of the propaganda definitions are rooted in three fundamental features: direct social control; a narrowing of decision-making options; and explicit appeal to enforce change (Carey, 1996;Merrill and Lowenstein, 1971;Qualter, 1962). This requires the information message to be framed to significantly limit the space for opinion-making and channel the content in a considerably constrained manner which serves to close minds, does not allow questions, and leaves no alternative to choose from other than the one demanded by the propagandist (Black, 2001). ...
... This requires the information message to be framed to significantly limit the space for opinion-making and channel the content in a considerably constrained manner which serves to close minds, does not allow questions, and leaves no alternative to choose from other than the one demanded by the propagandist (Black, 2001). In that respect, propaganda is unanimously defined as a deliberate attempt to form, control, and alter the attitudes of the target audience in such a manner that, in any given situation, the reaction of those so influenced will resemble the one desired by the propagandist (Carey, 1996). Soviet foreign propaganda was used as a mechanism of enforcement, as it deliberately strived to manoeuvre the target audience to accept the Marxist-Leninist worldview. ...
... Dr Florian Zollmann, Lecturer in Journalism, Newcastle University, School of Arts and Cultures, florian.zollmann@newcastle.ac.uk 5 5. Ideology: The PM theorized "anti-communist" ideology as a template used by journalists to frame issues and events in a certain way. "Anti-communist" indoctrination had been a pervasive feature of Western liberal democracies, applied in their educational and cultural institutions (see Carey, 1995). News media discourses could, thus, connect to and activate already pre-existing sentiments. ...
... Similarly, social-democratic policies like universal healthcare provision or trade union activism were classified as "communist" or "socialist". Such negative association pushed issues that resonated with larger publics outside of the range of legitimate news media debate (see Carey, 1995;Hallin, 1989). Today, we can see a re-activation of "anti-communist" ideology by way of how the news media has exaggerated "Russiagate" and the "Putin scare" (for a full exploration of this subject, see chapter four). ...
... The surveillance of German-Americans extended well beyond the small rural community of Hermann. Carey [69] has demonstrated that in 1918 the Americanization movement of the early twentieth century became aligned with the war effort and achieved the support from the federal organizations of the Council of National Defense (CND) as well as the Committee on Public Information (CPI). Under the new objectives through the war effort, the main emphasis of these organizations Bbecame 'War Americanization', a version of Americanization which integrated preparation for citizenship with promotion of patriotic support for the war and surveillance of all the foreign-born^( [69], p. 59). ...
... Carey [69] has demonstrated that in 1918 the Americanization movement of the early twentieth century became aligned with the war effort and achieved the support from the federal organizations of the Council of National Defense (CND) as well as the Committee on Public Information (CPI). Under the new objectives through the war effort, the main emphasis of these organizations Bbecame 'War Americanization', a version of Americanization which integrated preparation for citizenship with promotion of patriotic support for the war and surveillance of all the foreign-born^( [69], p. 59). ...
Gusfield (1963) describes constitutional prohibition as symbolically representing status and not concerned with social control. The importance of this perspective for the prohibition of alcohol rests in the rural, Protestant, native segments of the United States symbolically demonstrating their values publicly through law over that of the urban, Catholic, immigrants. This case study tests the symbolic properties of constitutional prohibition through an analysis of the small German-American, rural, winemaking community of Hermann, MO. I analyze Hermann’s major English newspaper, the Advertiser-Courier, during two time periods: 1908 to 1911 and 1918 to 1921 to understand the changes in legislative reform and the importance of the social environment for each time period. In order to demonstrate the limitations of a strictly symbolic understanding of constitutional prohibition through Gusfield’s (1963) status politics paradigm, I utilize the theoretical tools of structural foundations and triggering events (Galliher (1980) 2012) to assess the social origins of prohibition legislation in Missouri. This perspective further demonstrates the instrumental aspects of social control involved during the passage of this law.
... Además, no comprende una instancia de interacción o feedback entre receptor y emisor (García-Beaudoux et al., 2011). En el ámbito político, el objetivo de la propaganda es la difusión de la ideología política (Durandin, 1983) a partir de la cual se espera incidir en la percepción y el comportamiento de todos los que se exponen a ella o exclusivamente al segmento destinatario previamente escogido (Carey, 1997). Dentro de las piezas de propaganda, como son los afiches, también están los spots. ...
The aim of this paper is to observe and analyze the changes and continuities associated with the form and structure of electoral campaigning in Argentina during the 1973-1983 period. Additionally, framing the scope of transformations that have occurred both at a general and intra-party level. Fundamental for the modernization of political communication in the country, this decade, had distinctive characteristics including democratic instability, a leadership crisis -caused by the death of two major party officials: Juan D. Perón (PJ) and Ricardo Balbín (UCR)- and a set of social and cultural transformations such as the rise of television as a medium of mass communication. For this descriptive study of longitudinal temporality, the method selected to analyze the 221 units (composed of graphic advertising and television spots) is content analysis, which allows for quantifiable nominal data to be obtained. The main result of the research denotes a turning point in the way electoral campaigns are conducted in general terms, with notable differences between parties.
