Article

The Spatial Structure of Transnational Human Activity

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Abstract

Recent studies have shown that the spatial structures of animal displacements and local-scale human motion follow L\'{e}vy flights. Whether transnational human activity (THA) also exhibits such a pattern has however not been thoroughly examined as yet. To fill this gap, this article examines the planet-scale spatial structure of THA (a) across eight types of mobility and communication and (b) in its development over time. Combining data from various sources, it is shown that the spatial structure of THA can indeed be approximated by L\'{e}vy flights with heavy tails that obey power laws. Scaling exponent and power-law fit differ by type of THA, being highest in refuge-seeking and tourism and lowest in student exchange. Variance in the availability of resources and opportunities for satisfying associated needs appears to explain these differences. Over time, the L\'{e}vy-flight pattern remains intact and remarkably stable, contradicting the popular idea that socio-technological trends lead to a "death of distance." Longitudinal change occurs only in some types of THA and predominantly at short distances, indicating regional shifts rather than globalization.

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... Transnational activities and cross-border mobility. Transnational activities refer to human activities that take place beyond nation-state borders and link people to different social, economic, and political cross-border networks (Deutschmann, 2016). Such activities include both physical crossing of national borders and cross-border communications that take place in digital space (Delhey et al., 2015;Deutschmann, 2016). ...
... Transnational activities refer to human activities that take place beyond nation-state borders and link people to different social, economic, and political cross-border networks (Deutschmann, 2016). Such activities include both physical crossing of national borders and cross-border communications that take place in digital space (Delhey et al., 2015;Deutschmann, 2016). Physical cross-border mobility could be related to living abroad and visiting family members and friends or to spending holidays back in one's country of origin (Waldinger, 2008;Delhey et al., 2015), working or studying abroad for a certain period of time (Delhey et al., 2015), having a second home or holiday home(s) abroad (Delhey et al., 2015;Hannonen et al., 2015), etc. ...
... The relationship between distance and the propensity to perform transnational activities is not linear. While Deutschmann (2016) states that most transnational activities occur over relatively short distances (people are more likely to form transnational ties with others in neighbouring countries or in the same geographical regions), case studies on certain ethno-linguistic groups and postcolonial settings identify strong transnational ties also over long distances (e.g. O'Connor, 2010). ...
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... border mobility has become widespread and affordable for increasingly large parts of society, with the worldwide number of cross-border journeys rising dramatically in recent decades (Deutschmann 2016;Recchi et al. 2019;Roser 2019). While cross-border mobility has now become a popular topic of social science research both globally (Reyes 2013;Sun et al. 2016) and in regions such as Europe (Kuhn 2015;Recchi 2015), we still know relatively little about the structure of travels in the Mediterranean. ...
... The geographic explanation is based on the idea that mobility is most likely to occur between nearby countries and decreases fast as distances increase. Past research has shown that this pattern holds for many different types of human cross-border mobility worldwide and that this factor explains the structure of mobility better than economic, political and cultural factors (Deutschmann 2016(Deutschmann , 2017. ...
... The data thus have their limitations, but we still deem the UNWTO one of the most comprehensive and reliable sources of human cross-border mobility that is available to date. Their data have also provided the base for previous research on global mobility patterns (Deutschmann 2016;Reyes 2013). ...
Article
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... Subsequently, a subset was selected from the transnational Facebook friendship data set based on the twenty six countries chosen. The Facebook transnational data set contains information on the five countries to which people in the selected country are most connected to in terms of border-crossing Facebook Friendships [4]. Accordingly, sympathy states were created between 'sender' and 'receiver' countries where the obtained score in the Facebook matrix was at least 1. ...
... Accordingly, sympathy states were created between 'sender' and 'receiver' countries where the obtained score in the Facebook matrix was at least 1. This indicates that the receiver country is the country with which sender country has the fifth-highest number of Facebook friendships [4]. This resulted in 76 sympathy states, which contained the information of the sender and the receiver country. ...
