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The Geography of Elections

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Abstract

Examines the implications of the geographical basis to the organisation of elections. Considers the ways in which votes are cast, are translated into parliamentary seats and are analysed by academics and others. This involves a discussion of electoral law and procedures, the geographical influences in voting, and the geography of representation at the translation of votes into seats and the biases in this process which can be produced by electoral cartography. -from Author

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... Single non-transfer-List systims ablevote National / A list Regional or Regional or and national local list and local list and allocation national regional allocation allocation Taylor and Johnston's (1979) approach is somewhat different (see Table 2). They first identify three major systems: those based on pluralities, those based on the expression of several preferences, and those based on a choice between party lists. ...
... First, there is a consensus about the criteria to be employed in the construction of a typology. These criteria, explicitly mentioned by Rae (1969) and by Taylor and Johnston (1979), are: (1) ballots, (2) districts, and (3) formulae. Secondly, the most basic distinction made in all cases is the one between majority (relative or absolute) and proportional systems, and refers to the formula, which is thus deemed to be the most crucial dimension of an electoral system. ...
Article
The paper examines existing classifications of electoral systems, discusses their merits and limits, and proposes a more appropriate classification. It shows that it is possible to extract from the definition of an electoral system three basic dimensions: the ballot structure, the constituency structure, and the formula. It also shows that it is possible to distinguish three components of the ballot structure: the object of the vote, the number of votes and the type of vote, and two components of the constituency structure: its nature and its magnitude. It is argued that the classification proposed here is superior to existing ones. It clarifies and refines existing distinctions. It enables one to identify the basic dimensions of electoral systems as well as the logical connections between them. Finally, it has the property of applying the same criteria to all systems.
... Spoštovanje načel homogenosti in kompaktnosti je zelo težko kvantitativno izmeriti, zato ni presenetljivo, da kljub nekaterim poizkusom kvantifikacije (Taylor, Johnston, 1979;Gudgin, Taylor, 1979) danes v strokovni literaturi ne najdemo kvantitativnih meril, na podlagi katerih bi določali, kako homogena ali kompaktna je posamezna volilna enota oziroma celotna ureditev volilnih enot (Taylor, Johnston, 1979). Posledično je ugotavljanje spoštovanja omenjenih načel pogosto omejeno na različne kvalitativne analize, v katerih se členitve ozemlja na volilne enote primerjajo z drugimi uveljavljenimi oblikami členitve teritorija, na katerem potekajo volitve. ...
... Spoštovanje načel homogenosti in kompaktnosti je zelo težko kvantitativno izmeriti, zato ni presenetljivo, da kljub nekaterim poizkusom kvantifikacije (Taylor, Johnston, 1979;Gudgin, Taylor, 1979) danes v strokovni literaturi ne najdemo kvantitativnih meril, na podlagi katerih bi določali, kako homogena ali kompaktna je posamezna volilna enota oziroma celotna ureditev volilnih enot (Taylor, Johnston, 1979). Posledično je ugotavljanje spoštovanja omenjenih načel pogosto omejeno na različne kvalitativne analize, v katerih se členitve ozemlja na volilne enote primerjajo z drugimi uveljavljenimi oblikami členitve teritorija, na katerem potekajo volitve. ...
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Article
The first part of this article presents some aspects of creating constituencies in electoral systems based on proportional electoral formula. The second part is an analysis of the constituencies in the electoral system that selects representatives for the National Assembly. Emphasized are the factors that engendered Slovenia's specific three-level organization of constituencies. The last part is an analysis of the organization of constituencies and electoral districts in light of fulfilling the principles of voter equality, homogeneity and compactness.
... Spoštovanje načel homogenosti in kompaktnosti je zelo težko kvantitativno izmeriti, zato ni presenetljivo, da kljub nekaterim poizkusom kvantifikacije (Taylor, Johnston, 1979;Gudgin, Taylor, 1979) danes v strokovni literaturi ne najdemo kvantitativnih meril, na podlagi katerih bi določali, kako homogena ali kompaktna je posamezna volilna enota oziroma celotna ureditev volilnih enot (Taylor, Johnston, 1979). Posledično je ugotavljanje spoštovanja omenjenih načel pogosto omejeno na različne kvalitativne analize, v katerih se členitve ozemlja na volilne enote primerjajo z drugimi uveljavljenimi oblikami členitve teritorija, na katerem potekajo volitve. ...