... Además, no comprende una instancia de interacción o feedback entre receptor y emisor (García-Beaudoux et al., 2011). En el ámbito político, el objetivo de la propaganda es la difusión de la ideología política (Durandin, 1983) a partir de la cual se espera incidir en la percepción y el comportamiento de todos los que se exponen a ella o exclusivamente al segmento destinatario previamente escogido (Carey, 1997). Dentro de las piezas de propaganda, como son los afiches, también están los spots. ...
El principal objetivo de este trabajo es observar y analizar los cambios y continuidades vinculados a la forma y estructura de las campañas electorales en Argentina durante el período 1973-1983. En segundo lugar, enmarcar los alcances de las transformaciones ocurridas tanto a nivel general como intrapartidario. Fundamental para la modernización de la comunicación política en el país, la década antes mencionada, presentó grandes particularidades: inestabilidad democrática, crisis de liderazgo -causada por la muerte de dos importantes referentes de las principales fuerzas políticas: Juan D. Perón (PJ) y Ricardo Balbín (UCR)- y un conjunto de transformaciones socioculturales entre las que se encuentra el ascenso de la televisión como medio masivo de comunicación. Con un alcance del estudio descriptivo y de temporalidad longitudinal, el método seleccionado para analizar las 221 unidades (que incluyen tanto propaganda gráfica como spots televisivos) es el análisis de contenido, permitiendo así obtener datos nominales cuantificables. El resultado principal de la investigación denota un punto de inflexión en la forma de hacer campañas electorales en términos generales, con notables diferencias entre los partidos.
... In the mid-twentieth century corporations began using propaganda to instill in the public consciousness the identification of free-enterprise with democracy and equating government interventions with tyranny and oppression. 4 Later, business solidified its hold on society with strategic initiatives, 5 the financial sector's policy role, 6 and the influence of the CEO's role. 7 Across US history the Congress, state legislatures, and especially the Supreme Court, established corporate rights ( Figure). ...
The “Part of the Solution” article describes how the food industry has evolved its strategies to respond to critics and government regulation by co-option and appeasement to create a less hostile environment. Rather than focusing research on single industries it would be more efficient and productive to focus on corporate political activities (CPA) that directly influence democratic institutions and processes having authority over laws, policy, rules and regulations that govern industry. The most influential and direct CPA are election campaign donations, lobbying, and the reverse revolving door. In the U.S. those CPA flow from rights of corporations that underlie all industry strategies. The U.S. history of how corporations obtained their rights is described, and research about the affirmative effects of those three CPA is summarized. Health research is needed about those CPA and their effects on health law, policy and regulation in the U.S. and other nations.
... Shades of abusive language include hate speech, offensive language, sexist and racist language, aggression, profanity, cyberbullying, harassment, trolling, and toxic language (Waseem et al. 2017). There is also other negative text such as propaganda (Bernays 2005;Carey 1997), and others. It is widely known that malicious text is harmful to people. ...
Text style transfer is an important task in natural language generation, which aims to control certain attributes in the generated text, such as politeness, emotion, humor, and many others. It has a long history in the field of natural language processing, and recently has re-gained significant attention thanks to the promising performance brought by deep neural models. In this article, we present a systematic survey of the research on neural text style transfer, spanning over 100 representative articles since the first neural text style transfer work in 2017. We discuss the task formulation, existing datasets and subtasks, evaluation, as well as the rich methodologies in the presence of parallel and non-parallel data. We also provide discussions on a variety of important topics regarding the future development of this task.
... As a journal representing critical thought at the graduate level, it would be hypocritical to ignore that academia and education have shared in criticisms regarding the power to construct narratives in the burgeoning minds of youth, and the persuasive technique innately situated in educational practice. Carey (1997) contrasts persuasion in the commercial field from persuasion in the realm of education by arguing that intentionality plays a subtle yet essential role,"Here, at least ideally, the purpose is to encourage critical inquiry and to open minds to arguments…rather than close them." ...
Introduction to the 2013, 10th anniversary edition of the McMaster Journal of Communication, written by editor-in-chief, David Schokking.
... Shades of abusive language include hate speech, offensive language, sexist and racist language, aggression, profanity, cyberbullying, harassment, trolling, and toxic language. There are also other negative text such as propaganda (Bernays, 2005;Carey, 1997), and others. It is widely known that malicious text is harmful to people. ...