Conference Paper
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Social network analysis commonly focuses on the relationships between two actors that could represent either individuals or populations. The present paper not only introduces a new concept of sympathy states to represent a sympathy between two actors, but also models how different sympathy states affect each other in an adaptive manner taking into account who expresses the sympathy and who receives it. The designed network model was designed with the Eurovision Song Contest in mind and takes into account external political events that affect the scores in this contest over the years. The properties of the model were analyzed using social network analysis. The model represents a first attempt in modeling sympathy states and their the adaptive dynamics modulated by external events by Network-Oriented Modeling based on adaptive temporal-causal networks.
... In fact, in contrast with the Gaussian cases, Lévy flights are characterized by frequent movement for short distances, interrupted by random changes of direction that are only occasionally followed by movements over longer distances. Sorting out the displacement lengths covered in these journeys by size frequency, results in a distribution with a long tail that obeys a power law [79]. This pattern, for instance, has been found in the displacement of animals [80,81], and humans in local [82], nation-wide [57] and global sphere [79]. ...
... Sorting out the displacement lengths covered in these journeys by size frequency, results in a distribution with a long tail that obeys a power law [79]. This pattern, for instance, has been found in the displacement of animals [80,81], and humans in local [82], nation-wide [57] and global sphere [79]. Thus, the model under consideration here is written as a generalized Edwards-Wilkinson equation: @ @t yðr; tÞ ¼ n r a yðr; tÞ þ Zðr; tÞ ; ð7Þ ...
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Dengue infection plays a central role in our society, since it is the most prevalent vectorborne viral disease affecting humans. We statistically investigated patterns concerning the spatial spreading of dengue epidemics in Brazil, as well as their temporal evolution in all Brazilian municipalities for a period of 12 years. We showed that the distributions of cases in municipalities follow power laws persistent in time and that the infection scales linearly with the population of the municipalities. We also found that the average number of dengue cases does not have a clear dependence on the longitudinal position of municipalities. On the other hand, we found that the average distribution of cases varies with the latitudinal position of municipalities, displaying an almost constant growth from high latitudes until reaching the Tropic of Capricorn leveling to a plateau closer to the Equator. We also characterized the spatial correlation of the number of dengue cases between pairs of municipalities, where our results showed that the spatial correlation function decays with the increase of distance between municipalities, following a power-law with an exponential cut-off. This regime leads to a typical dengue traveling distance. Finally, we considered modeling this last behaviour within the framework of a Edwards-Wilkinson equation with a fractional derivative on space. © 2017 Antonio et al. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.
... But is that because the Erasmus program offers unique opportunities, or because Europeans are simply richer on average than people in other parts of the world, and thus can afford to study abroad? An analysis of potential explanations for the existence of bottom-up regionalism shows that while cultural (common language, religion, colonial past, etc.) economic (gross domestic product, regional trade agreements, etc.) and political (shared membership in international organizations, visa waiver agreements, etc.) factors are all relevant to some extent, their role is minor compared with the powerful force of geography (Deutschmann 2015c). A closer look reveals that the relation between physical distance and almost all types of transnational mobility and communication follows a precise mathematical function, the power law, which is also found in the natural sciences for the motion tracks of animal species. ...
... Wir erwarten einen höheren Europäisierungsgrad der kleinen EU-Länder (Landesgröße). Auch im Zeitalter der "Raumschrumpfung" (Rosa 1999) ist Distanzüberwindung ein Kostenfaktor (Delhey et al. 2015;Deutschmann 2016;Mau und Mewes 2012); daher sind kleine Bewegungsradien wahrscheinlicher als große. Der Handlungshorizont kleinerer Länder sollte daher stärker nach Europa geöff-net sein (nationale Öffnung). ...
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... We deliberately introduced cross-border contact as a mechanism, not a principle, since contact is itself to some extent influenced by proximity, homophily, and aspirational heterophily as basic organizing principles. For instance, cross-border activity is more common between nearby countries (Deutschmann 2016). As an umbrella term comprising the three principles and the contact mechanism, we will speak of 'logics.' ...