... Spoštovanje načel homogenosti in kompaktnosti je zelo težko kvantitativno izmeriti, zato ni presenetljivo, da kljub nekaterim poizkusom kvantifikacije (Taylor, Johnston, 1979;Gudgin, Taylor, 1979) danes v strokovni literaturi ne najdemo kvantitativnih meril, na podlagi katerih bi določali, kako homogena ali kompaktna je posamezna volilna enota oziroma celotna ureditev volilnih enot (Taylor, Johnston, 1979). Posledično je ugotavljanje spoštovanja omenjenih načel pogosto omejeno na različne kvalitativne analize, v katerih se členitve ozemlja na volilne enote primerjajo z drugimi uveljavljenimi oblikami členitve teritorija, na katerem potekajo volitve. ...
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Article
The first part of this article presents some aspects of creating constituencies in electoral systems based on proportional electoral formula. The second part is an analysis of the constituencies in the electoral system that selects representatives for the National Assembly. Emphasized are the factors that engendered Slovenia's specific three-level organization of constituencies. The last part is an analysis of the organization of constituencies and electoral districts in light of fulfilling the principles of voter equality, homogeneity and compactness.
... In political geography's subfield of electoral geography, Lipset and Rokkan's theory spawned a large body of scholarship situating how these cleavages correlated with the spatial distribution of voting preferences (e.g. Johnston, 1979Johnston, , 1987Pattie et al., 1991;Taylor and Johnston, 1979). However, in a commentary about the state of electoral geography in 1990, Johnston et al. observed that much of the scholarship was plagued by a 'rampant empiricism' (Johnston et al., 1990: 1). ...
Thesis
This thesis examines and exposes how the heightened socio-cultural salience of immigration in contemporary Sweden affects the traditional party of power, the Social Democrats (SAP), and its understanding and response to the nationalist ‘populist’ party the Sweden Democrats (SD). Through extended ethnographic, survey and archival research in the year leading up to the September 2018 general election, I dissect how these dynamics manifested in Norrköping, a traditional SAP stronghold with a long history of immigration where support for SD has grown considerably. Based on my findings, I argue that the untranslatable Swedish concept of ‘trygghet’ functions as a powerful heuristic device for understanding the 2018 election campaign. Denoting an enveloping sense of safety and comfort, trygghet, and its antipode otrygghet, were increasingly mobilised by both the SAP and SD in the wake of the 2015 European refugee crisis. Among SD supporters and party members I illustrate the resentful power of a mythological nostalgia for a trygghet that is intimately tied to an imagined social democratic Sweden of yesteryear. Within the SAP, however, the aggravated socio-cultural politics of immigration exposed a different register of evocative nostalgias for what the fundamental precepts of social democracy are. Due to the heightened salience of immigration, these competing visions of trygghet came to a forceful head during the election campaign and ultimately proved contentious for the SAP. This thesis contributes original findings to the burgeoning literature on how immigration is reshaping traditional socio-political conflict dimensions. Adopting both ethnographic and geographic sensitivities, it adds to the growing scholarship which takes seriously the everyday contexts in which people make sense and meaning out of socio-politics. By doing so, it exposes the glaringly normative limitations common to both dominant academic and social democratic explanations for the rise of nationalist ‘populism’.
... Our article suggests that there are important geographic factors to be considered in electoral analysis. If temporal effect is one of the possible reasons to explain electoral behavior (Kostadinova and Power, 2007) we believe space is also necessary to understand the political phenomena (Taylor and Johnston, 1979;Racu et al. 2020). Considering geographic space as absolute, relative, and relational (Harvey 2012), we do not deny the contributions of John Agnew and many other geographers who have argued that the geographical context needs to be considered in electoral analyses. ...