Driven by the increasingly larger deep learning models, neural language generation (NLG) has enjoyed unprecedentedly improvement and is now able to generate a diversity of human-like texts on demand, granting itself the capability of serving as a human writing assistant. Text attribute transfer is one of the most important NLG tasks, which aims to control certain attributes that people may expect the texts to possess, such as sentiment, tense, emotion, political position, etc. It has a long history in Natural Language Processing but recently gains much more attention thanks to the promising performance brought by deep learning models. In this article, we present a systematic survey on these works for neural text attribute transfer. We collect all related academic works since the first appearance in 2017. We then select, summarize, discuss, and analyze around 65 representative works in a comprehensive way. Overall, we have covered the task formulation, existing datasets and metrics for model development and evaluation, and all methods developed over the last several years. We reveal that existing methods are indeed based on a combination of several loss functions with each of which serving a certain goal. Such a unique perspective we provide could shed light on the design of new methods. We conclude our survey with a discussion on open issues that need to be resolved for better future development.
... The objective is to bring about a shift in the beliefs of the targeted audience. In this sense, these campaigns rely on the promulgation of propaganda (Collison 2003), which Carey (1995): 20) defines as "communications where the form and content is selected with the single-minded purpose of bringing some target audience to adopt attitudes and beliefs chosen in advance by the sponsors of the communications." Two promotional strategies in which fossil fuel companies engage are issue advertising and image advertising. ...
Advertising by fossil fuel companies is a ubiquitous element of modern political life. Promotional campaigns in the service of a corporation’s position toward environmental issues such as climate change are prevalent in the oil and gas sectors, where corporate image is seen as a valuable asset in managing risk, controlling negative media attention, and overcoming resistance by antagonistic civil society groups. This article assesses advertising expenditures by five major oil and gasoline companies for the time period 1986 to 2015. We examine four major factors that may influence spending on advertising by the oil and gas sectors: (1) the overall reputation of the oil and gas sector; (2) congressional attention to climate change; (3) media attention to climate change; and (4) a series of control variables including major oil spills, the publication of major climate change reports, overall public concern about climate change, GDP, and oil prices. We find that the factors that most influence corporate promotional spending are media coverage and congressional attention to the issue of climate change.
... Bernays und andere Wirtschaftspraktiker hatten den Begriff Propaganda für eine Bandbreite an Beeinflussungstechniken vorgesehen, die insbesondere in der Produktwerbung, aber auch in anderen Bereichen wie Staatsführung, Organisationskommunikation und Massenmedien erfolgreich eingesetzt wurden (Bernays 2005(Bernays [1928; Beder 2002, 121;Carey 1995;Miller und Dinan 2008). Nachdem diese Propagandatechniken von den Kriegsparteien in den beiden Weltkriegen zur Meinungsmanipulation missbraucht worden waren, führten Wirtschaftsleute neue Terminologien ein, insbesondere den Begriff Public Relations (PR) (Miller und Dinan, 2008: 18 Jowett and O'Donnell 1992, 4;Silverstein 1987, 51). ...
Übergeordnetes Ziel dieses Textes ist es, auf die zentrale Bedeutung von Propaganda in liberalen Demokratien hinzuweisen. Insbesonderefrühe Forscherinnen und Forscherhatten auf die Rolle von Propaganda zur Herstellung von Konsens sowie zur sozialen und ideologischen Kontrolle hingewiesen. Zunächst wird daher anhand einer kritischen Diskussion früher und gegenwärtiger Forschungsarbeiten gezeigt, wie eineselektive Betrachtungsweisein der Wissenschaft und terminologische Veränderun-gen zu einer Marginalisierung des Forschungsgegenstandes Propaganda in liberalen Demokratien führten. Anschließend werden vernachlässigte Konzepte herausgearbeitet, die es ermöglichen, die Manifestation von Propaganda in den Massenmedien zu untersuchen. Um Propagandasichtbar zu machen, wirdideologische Integrationals eine Dimension von Propagandakonzeptualisiertund anhand kurzer Beispiele skizziert.
... What we need to do is to counter that agenda by allowing other information intermediaries to report on corporate actions, both good and bad, rather than rely on the reports the corporations themselves produce (Abhayawansa, Elijido-Ten and Dumay, 2019;Healy and Palepu, 2001). If we allow corporations to produce reports, as they do now, and rely on these reports to inform society, then we are leaving the door open to the acceptance of corporate propaganda (Carey, 1997;Collison, 2003). From this perspective, it is unlikely that any substantial progress will be made to solve wicked problems. ...
Purpose
In 2001, the Accounting, Auditing & Accountability Journal ( AAAJ ) published a special issue entitled “Managing, measuring and reporting intellectual capital for the new millennium”. After 20 years, we revisit the eight articles in this special issue to trace early developments in interdisciplinary intellectual capital (IC) accounting research, link these developments to the current state of play, and set out an agenda for future research. The paper aims to discuss this issue.