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... People have followed suit. Research in progress (Recchi 2017a; see also Deutschmann 2016) indicates that no continent is so tightly interconnected in terms of human mobility as Europe. The volume of cross-border travels within the EU has now soared almost uninterruptedly for over three decades (Figure 0.1), standing well above the levels for any other world region. ...
... national diffusion, as Tarde would expect. We use the aforementioned data on the prevalence of Facebook friendships between individual country pairs in 2012 (Deutschmann 2016). Note that this is but one channel of person-toperson influence, which could also occur through phone calls, personal travel, e-mail, and so on, none of which are measured here. ...
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... The vast majority of ties in Patterns II and III is thus interregional, which holds only for a minority of ties in Pattern I. This confirms our classification and fits the idea that most mass tourism occur over short distances [61,62], whereas individual tourism and the market for cheap labor migrants are globalized. Figure 11 shows the mobility ties between country pairs with the largest seasonal components, ordered by world region (denoted by different colors). ...
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... Thus, whereas the network's size has increased by more than a quarter in just five years, its structure remains unchanged. This remarkable structural stability-which for individual mobility types such as migration has been shown to go back until 1960 (Deutschmann 2016)-has important sociological consequences. For example, it implies that the social bonds that are built through cross-border interaction (in line with intergroup contact theory) are primarily created between countries within the same world region. ...
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Despite the sociological relevance of human mobility between nation-states, our knowledge about its planet-scale structure is still limited. Here, geographic mapping, algorithm-based community detection, network visualization, and conventional line plots are combined to display the network structure of 2.3 billion estimated trips between countries worldwide in 2016, together with information about the (non)evolution of this structure over time. The graph reveals that transnational mobility is highly regionalized: 80 percent of all human movements between countries occur within world regions. Despite strong increases in the absolute amount of transnational mobility, this share remains extremely stable between 2011 and 2016. The community detection algorithm reveals six mobility clusters that clearly correspond to world regions: Africa, Asia and Oceania, the Americas, Eurasia, Europe, and the Middle East. This stable, regionalized structure suggests that a fully globalized “world society” is unlikely to emerge, as social ties remain parochial, even in the transnational sphere.
... Tutto ciò, accompagnato da un sensibile decremento delle spese economiche e dei costi psicologici del viaggio, è foriero di nuovi incontri, di nuove esperienze, di nuove relazioni sociali (Hall 2005). Viaggiare diventa perciò una cifra caratteristica del mondo occidentale contemporaneo (Szerszynski, Urry 2006), come attesta l'incremento prodigioso della quantità di viaggi internazionali, quindici volte più numerosi nel 2010 di quanto non lo fossero nel 1960 (Koslowski 2011; Recchi 2015, 149;Deutschmann 2016). ...
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... We also urge scholars who wish to use the Global Visa Cost Dataset to run their own analyses to keep this limitation in mind. Tourism is also the most common form of mobility between countries, involving far more travellers than other types of movement (Deutschmann, 2016), arguably making it the most central form of visa cost to explore. ...
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... In fact, most globalization indicators point to a continuing trend of increased transnational interconnectedness and cross-border flows (Gygli et al. 2019). Today, the world is not only spanned by a dense network of cross-border trade and communication technology but also by transnational human mobility (Deutschmann 2016). For instance, the number of tourist journeys tripled between 1990 and 2018, when 1.4 billion arrivals were recorded (Roser 2017). ...
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... This results in an initial link distance distribution consistent with typical empirical spatial networks describing human activities such as communication, friendship, or travel (47,48). Individuals are mostly connected to others in their local surroundings but can also maintain longer distance contacts to individuals in different localities across Ukraine (SI Appendix, Fig. S1). ...