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Article
In recent years, political geography has begun to revisit traditional geographical theories using quantitative methodologies. Size, location, density, position, and other important geographic characteristics have reemerged as central data points in the analysis of political phenomena. In this article, we analyze possible relationships between size (territorial and electoral) and electoral outcomes (competitiveness and participation) in Costa Rica’s 2016 local (canton) elections. In this effort, we seek to revisit a tradition abandoned by some currents of geography, often erroneously associated with geographic determinism and widely criticized by geography researchers since the 1960s. Costa Rica was chosen for the study because it is considered one of the most successful democratic systems in Latin America, and it is now facing important issues about its new decentralization process. Linear Ordinary Least Squares (ols) regressions were used to analyze the 2016 elections in 82 Costa Rican cantones. This article reveals that there are important causal relationships between territorial size and electoral participation/competitiveness in Costa Rica. Conclusion Geographical analyses are crucial to understand voter turnout and competitiveness. Our conclusion could help Costa Ricans create new strategies to further develop their democracy and its decentralization process.
... While there is a body of scholarship on how voting patterns for political parties change when boundaries are redrawn, there is much less attention given to questions of fair representation in non-party contexts such as local government, in which differential clustering of residents plays more of a role than ideological differences (cf. Taylor and Johnston, 1979). In such cases, questions of fair representation are most salient in rural and regional areas, given how deeply-embedded communities of interest and identity (Alexander, 2013) can intersect with the political economy of emerging multi-functional areas with strong agricultural traditions (cf. ...
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Article
Fair representation of different communities of interest is a central tenet of democracy. In Australia, governments at all levels historically employed rural weightings to maintain the representation of sparsely-populated regions. However, these have fallen out of favor as demands for one-person, one-vote equality have become the norm. This nominal equality can create other forms of bias in areas of uneven population which have distinct communities of interest, as is the case in many rural local governments. This paper explores this bias by unpacking findings of a ward boundary review in the rural local government Shire of Dandaragan in Western Australia. Drawing on interviews with councilors and community stakeholders, it examines different proposals for fair representation via ward and non-ward based structures. It finds that fair representation of all communities is challenged by inherent biases in the criteria for drawing ward boundaries that are often not well understood by those involved. It shows how a ‘no ward’ system which allows smaller communities to coordinate behind a single reputable candidate can generate fairer representation than a system of wards whose boundaries may or may not align with communities of interest.
... Parsons' paradigm for functional differentiation within states , Rokkan identified four subsystems in analyzing the emergence of the modern state: the military, judicial, economic, and cultural systems. Rokkan's most important contribution to political analysis, however, was the addition of an independent territorial dimension to politics: the center-periphery axis linking the institutional architecture of a nation-state to its territorial structure; that is, its given political and geographical characteristics (Rokkan, 1987cTaylor & Johnston, 1979). ...
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Thesis
Theoretically, the thesis adds new knowledge to the literature on political trust and to the literature regarding the effects of different forms of regional policies. Empirically, it adds new knowledge about the political and demographic development in Northern Norway. Methodologically, it exhibits the benefits of using quantitative tools to study a region that has mainly been studied qualitatively. Finally, in light of the empirical results, the overall perspective of Stein Rokkan generally seems to be more accurate for describing and understanding the demographic and political development in Northern Norway than the perspective of Ottar Brox. Northern Norway is a developed region also marked by the classical characteristics of a peripheral region, and the demographic development over the last 65 years is strikingly similar to the most similar peripheral region: Northern Sweden.
... 13 Taylor, Johnston 1979: 129. 14 Подробнее о по литической моби лизации периферий при формировании общенациональных партийных систем см. Rokkan 1970;Taylor, Johnston 1979. национализации электоральное пространство становится гомогенным, что говорит о формировании общенациональной партийной системы, способной интегрировать в свой состав периферии. ...
... Es un modelo particular de acercarse al fenómeno del comportamiento electoral. "Los estudios en geografía electoral pueden ser divididos en tres grandes grupos: (i) investigación en términos de la geografía de la votación tomando temas como las variaciones territoriales del apoyo a determinados partidos o candidatos y análisis de variables socioeconómicas y demográficas correlacionadas; (ii) análisis de los mecanismos para convertir votos en representación, como los escaños parlamentarios y su representación electoral; (iii) combinación de los dos anteriores en el análisis de las variaciones territoriales del gasto público" (Taylor y Johnston, 1979). Según Vitkovsky y Kolossov (1980), "la principal meta en los estudios de geografía política es revelar las diferencias territoriales en el balance de las fuerzas políticas. ...