Design/methodology/approach
This paper, written reflectively, includes an impact assessment of the articles using citation analysis and a thematic framing of the prominent issues they discussed. We critically reflect on the status of these eight foundational papers after 20 years, before presenting propositions for a multidisciplinary IC research future.
Findings
We find that IC research needs to extend beyond organisational boundaries to help improve human rights, human dignity and the human condition as part of the wider interdisciplinary accounting project. We argue that fifth stage IC research can assist because it explores beyond organisational boundaries and helps address the wicked problems of the world.
Research limitations/implications
This paper only investigates the themes found in the AAAJ special issue. However, the implications for researchers are intended to be transformational because, to go forward and help resolve the material issues facing society and the planet, researchers need to move from being observers to participants.
Originality/value
We argue that IC researchers must embrace both interdisciplinary and multidisciplinary IC research. This requires IC researchers to reflect on what they are trying to achieve and which issues facing the planet are material.
... Participatory regulation, on the other hand, is said to empower media workers and the public while holding organizations to account. It may also serve to disentangle the views of journalists and owners and weaken the corporate claim of embodying popular freedoms, a matter that has attracted much attention (Carey, 1996;Deetz, 1992;Schiller, 1991). The initial form of participation promoted in Ecuador's new media system is through the expansion of community media and the reallocation of licenses. ...
A regulatory process of “democratizing the media” based on recent constitutional guarantees and a 2013 communications law is under way in Ecuador. The initiative comes from a demand for new forms of social accountability and participation in the mass media after the Latin American experience of media companies’direct engagement in coups and the destabilization of progressive governments. Media democratization is seen as necessary for the construction of democratic societies. It is distinct in Latin America from recent Northern approaches, which tend to be technocratic, suggesting democratic transformation through new online media and enhanced consumer options. Ecuador’s process follows similar initiatives in Venezuela, Bolivia, Argentina, and Uruguay but is perhaps more articulate and systematic. It is instructive in that it builds on well-established public policy themes of the containment of monopoly power, redress of civil wrongs, and the promotion of participation and diversity. While media corporations mostly seek to disqualify debate on media regulation, Ecuador’ approach deserves closer examination.
... Control of the flow of information, an essential ingredient of complex social systems, is a major factor giving an advantage to corporatism. Corporate propaganda, a means to protect itself from democratic demands (Carey 1997), is part of this control, and scientific data and scientific knowledge generally are both used and misused in pursuit of corporate interests, as indicated earlier. ...
Some of the amalgam of activities which comprise traditional science ('real' science) has fragmented into new modes under pressure from internal and external factors. The adoption of the internet and the World Wide Web (which have created cyberscience and are internal factors) can be equated with the introduction of the microscope and other instruments and procedures, though they have revolutionized the whole of science rather than some of its branches. External factors discussed here include post-modernism, neoliberalism, and McDonaldization. In post-modern science, the traditional model has become burdened by social and political interests, and concerns for practical problems in which scientific expertise can assist decision making; however scientific knowledge in itself is not a priority. Neoliberal guile has parasitized science as it has so much else in search of profit, and has seriously damaged its host. There are also degraded or pathological activities, 'McScience', in which the pursuit of knowledge has been corrupted by an excess of bureaucratic control and over-emphasis on personal rankings. The ethos which guides traditional science has been warped by these various outside interests, secrecy is rewarded, and practices once considered dishonest are prospering.
A critique of the propaganda pamphlet by Leonard Reed, examining the role of state violence on behalf of capital at every stage of the pencil's production -- a process Reed frames as consisting entirely of voluntary interactions.
The study aims to conduct a conceptual analysis of the terms persuasion, advocacy, propaganda, and propagation within the field of political science in Azerbaijan. Each term is examined individually to explore their usage areas and specific functions, highlighting the differences and similarities. In this context, propaganda is defined as the systematic and biased communication activity that manipulates the beliefs, attitudes, and behaviors of masses to serve the interests of a particular political subject. Propagation refers to verbal or written activities aimed at disseminating and deepening any theory, idea, or knowledge among the masses. Agitation involves verbal or written activities aimed at influencing and motivating people to perform a specific task and exerting political influence over large populations. Persuasion, on the other hand, is the activity of influencing an individual's will and psyche to accept a certain idea, belief, or emotion. The article demonstrates that propaganda encompasses a broader and more complex scope, integrating the components of persuasion, propagation, and agitation. Consequently, in the field of political science in Azerbaijan, each of these terms has its unique functions and areas of usage. However, propaganda is a more comprehensive term that includes these concepts and combines manipulative strategies and methods to influence masses. Therefore, it is crucial to accurately and conceptually articulate the term propaganda in the field of political science in Azerbaijan. This is essential for expressing complex political technologies and ensuring the proper use of the term propaganda in international academic and practical applications.