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Translator's Introduction: This essay appears to have been occasioned by a passing remark made by Kant's colleague and follower Johann Schultz in a 1784 article in the Gotha Learned Papers. In order to make good on Schultz's remark, Kant wrote this article, which appeared in the Berlinische Monatsschrift late in the same year. This is the first, and despite its brevity the most fully worked out, statement of his philosophy of history. The “idea” referred to in the title is a theoretical idea, that is, an a priori conception of a theoretical program to maximize the comprehensibility of human history. It anticipates much of the theory of the use of natural teleology in the theoretical understanding of nature that Kant was to develop over five years later in the Critique of the Power of Judgment. But this theoretical idea also stands in a close and complex relationship to Kant's moral and political philosophy, and to his conception of practical faith in divine providence. Especially prominent in it is the first statement of Kant's famous conception of a federation of states united to secure perpetual peace between nations. The Idea for a Universal History also contained several propositions that were soon to be disputed by J. G. Herder in his Ideas for the Philosophy of the History of Humanity, leading to Kant's reply in his reviews of that work (1785) and in the Conjectural Beginning of Human History (1786). Idee zu einer allgemeinen Geschichte in weltbürgerlicher Absicht was first published in the Berlinische Monatsschrift IV (November 11, 1784).
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We define transnationalization as the relationship between the amount of internal communication and external (boarder crossing) communication of a subsystem of a nation state. This article tries to give empirical answers to three research questions: 1. To what extent are the different subsystems (science, art, economy, politics) of the society of Germany transnationalized and was there an increase in transnationalization in the period 1950-1995, as the notion of transnationalization and globalization suggests? 2. The comparison between different subsystems will show that they do indeed have different levels of transnationalization. We use an inter-systemic comparison to generate hypotheses about the causes of different levels of transnationalization. 3. Finally we ask what effects the process of transnationalization will have on the political system. Processes of transnationalization can be politically contained if the political system develops in the same direction of transnationalization as the other systems of society. We differentiate between the regulatory and the integrative functions of the political system and ask whether and to what extent the European Union will be able to regulate and integrate processes of transnationalization especially those of the economy.
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In sociological transnationalization research, it is conventional wisdom that the upper strata are more involved in cross-border activities than the lower ones. However, proponents of the individualization/death-of-class thesis have argued that the significance of class (and of inequalities in general) for people’s actions is declining in affluent societies. Using these theories as a point of departure, this article investigates the influence of class and inequalities, more generally, on transnational activity. Using Eurobarometer 73.3 data from 27 European countries, this article examines (a) the extent to which class determines, by itself, in conjunction with other inequalities, and relative to heterogeneities, transnational practices within countries; and (b) how much the social gradient of transnational activity produced by class and inequalities varies across countries, and whether socioeconomic development tends to decrease or increase this gradient. The findings show that, in most countries, heterogeneities explain more variance in transnational activity than class, but not more variance than inequalities as more generally conceived. Further, social gradients in transnational activity are systematically larger in more affluent European countries.
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This paper is about the role of technology in the transformation of space, and the ways in which these changes are represented. The author contrasts the place of technology as expressed through varied emphases on the annihilation of space, and the production of space. The dramatic restructuring of space and time in recent decades, associated with new high-speed geographies of production, exchange, and consumption, has been theorized against the backdrop of a "shrinking world'. The popular conception of the world shrinking to a global village is generally seen as the product of technological advances in telecommunications, transportation, and "information'. The author argues that, although these metaphors help to theorize the relativity of space - as the global impinges on the local - they only do so by obfuscating the relative space of everyday life and the increasingly technical means through which it is produced. The author suggests the role of technology in the transformation of space is not limited to globalizing processes through which the world has been made increasingly interconnected in space and time. Technology has been critical to the domination of conceived space over lived space as social relations are spatialized at the scale of experience. As a foundation for these arguments, the social relations of technology and technological change are theorized through the incorporation of ideas from the social studies of science and technology and from critical human geography. -from Author
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This research investigates Stouffer's theory of intervening opportunities applied to disaggregated migration flows. Flows and opportunities are classified into functional categories composed of industrial types. Analysis of 1970 Public Use Sample data indicates that the theory of intervening opportunities does not represent all migration flows. The spatial distribution of opportunities influences more those migrant populations in the later stage of the production sequence, drawn to dense distributions of opportunities. The model's ineffectiveness for migrants engaged in functions more immediately dependent upon resource extraction possibly reflects the failure to consider nonfunctional opportunities and suggests the need for a more meaningful method of operationalizing the opportunities concepts.