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Article
p>Este documento presenta los resultados de una investigación sobre marketing político orientado a identifcar algunas conductas de los electores bogotanos frente a la oferta de propuestas de los candidatos en época electoral, así como a conocer algunas percepciones de los electores sobre la comunicación política que se lleva a cabo durante la época preelectoral. Se considera el mercadeo político como una técnica que permite captar y conocer las necesidades, deseos y aspiraciones de una sociedad para luego ganar el poder y solucionar dichas necesidades. Asimismo, se considera la comunicación política como técnicas y procedimientos para el intercambio de discursos que llevan a cabo algunos actores políticos (políticos, comunicadores, periodistas) con el fn de influir o persuadir a otros actores políticos (los ciudadanos) de apoyar o no ciertas decisiones políticas, especialmente dentro de un régimen democrático. Los hallazgos del estudio se presentan en la sección de resultados del análisis cuantitativo y en la sección de conclusiones.</p
... At least two political cleavages bear distinct spatial characteristics representing respectively: (i) conflict between a nation-building " centre " and an ethnically, religiously and culturally different " periphery " and (ii) contest between conservative rural areas with an agricultural economy and urban areas with a large proportion of the population being employed in the secondary and tertiary sectors. These political cleavages have greatly influenced the electoral geographies and longtime voting allegiances of the population in Western democracies by forming spatial characteristics of voting behaviour – for example, the establishment of agrarian parties in Nordic states and the emergence of the Scottish National Party (Taylor and Johnston, 1979). ...
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Chapter
Georgia has held several important elections from the beginning of 2008, culminating in the fall of 2012 when an opposition political group defeated the ruling party. As competitive elections are relatively new to Georgia, a substantial amount of literature is dedicated to the problems of voting in that country. This chapter investigates how particular theories of voting, especially the cleavage model of Seymour M. Lipset and Stein Rokkan (1967), may be applied to the case of Georgia. The main argument is that political cleavages can be identified; however, their origins differ from those suggested by Lipset and Rokkan. It is argued that the political cleavages in Georgia are the products of the country's recent historical experience – urbanization and ethnic alienation.
... En un trabajo pionero, Foladare (1968) intentó comprobar la influencia de la interacción social sobre la conducta electoral, siguiendo los hallazgos de los investigadores de Columbia (Lazarsfeld et al., 1944) en una de las posibles áreas de contacto personal: los vecindarios de la ciudad de Búfalo. Este trabajo seminal, como muchos otros posteriores 2 , han aportado evidencias empíricas consistentes con el efecto del vecindario (para una revisión de esta literatura, véase Taylor y Johnston, 1979;Books y Prysby, 1991y más recientemente, Johnston y Pattie, 2006, pero no han sido capaces de determinar si la interacción social, u otros procesos, han sido el principal mecanismo de influencia (Doreian, 2001) 3 . Por el contrario, un número creciente de investigaciones, entre las que destacamos los trabajos de Huckfeldt y Sprague (1991); de Pattie y Johnston (1999, 2000, Sancho (2007) y de Campus et al. (2008), se han dirigido específicamente a comprobar el efecto de la interacción social informal o de las conversaciones políticas sobre la conducta electoral. ...
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Article
Since the seminal work of Tingsten (1937), a large number of studies have shown that local context may influence the electoral behaviour of the residents. One of the mayor forms of social influence is the 'neighbourhood' effect; hereby individuals are affected by the flow of political information in their surroundings, mainly in residential areas. Most studies have found empirical evidences consistent with such an effect, but they have not been able to test the underlying mechanisms. This paper provides empirical certainties about how informal social interaction in localities affects voting, by using a post-election survey on the 2011 municipal election in Andalusia. Our study finds that keeping fluent talks with PSOE and PP supporters, increases the probability of becoming a voter for one of these political formations. Likewise, social interaction is mainly restricted to other local area residents, may they be family or friends, in his area. The local political majority tends to increase the probability of having as a discussion partner a voter or supporter of the majority group, once the effect of both party identification and ideology are controlled.