The research undertaken in the framework of our study has revealed that successive global or local crises during the last 5 years have brought an increased presence of propaganda in the Albanian mass media. Our presentation aims to present and analyze the main forms of propaganda that originates from the public relations offices of political parties and state institutions and manages to penetrate the mass media. The report aims to unmask the camouflaged forms of propaganda in the media, seeing it as the dual responsibility of political and media actors. It aims to prove the symbiotic relationship between the populist and authoritarian tendencies of the ruling leadership on the one hand and the propaganda discourse on the other. At the same time, the article sheds light on the compromised agendas of the mass media which, for the sake of occult interests, leave room for propaganda on their pages or screens.
This study investigates the application of contemporary propaganda theories in analyzing national identity and international relations in the Caspian and Baltic regions during the 21st century. Focusing on the contrasting views of Lippmann, Bernays, and Chomsky, the research explores the relevance of their approaches in the digital age and the role of propaganda in shaping public opinion in Azerbaijan, Lithuania, and Turkey. Employing qualitative methods, the study identifies the significance of Lippmannian and Bernaysian propaganda approaches in these countries, while highlighting the limitations of Chomsky’s perspective in promoting national identity-building and international relations. The research underscores the importance of critical thinking, expert guidance, and understanding the philosophical underpinnings of propaganda theories in navigating complex issues surrounding national identity and international relations. The findings contribute to a deeper understanding of the relationships between media, power, and public opinion, emphasizing the need for a context-specific approach to analyzing the role of propaganda.
The chapter provides succinct overviews and a comparison of the historical genesis, development and current state of public service broadcasting in the USA and the European Union, with an emphasis on internal commercialization and the influence of the commercial environment. Thus, the chapter adopts a comparative perspective in exploring the influence of economic imperatives on public service broadcasting in the USA and the EU, while also laying out the consequences for its contents to gauge to what extent it is serving its social functions. Emphasizing the importance of a media economics perspective, the chapter argues that tracking the money that flows into the systems, both public and private, and the money spent by their commercial counterparts, is the best way to understand the systems, their histories, and current states. In addition, the chapter argues that any analysis of public service broadcasting systems, including the relevant policies, needs to be connected to the editorial output in order to make a comprehensive assessment of their contributions to society. The chapter concludes by making the case that while European public service broadcasting is in better shape than its marginal American counterpart, more public money should be spent on both sides of the Atlantic in order to approach fulfilling the non-economic, societal goals of public service broadcasting, which can be summarized as correcting for market failure.
Тези присвячені інвертованому тоталітаризму (англ. "inverted totalitarism") - особливій формі політичного режиму сучасності. Хоча більшість недемократичних режимів припинили своє існування, у стані демократичних режимів намітився тривожний нахил до появи тоталітарних елементів, не схожих при цьому на «класичні» прояви тоталітаризму. На відміну від «класичного», інвертований тоталітаризм виростає із стійких демократій разом із появою колективного ворога та посиленням могутності корпорацій, а своєю ціллю має досягнення економічної вигоди через злам політичної активності громадянського суспільства, солідаризацію крупних ЗМІ із створенням ілюзії свободи слова, використання демократичних інститутів для своїх цілей, експлуатацію неблагополучних груп населення,інтернаціоналізацію та підпорядкування влади економічній вигоді.
Ключові слова: інвертований тоталітаризм, перевернутий тоталітаризм, обернутий тоталітаризм, вивернутий тоталітаризм, тоталітаризм, політичний режим, державне право зарубіжних країн
Siegfried Weischenberg regards Noam Chomsky's propaganda approach as exemplary of an Alternative Media Criticism (AMC). According to Weischenberg, the AMC is lacking in balance as well as scientific relativi-zation and differentiation. As the following article will show, Weischenberg's account of Chomsky's propaganda approach is incorrect and inconsistent with the academic literature. Weischenberg uses this distorted image as the backdrop against which he delegitimizes critical media research. The accusation of a lack of relativization and differentiation can therefore also be levelled at Weischenberg's criticism of Chomsky itself.