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This article seeks to conceptually clarify the measurement of Europeanization from a transactional perspective. Following Karl Deutsch, we regard cross-border practices and sense of community as constitutive for an emerging European society. But we critically reassess how this approach has been put into empirical practice by contemporary scholars. Typically, too much attention is paid to absolute Europeanization, and too little to relative Europeanization. In order to properly investigate the European society as situated between the nation-state and the world society, we argue that Europeanization involves both national openness (the salience of Europe compared to the nation-state) and external closure (the salience of Europe compared to the world). Three indices are suggested to capture relative Europeanization and its major components. Recent Eurobarometer and European Values Study data on practices and attitudes of EU citizens is used to illustrate our approach empirically. The results demonstrate that external closure adds a new layer of information for understanding everyday life Europeanization. We also find a bifurcation between practices for which Europe is the more relevant reference frame (as compared to the world) and attitudes for which it is not.
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Utilizing data from the UNWTO, IMF, World Bank, and UNESCO, this article analyzes the global structure of travel and its deep asymmetries, revealing that travel is not global but is highly concentrated among a handful of countries. Furthermore, I find that the effects of globalization are neither universal nor consistent but depend upon the identities of countries involved and their relationships with one another. This article conceptualizes travel as a result of the relationship between country attributes within a given country-pair. More specifically, it investigates the relationship between travel and relative inequalities, institutional connections, and cultural wealth. I find that measures of inequality and cultural wealth differ depending on the relationship between country-pairs while institutional connections are significant across models.
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This paper presents global matrices of bilateral migrant stocks spanning the period 1960-2000, disaggregated by gender and based primarily on the foreign-born concept. Over one thousand separate census and population register records are combined to construct decennial matrices corresponding to census rounds for the entire period. In doing so, we provide for the first time, a complete picture of bilateral global migration over the last half of the twentieth century. The data reveal that the global migrant stock more than doubled from 76 to 159 million between 1960 and 2000. Quantitatively, South-South migration dominates the global migrant stock, constituting half of all international migration in 2000. In part, this is an artifact of the data, since millions of migrants were created overnight during the dissolution of India and Soviet Union. South-North migration is the fastest growing component of international migration however, and over our period the emigrant stock from Latin America surpassed those of both Europe and South Asia. The United States remains the most important migrant destination in the world, home to one fifth of the world's migrants and the recipient of no less than fifty of the top migrant corridors in the world. Migration in Western Europe remains largely from elsewhere in Europe and the oil-rich Persian Gulf countries emerge as important destinations for migrants from the Middle East and South Asia. Finally, although the global migrant stock is still predominantly male, the percentage of females rose significantly between 1960 and 2000.
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This paper studies the impact of physical distance and different relational proximity types on the formation of the Internet infrastructure. Although there is some anecdotal evidence on the 'end of geography' effect of the Internet, the relationship between physical space and the Internet has not been yet scrutinized. In addition, owing to the network nature of the Internet, the structure of the Internet infrastructure (the cyber-place) cannot be approached in a unidimensional way. Our paper builds upon recent studies in economic geography and relational proximities, and aims to study whether physical distance survives in virtual geography even after controlling for relational proximities. In order to do so, a unique and extensive database with geo-coded IP links is utilized. Based on this, a spatial interaction model with panel data specifications is constructed to study the impact of different types of proximity on the formation of cyber-place. The above analysis is framed by a complex network analysis exercise, which enhances our understanding of the complexity of the Internet infrastructure from a spatial network perspective. Our results indicate that physical distance, but also different relational proximities, have a significant impact on the intensity of the Internet infrastructure, highlighting the spatiality of the Internet.