... Notes 1 Geographers have long examined more general processes of the hometown effect, usually referring to it as "neighborhood effect," which explores how place impacts voters (e.g., Key 1949;Taylor and Johnston 1979;Johnston et al. 2005;Pattie and Johnston 2000). 2 Georgia has twelve administrative divisions, including nine regions, the autonomous republics of Adjara and Abkhazia, and Tbilisi, the capital. 3 Out of seventy-three electoral districts only fifty-one districts were represented in the Stalin survey, which after listwise deletion of missing data is further reduced to fortyseven districts. ...
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Article
In this article we explore the spatial variation of support for former Soviet leader Joseph Stalin in his home country, Georgia. This research contributes to the literature on reputational politics by highlighting the role of spatial, rather than only social, factors in the construction of public opinion about Stalin. We illustrate how geographic factors impact Georgians’ perceptions of the Soviet dictator by examining various aspects of place at various scales—including distance to Gori, Stalin’s birthplace, the history of urbanization, and economic and political indices. To this end we map attitudes toward the Soviet dictator and use a multilevel spatial regression technique to explain variance in support for Stalin across forty-seven districts of Georgia. This enables us to explore the impact of place on people’s attitudes by examining (1) whether there are local and regional hotspots of Stalin admiration and, if so, (2) what the contextual explanations of these attitudes are.
... In light of both the spatial and political results, it is evident that the system retained a slight bias in favor of the Democrats even as Democratic districts saw a dramatic improvement in population compactness. It is possible that remaining bias toward Democrats is the result of an unintentional gerrymander (Gudgin and Taylor 1976;Chen and Rodden 2013), which refers to the propensity of electoral districting bodies using politically neutral criteria to generate biased plans (Taylor and Johnston 1979). In California, the relative disparities in the properties of the spatial distribution of population could generate this unintentional partisan bias. ...
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Article
Compactness of a congressional district is a traditional principle in adjudicating gerrymandering claims in political redistricting. During the last decade, many states have used compactness as an important criterion to constrain the presence of gerrymandering in the redistricting process. In this study, we conducted an array of spatiotemporal analyses aiming to evaluate the changes in compactness between the 112th and 113th Congressional districting plans in California and North Carolina, two states that have been well known for their heavy gerrymandering for years. We employed classic shape-based compactness measures, moment-of-inertia-based measures, and measures of partisan bias to assess the districting plans from multiple angles, including irregularity of district boundaries, spatial dispersion, population-weighted shape dispersion, and partisan symmetry. This new and combined use of spatial measures evidenced remarkable increases on the average compactness scores for California's Congress, suggesting general alleviation of the bipartisan gerrymandering in the previous plan. On the contrary, the partisan gerrymandering in North Carolina intensified in the current map, indicated by the substantial decline in the compactness scores for a majority of the districts. Analysis of partisan bias in the districting plans suggested a very slight bias toward Democrats in California in both districting plans. In North Carolina, the partisan advantage shifted from Democrats to Republicans during redistricting. Comparative analysis between the two families of spatial measures revealed the superiority of the moment of inertia family to the classic shape-based indexes for measuring compactness of congressional districts.
... The dominance of qualitative methods in political geography may be partially explained by the history of political geography. Political geography was revived after the quantitative revolution in geography (Johnston and Sidaway, 2004) Although there have been a considerable amount of quantitative works in political geography, such as electoral geography and conflict studies, quantitative analysis has not been a dominant approach in political geography (Johnston, 1983;Taylor and Johnston, 1979;Pattie and Johnston, 2000;Johnston et al., 1997;O'Loughlin, 1986;Secor and O'Loughlin, 2005). Consequently, political geography has been influenced by the counter-quantitative revolution trend rather than the quantitative revolution itself. ...
... Only 3 of them had significantly changed during this long period of time (P. J. Taylor, R. J. Johnston, 1979). As far as Dobrudja region is concerned, the electoral geography is quite fluctuating from a suffrage to another, the electoral situation which is obvious as well in the rural, as in the urban areas. ...