Propaganda is defined as the science of persuading an audience without appealing to reason. The individual is rational, although most beliefs and opinions are shaped by the irrational processes of groups psychology. States construct stereotypes and heuristics to reduce the reliance on rational arguments, which also informs the language and strategic narratives. The initial literature on propaganda recognised that democracies have a greater need to manufacture consent with propaganda as sovereignty resides with the people. Yet, propaganda is only efficient when the public is unaware of being manipulated. Thus, “Our” propaganda was renamed “public relations” and the public was convinced that propaganda mainly derives from the state media of authoritarian states.KeywordsPropagandaRussophobiaReasonGroup psychologyOtheringDemocracy
The proliferation of social media and digital technologies has made it necessary for governments to expand their focus beyond propaganda content in order to disseminate propaganda effectively. We identify a strategy of using clickbait to increase the visibility of political propaganda. We show that such a strategy is used across China by combining ethnography with a computational analysis of a novel dataset of the titles of 197,303 propaganda posts made by 213 Chinese city-level governments on WeChat. We find that Chinese propagandists face intense pressures to demonstrate their effectiveness on social media because their work is heavily quantified–measured, analyzed, and ranked–with metrics such as views and likes. Propagandists use both clickbait and non-propaganda content (e.g., lifestyle tips) to capture clicks, but rely more heavily on clickbait because it does not decrease space available for political propaganda. Government propagandists use clickbait at a rate commensurate with commercial and celebrity social media accounts. The use of clickbait is associated with more views and likes, as well as greater reach of government propaganda outlets and messages. These results reveal how the advertising-based business model and affordances of social media influence political propaganda and how government strategies to control information are moving beyond censorship, propaganda, and disinformation.
This thesis examines 79 official English-language ISIS videos from 2014 to 2017 to enhance the understanding of ISIS’s global propaganda apparatus. It includes a threefold analysis and starts from a content analysis guided by Braddock and Horgan (2016) to explore the prevalence of and the change in the production characteristics and thematic distribution of the videos. The second analysis goes further to quantify the speech acts used in the videos through the lens of Quentin Skinner’s (2002) hermeneutic theory of interpretation. Using the previously established methodological approach, the third and final analysis qualitatively examines four major videos that represent the four most dominant speech acts used in the videos. The results indicate that, first, the largest portion of themes involved enemies and religion, and the theme of Sharia (Islamic law) was featured most prominently in the videos. Second, directive, expressive, and assertive were the most common classes of speech acts, and the four most prevalent individual speech acts were threatening, condemning, inviting, and inciting. Third, the most prevalent themes and speech acts maintained a consistent presence over the course of three years. This study concludes that ISIS has generated a highly sophisticated global media infrastructure and operation system that possess a great deal of capacity and flexibility to cope with circumstances that the group faced on the ground to respond to group-related real-world events.
Propaganda is a centuries-old term, and yet scholars and practitioners are still having a hard time defining it and pinpointing what makes propaganda unique. Many existing definitions fail to distinguish between propaganda and marketing, public relations, advertising, or even mass communications, in general. This essay proposes to define propaganda through psychoanalytical research pioneered by Erich Fromm on symbiotic relations. Symbiotic relations, when transferred from biology to psychology and sociology, describe a process of allowing a person to merge with something big and important, therefore creating meaning beyond an individual’s life. As a result, following its religious roots, propaganda acts similar to religion—asking for a sacrifice of individualism in the name of something bigger—god, country, society, or political party. In the end, people willingly engage in propaganda because, although sacrificing something, they receive unity with the bigger powers of other people, organizations, political parties, countries, and so on. As a result, such persons are not alone against the world; they are now a part of a bigger and stronger union.
This paper seeks to contribute to the growing body of knowledge on deceptive communication by attempting to reconcile a relative lack of agreement among different areas of literature. It examines the notion of deceptive communication in functional terms from the perspective of strategic deception. Specifically, it sees deceptive communication as a set of stratagems that are deliberately employed by pragmatic actors to attain their goals within current media ecosystem. In addition, it examines special issues related to the strategic use of ambiguity, equivocation, and impression management. It also provides an insight of how manipulation and deception are used in psychological warfare and corporate campaigns. Finally, this paper calls for more comprehensive scholarly inquiry aiming to address the complexity of deceptive communication strategies and tactics.
Keywords: Deceptive communication, communication competence, impression management, communication campaigns, social media, anonymity.
Analiza los nuevos entornos dentro del sistema político estadounidense: qué momento está viviendo este y algunos otros temas que ratifican la necesidad de lo que el profesor Maira llama la corrección de prácticas dentro de una normativa constitucional casi inamovible en los últimos doscientos veinticinco años.
This paper seeks to contribute to the growing body of knowledge on deceptive communication by attempting to reconcile a relative lack of agreement among different areas of literature. It examines the notion of deceptive communication in functional terms from the perspective of strategic deception. Specifically, it sees deceptive communication as a set of stratagems that are deliberately employed by pragmatic actors to attain their goals within current media ecosystem. In addition, it examines special issues related to the strategic use of ambiguity, equivocation, and impression management. It also provides an insight of how manipulation and deception are used in psychological warfare and corporate campaigns. Finally, this paper calls for detailed academic inquiry aiming to address the complexity of deceptive communication strategies and tactics.