Article
The Curve Estimation procedure produces curve estimation regression statistics and related plots between two variables for 35 different curve estimation regression models (Linear, Logarithmic, Inverse, Quadratic, Cubic, Power, Compound, S-curve, Logistic, Growth, Exponential, Vapor Pressure, Reciprocal Logarithm, Modified Power, Shifted Power, Geometric, Modified Geometric, Root, Hoerl, Modified Hoerl, Reciprocal, Reciprocal Quadratic, Bleasdale, Harris, Exponential Association, Three-Parameter Exponential Association, Saturation-Growth Rate, Gompertz Relation, Richards, MMF, Weibull, Sinusoidal, Gaussian, Heat Capacity, Rational).
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We explore the behavior of random walkers that fly instantaneously between successive sites, however distant, and those that must walk between these sites. The latter case is related to intermittent behavior in Joseph- son junctions and to turbulent diffusion.
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This article examines the impact of distance on global tourist flows through an analysis of departing visitor share from 41 major source markets to 146 destinations. The study concludes that 80% of all international travel occurs to countries within 1,000 kilometers of the source market and that, with few exceptions, distant destinations have great difficulty attracting more than a 1% or 2% share of departures. However, high volatility in share within each distance cohort was also noted. Regression analysis of variation in share by distance suggests that market access and the level of tourism development within a destination distort movement patterns regardless of distance. Relationship variables played an important role in short-haul travel; a mix of source, destination, and relationship characteristics influence travel to medium haul destinations; and destination attributes influence share at long-haul destinations.
Article
Historians have persistently likened strike waves to wildfires, avalanches, and epidemics. These phenomena are characterized by a power-law distribution of event sizes. This kind of analysis is applied to outbreaks of class conflict in Chicago from 1881 to 1886. Events are defined as individual strikes or miniature strike waves; size is measured by the number of establishments or workers involved. In each case, events follow a power law spanning two or three orders of magnitude. A similar pattern is found for strikes in Paris from 1890 to 1899. The "forest fire" model serves to illustrate the kind of process that can generate this distribution.
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This article extends the homophily principle (similarity breeds connection) found in many social networks to the study of global trade. Using a large data set about global bilateral trade from 1950 through 2000, analyzed by the gravity model borrowed from international economics, this study identifies increased geographic and cultural homophily in global trade, suggesting that countries increasingly favor their geographically and culturally proximate counterparts in global trade. Another analysis of bilateral trade data at the sector level produces an explanation for this observed intensification of geo-cultural homophily. The technological and institutional improvements facilitate disintegration of productive activities and product differentiation, thereby intensifying geo-cultural homophily in the intermediate input and finished manufacture sectors; moreover, trade expansion in these geo-culturally sensitive sectors outpaces geo-culturally less sensitive sectors such as the raw material sector. This differential expansion of trade across sectors shifts the composition of the overall global trade and makes it more subject to geo-cultural influences. Taken together, global trade has become more geo-culturally embedded. Instead of eliminating geo-cultural homophily in global economic activities, ironically, the improved technologies provide better conditions for it to materialize and grow.
Article
When we speak of an international system , we start with the presumption that there is something habitual and regular about the behavior of the nations that constitute it. Unfortunately, the concept of an international system has had a singularly hollow ring in the works of many scholars who have employed the term. It is frequently compared to an incredibly complicated watch or thermostat, or alternatively it is defined so abstractly that it would appear to have no specific empirical referents—and therefore practically everything in one way or another would qualify as a “system.” The abstract and shadowy significance of the concept in international relations studies has retarded its usefulness for exploring the regularities that underlie the interactions of nations. More than ever before, however, the actions of nations have multiple reverberations on each other and can be ascribed meaning only within the context of the relations of many nations with each other. Because the configuration of inter-nation relations has become increasingly complex, it has become more and more difficult to trace out these relations and determine what structure, if any, there is in the “system.” We shall see later that any definition of a system is arbitrary to the extent that its inclusion and exclusion rules are arbitrary. If we can specify the simplifying assumptions which create this arbitrariness, however, then the problematic cases included or excluded in a system or component subsystems can usually be identified and explained. This approach seems preferable to positing systems criteria that are either ambiguous or non-operational, enriching the vocabulary but not the analysis.