A COMMUNICATION THEORY AND A PROPAGANDA IN ROMAN COINAGE
(Summary)
Propaganda is a popular subject of research in historical studies. In this field numismatists occupy a prominent place among scholars studying past propaganda. Nothing, however, matches the intensity of research on the subject conducted by Roman numismatists.
Despite this popularity the use of the term ‘propaganda’ causes discomfort, even pronounced objection, among a considerable number of researchers. This ‘sceptics’ offer several arguments against using ‘propaganda’ to describe ancient societies. None of them, however, proofs that it is wrong or at least anachronistic. This becomes clear when we clash the views held by ‘the sceptics’ with those presented by modern propaganda theorists. The knowledge of the literature on the theory of propaganda is, therefore, crucial for understanding this complex phenomenon and, therefore, for studying it.
Determining what propaganda stands for is, however, just the first step in its analysis. The next one is to find an answer to the question ‘how to study it?’. Several models of communication may help us to do just that. The first of them was created in antiquity by Aristotle and is known as the Aristotle’s Triad of Communication. It consists of just three elements: a speaker, a subject of speech and an audience. The remaining models are of modern origin. They were created in the 20th century, when scholars — influencedby, among others, the development of mass media — became interested in the subject of communication. At the middle of the century several models were created, among them the most influential being, Shannon-Weaver’s model of communication, Lasswell’scommunication model, Schramm-Osgood’s Circular Model of Communication, Westley- MacLean’s Selection Model and Eco’s Semiotic Model of Communication. All these models can be used to study propaganda, including coin propaganda. They may help not only to better understand the process of communication of individual messages, but also to notice the importance of several key elements of the process, like coding and decoding.
Reconstruction of the whole propaganda campaign is, however, other matter. To do it properly we need to use different models — models of propaganda, e.g. Jowett and O’Donnell’s model of propaganda process. This model can be presented as a ten-step procedure of propaganda analysis that consists of the following questions to answer:
• What is the aim of the campaign and the ideology behind it?
• What is the context of the campaign?
• Who is the propagandist?
• What is the structure of the propaganda organization?
• What is the target audience?
• Which media were used and how?
• Which special techniques were use to maximize the effect?
• What was the audience reaction?
• Were there a counter-propaganda. If yes, what form did it take?
• What are the effects of the campaign?
The use of the procedure proposed by Jowett and O'Donnell allows us to note the complexity of the propaganda analysis process and broadens the scope of questions we should ask. In effect it can help us to extend the existing state of research on monetary propaganda.
During the fifty-one days of attacks in 2014, about 2,200 Palestinian individuals were brutally murdered, a quarter of these Palestinian victims were still children, 142 Palestinian families lost about three or more of their family members. In addition to the injuries which reached to about 11,000 individuals of the people of Gaza.
As an occupier state, Israel tends to use different types of propaganda techniques as an attempt to protect itself from the international community accusations. The Israeli propaganda responses to the murders committed by its soldiers by showing “empathy”; then, they reframe the issue of murdering civilians by propagating that Israel cannot be blamed because it is self-defence.
Israeli forces made use of various strategies and techniques of propaganda in order to legitimize and justify its assaults against the Gaza Strip in Palestine. Israel, as the source of propaganda, has used many techniques and strategies of propaganda to target its audience in the Islamic and non-Islamic states by providing them with false information in order to create a public opinion towards the people of Gaza Strip.
Corporate harms and their legitimation are situated within a complex cultural, structural, and historical landscape. This chapter is an effort to illuminate that landscape. The unifying argument of this chapter is that Tyson’s harm/socially responsible discourse reflects general attitudes about harm to nonhumans and corporate power, as well as weak corporate regulation. In addition, Tyson’s harm/discourse cannot be understood without also understanding the history of corporate public relations or “spin,” and its contemporary conduit par excellence, the corporate web page, and the particularly modern “need” for companies to project social responsibility.
With the ascendance of liberal democracy, propaganda activities have vastly increased. The main aim of propaganda has been to protect state-corporate power from the threat of public understanding and participation. Because of its societal importance for public opinion formation, the news media constitutes an obvious channel for the dissemination of propaganda. However, contemporary communication, media and journalism studies have mostly neglected to critically assess the news media’s role in producing and distributing propaganda. In fact, despite of the news media’s integration into the state-corporate nexus, the term propaganda is rarely used in academic treatises on the news media. Furthermore, only a small number of scholars have engaged in elaborating a systematic understanding of the manifold propaganda techniques that are currently applied in liberal democracies. To fill these research gaps, this article maps out various concepts of propaganda and relates them to the process and content of the news media. On the basis of theoretical and empirical studies, the article demonstrates how different forms of propaganda can manifest in news media content. Based on an integration with, as well as a development of, existing literature, the essay aims to build a tool box that can be applied and refined in future studies in order to detect propaganda in news media texts.
Today, hazardous work kills 2.3 million people each year and injures millions more. Among the most compelling yet controversial forms of legal protection for workers is the right to refuse unsafe work. The rise of globalization, precarious work, neoliberal politics, attacks on unions, and the idea of individual employment rights have challenged the protection of occupational health and safety for workers worldwide. In Hazard or Hardship, Jeffrey Hilgert presents the protection of refusal rights as a moral and a human rights question. Hilgert finds that the protection of the right to refuse unsafe work, as constituted under international labor standards, is a failure and calls for a reexamination of worker health and safety policy from the ground up. The current model of protection follows an individual employment rights framework, which fails to protect workers against the inherent social inequalities within the employment relationship. To adequately protect the right to refuse as a human right, both in North America and around the world, Hilgert argues that a broader protection must be granted under a freedom of association framework. Hazard or Hardship will be a welcome resource for labor and environmental activists, trade union leaders, labor lawyers and labor law scholars, industrial relations experts, human rights advocates, public health professionals, and specialists in occupational safety and health.
Using the United States as a yardstick by which to measure attempts by governments to ameliorate the more egregious consequences of class differences is perhaps unfair for any number of reasons, but it is a telling measure nonetheless. After all, as the most powerful economic and military force in the world, and as a country that consistently sees itself as a beacon for freedom and democracy, the United States currently displays many of the worst characteristics when it comes to class disparities.1 Since the end of the Second World War, but especially since the administration of Ronald Reagan, any dispassionate observer can see that citizens of the United States have been subjected to an upper-class revolt against the “socialist” legacy of the New Deal, primarily though not exclusively through the mechanisms of McCarthyism and economic neoliberalism.2 As a result of that revolt, not since the age of the Robber Barons in the nineteenth century has the divide between the rich and the poor been greater in the United States.3 While it is true, as Peter Sloterdijk acknowledges in You Must Change Your Life, that “any member of a non-utopian left secretly knows all too well that the ‘classless society’ cannot exist for a number of convincing reasons,”4 this is no reason not to explore some of the key factors that exacerbate class conflict.
Debt is a scourge of families but, strangely enough, it is not a problem for governments or banks. Yet the contrasting nature of these different kinds of debt is little understood. In this chapter I will examine the contrast between dominant accounts of debt, credit and money in the system today and the underlying realities. I will conceptualise this mismatch in terms of ideology and propaganda. Finally, I will use this understanding to set out some priorities and resources for the fight-back.
In the aftermath of the global financial crisis (GFC) surfaced the continuing “Great Debate” over the purpose and contribution of the firm. This ongoing discussion has been present for the last two centuries and particularly over the last 80 years. The publicly held company (as we know it today) became firmly established in the earlier part of the 20th century and has been central to wealth creation in Western society. Two thinking leaders of the day, Adolph A. Berle and E. Merrick Dodd, debated in Harvard Business Law the question of what is the proper purpose of the firm. One question gripped the attention of Berle and Dodd: namely, does the publicly owned company only seek to maximize wealth on behalf of its shareholders, the so-called “shareholder primacy” view? Berle (1932, p. 1049) forwarded the thesis that “all powers granted to a corporation or the management of a corporation … are necessarily and at all times exercisable only for the profitable ben efit of all the shareholders”. Dodd (1932, p. 1144) disagreed, arguing that “the business corporation as an economic institution … has a social service as well as a profit-making function”. The “Chicago School” of economists championed by the Noble laureate Milton Friedman (1970, p. 33) threw its weight behind Berle and argued that because shareholders “own” the corporation, the only “social responsibility of business is to meet shareholder demands, namely to increase profit”.
Die Wirklichkeit des Internets kann längst nicht allein durch Analysen der technischen Systeme, die es zum Funktionieren bringen, erfasst werden. Die Daten, die durch Drähte und Kabel fließen und auf Millionen von Speichermedien rund um die Welt gespeichert werden, sind die digitale Vorform von Texten und Bildern, Audio- und Videodateien, Pro-grammen und Datenbanken, also von Inhalten. Dass diese im Zusammenhang mit digita-len Medien meist als Content bezeichnet werden, liegt darin begründet, dass das, was als Inhalt gelten kann, durch die Digitalisierung einen Bedeutungswundel erfahren hat. Con-tent bezeichnet auch Netz-Inhalte, die selbst keinen Inhalt im Sinne einer Aussage darstel-len, wie dies zum Beispiel bei zum Herunterladen angebotenen Programmen der Fall ist. Daneben wird digitaler Content auch nicht im klassischen Sinne archiviert (etwa in der Form öffentlicher Bibliotheken), sondern befindet sich in einem ständigen Fluss von Aus-tausch und Veränderung, wird kopiert, versundt, weiterentwickelt, gelöscht — weshalb in diesem Kapitel von Content-Kanälen die Rede ist.
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