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The loss of strength gradient (LSG), which demonstrates the importance of geographic distance and the advantage of forward basing, has been under attack. Proximity is supposedly becoming less important for prevailing in war. It is a view that has been expressed not only by President George W. Bush but even by the person who devised the LSG, Kenneth Boulding. As a result, it is being used as reason for the withdrawal of U.S. forces back to the American homeland. However, this view is flawed. Distance is retaining its importance as a result of two factors: the competitive nature of war and the impermanence of great-power status. The United States cannot withdraw forward-positioned forces and expect to maintain permanently the same power projection capabilities.
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A close examination of the effects of social (language) and physical distance on the global communication networks revealed that these two factors played important roles in global communication networks. The results of this study showed that language similar ities/differences (whether or not its citizens spoke the four languages - English, German, French, and Spanish) were significantly related to the structure of the four global communica tion networks, that is telecommunication, written, physical, and face-to-face communication, represented by telephone, mail, trade, and transportation networks respectively. There were also statistically significant relationships between a country's physical location and language similarities/differences and the structure of the four global communication networks. Physical distance added incremental variance in the explanation of the telecommunication, written com munication, physical communication, and face-to-face communication network structure. It was found that the effect of social distance on telecommunication and written communication was stronger than that of social distance on face-to-face communication. On the other hand, the effect of physical distance on face-to-face communication was stronger than that of physical distance on telecommunication and written communication.
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This chapter focuses on the international trade theory. It discusses the Ricardian and the Ricardo–Viner models. These models point to technological differences as the source of international comparative advantage. A simple Ricardian model has one input, labor, which is assumed to be mobile across the two sectors of the economy, but internationally immobile. The Ricardo–Viner model introduces into the model two additional factors that are sector-specific. This gives curvature to the production possibilities curve and also allows international commerce to affect the distribution of income. Although there is little or no direct empirical support for these simple models, there is nonetheless growing awareness that technological differences are a natural consequence of economic isolation and play a role in the integration process, following an economic liberalization. The chapter provides an overview of the Heckscher–Ohlin model and discusses the Rybcyzinski theorem and the Stolper–Samuelson theorem. It also reviews the studies of the Heckscher–Ohlin model based on cross country comparisons.
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Examines the liberating impact of information technology on capital markets and international economic relationships, at a time when the role of the nation state is under debate and when ambitious new forms of international co-operation are replacing the post-war geopolitical structures.
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A transnational studies perspective should be able to deal with both new social formations sui generis, such as transnational social spaces, and how ‘old’ national, international and local institutions acquire ‘new’ meanings and functions in the process of cross-border transactions. There is now a voluminous literature dealing with the emergence and above all the forms of transnational activities of migrants and the attendant consequences for the social integration of immigrants. If transnational ties and formations are consequential for social change and perhaps even social transformation, we also need to find indications about changing institutions in the national, international and local realms of transnational spaces. From this perspective we need not only to look at various transnational ties and formations across the borders of national states, but also at the repercussions for national and local institutions. In order to address this problem, the paper argues that both the concept of transnationalisation—including transnational social spaces—and world approaches, such as world systems and world polity theories, could be useful lenses to describe different aspects of transnational processes and boundaries. Second, transnational studies needs to engage both world theories and a transnational optic to ask about the social mechanisms by which transnational processes affect institutional change: path-dependency on a systemic or macro level, social closure, opportunity hoarding and brokerage on a collective or meso level, and symbolic recognition on a cognitive or micro level.
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The grand rhetoric about “global communications” begins to look a little flimsy when compared to the real facts about international telephone calling. It has not exploded in recent years, and it has not become truly global.
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Recent trends of mass-level euroscepticism seriously challenge Deutsch's transactionalist theory that increased transnational interactions trigger support for further political integration. While transnational interactions have indeed proliferated, public support for European integration has diminished. This article aims to solve this puzzle by arguing that transnational interaction is highly stratified across society. Its impact on EU support therefore only applies to a small portion of the public. The rest of the population not only fails to be prompted to support the integration process, but may see it as a threat to their realm. This is even more the case as, parallel to European integration, global trends of integration create tensions in national societies. The following hypotheses are proposed: first, the more transnational an individual, the less she or he is prone to be eurosceptical; and second, this effect is more pronounced in countries that are more globalised. A multilevel ordinal logit analysis of survey data from the 2006 Eurobarometer wave 65.1 confirms these hypotheses.
Article
The effective distance between two places or objects, or individuals, cannot be measured in miles. It depends not only on physical distance but on economic distance (measured in terms of transport cost), communication distance (cost, efficiency, frequency of use and exchange of telephone calls, newspapers, radio and television programs, letters, etc.), social distanced (amount and type of interaction between individuals or groups), and others. Also, the distance may be different for each kind of transaction. Described here is a method for computing effective distance, and some suggestions for further investigation of the concept.
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The “journey to crime,” or the study of the distance between an offender's residence and offense site, has been a subject of study within criminology for many years. Implications arising from such research touches the majority of criminological theories. An overriding conclusion from this line of research is that most crimes occur in relatively close proximity to the home of the offender. Termed the distance-decay function, a plot of the number of crimes that an offender commits decreases with increasing distance from the offender's residence. In a recent paper, Van Koppen and De Keijser raise the concern that inferring individual distance decay from aggregate-level data may be inappropriate. They assert that previous research reporting aggregated distance-decay functions conceals individual variations in the ranges of operation, which leads them to conclude that the distance-decay function is an artifact. We do not question the claim that researchers should not make inferences about individual behavior with data collected at the aggregate level. However, Van Koppen and De Keijser's analysis raises four important issues concerning (1) the interpretation of the ecological fallacy, (2) the assumption of linearity in offender movements, (3) the interpretation of geographic work on profiling, and (4) the assumption of random target selection within a delimited range of operation. Using both simulated and nonsimulated data, we present evidence that reaches vastly different conclusions from those reached by Van Koppen and De Keijser. The theoretical implications of our analyses and possibilities for future research are addressed.
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GeoDist makes available the exhaustive set of gravity variables used in Mayer and Zignago (2005). GeoDist provides several geographical variables, in particular bilateral distances measured using citylevel data to assess the geographic distribution of population inside each nation. We have calculated different measures of bilateral distances available for most countries across the world (225 countries in the current version of the database). For most of them, different calculations of “intra-national distances” are also available. The GeoDist webpage provides two distinct files: a country-specific one (geo_cepii) and a dyadic one (dist_cepii) including a set of different distance and common dummy variables used in gravity equations to identify particular links between countries such as colonial past, common languages, contiguity. We try to improve upon the existing similar datasets in terms of geographical coverage, quality of measurement and number of variables provided.
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Selections from the Chapter on CapitalSimple exchange. Relations between exchangers. Harmonies of equality, freedom, etc. (Bastiat, Proudhon)Transition from circulation to capitalist production.- Capital objectified labour etc.- Sum of values for production of values
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The article elaborates a framework for understanding the relevance of transnational competence to the dynamics that mark the transformations of our time. Nongovernmental stakeholders interacting through dense civil-society networks that permeate domestic-foreign frontiers bear increasing responsibility for the course of events. Based on linked interests, interorganizational knowledge generation and aggregation, partnerships, and interpersonal/intercultural interactions, they are deeply involved in addressing the many challenges posed by an ever more interdependent world. Transnational competence lubricates transterritorial networks and projects. Here, the authors extend earlier work that posited a worldwide skill revolution both by developing explicit dimensions of transnational competence and by introducing a behavioral component. The new framework provides analytical groundwork for explaining why some people, groups, and networks are more effective than others in forging meaningful transnational solidarities, negotiating and benefiting from the intensifying experience of globalization, and waging successful transnational campaigns. The article also probes how the spread of transnational competence is being facilitated by global migration and transmigration trends. The final section explores the governance implications of expanding transnational competency for the emergent epoch.