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Article
Les débats sur l'évolution des partis politiques dans la Roumanie postcommuniste ont été nombreux. A partir de la théorie classique de Rokkan et Lipset sur l'évolution des partis politiques dans l'Europe Occidentale, il y avait des auteurs qui ont accepté ce modèle pour l'Europe Orientale (De Waele), et d'autres qui, par contre, ont sollicité une prudence maxime en ce qui concerne l'application du modèle rokkanien sur l'évolution des partis politiques dans l'Est de l'Europe (Seiler). Cristian Preda et Sorina Soare ont proposé une autre interprétation. Ils soutiennent que le système politique postcommuniste de Roumanie est organisé autour de la négation des clivages politiques. Dans la vision de deux auteurs, les partis et les représentants du postcommunisme roumain transposent les conflits internes au niveau des leaders. Le clivage fondateur de la société roumaine, l'opposition néo-communiste vs anti-communistes, n'est, pour les deux auteurs, qu'une tension superficielle de la société roumaine, tension qui se dilue après les élections générales des années 2000. Le but principal de cet article est, dans ce contexte, de tester ces hypothèses, à partir des exemples offerts par les élections générales et locales de Dobroudja postcommuniste (1992-2008). La géographie électorale de la région de sud-est de la Roumanie offre des indices significatifs dans ce sens. Les résultats électoraux ont mis en évidence des aspects importants: l'espace politique autochtone n'est pas marqué par des clivages politiques ; la distinction initiale néo-communiste vs anti-communistes a une certaine relevance dans la période 1992-1996 mais, après les élections des années 2000, elle devient superflue. La dynamique de la géographie électorale au niveau des unités administratives de Dobroudja est une preuve relevant dans ce sens. La partitocratie (Daniel Barbu) et le clientélisme électoral sont les réalités substantielles de notre système politique.
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Introduction The 1989 presidential election in Brazil was the object of few systematic quantitative studies about its determinants, despite being central in Brazilian political history. In this paper, we apply several models that allow us to more appropriately test the main theses present in the literature, namely: 1) that the victory of Collor de Mello was due to the votes of the small, poor and rural areas; 2) that the party system has not structured the direction of the vote; and 3) when the party system structured the direction of the vote, it was through local party machines. Materials and Methods We elaborate an original database containing the 1989 election results as well as political-party, social and economic information for all Brazilian municipalities and apply spatial regression models. In addition, we replicate a case study on the distribution of votes in the Electoral Zones of the city of São Paulo. Results The results show dubious evidence for the main theses, since, on the one hand, they do not allow us to characterize the base of Collor de Mello as being based in the most vulnerable localities, given the effects found in opposite directions among the variables tested, and, on the other hand, they highlight the local importance of the left-wing parties in structuring the direction of the vote, and little effect of the party machines. Discussion Substantively, the findings indicate that the 1989 race is more complex and not “exotic” in comparative terms, as the literature usually emphasizes. The electorate in poor localities and the poor in rich cities were not captive to the right or to populist discourses. Methodologically, we emphasize the importance of considering the different geographic dimensions in the study of elections. Keywords electoral geography; presidential election; Brazilian election of 1989; Collor de Mello; spatial econometrics
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Conference Paper
Despite being a health crisis, the epidemic has greatly affected the country's economies as well as education. With the Covid-19 epidemic, educational institutions accelerated their distance education activities, and distance education was started in schools. As a result of the sudden emergence and rapid spread of the epidemic, many educators have faced difficulties in online education, materials and educational technologies. It has been seen in many studies that there are some inequalities in terms of accessing information between those who have and those who do not have basic communication technologies in distance education. In this study, it was investigated how geography teachers evaluated their extracurricular time during the Covid-19 epidemic. The study was focused on the activities of geography teachers during the epidemic, during the time they spent at home outside of teaching. It is thought that this study will contribute to the field in terms of examining the methods of evaluation of geography teachers' extracurricular time during the epidemic period. In this research, quantitative research method and scanning design were used as the basis. After the literature review, a form consisting of two parts was created in order to examine what geography teachers do outside of the classroom in order to collect the research data. While demographic information is included in the first part of the form, in the second part there is a question examining the methods of evaluating the extracurricular time of geography teachers during the Covid-19 outbreak. The form, which was delivered to geography teachers online, was voluntarily filled by geography teachers. The research group consisted of 324 geography teachers working in districts of Istanbul with different socio-economic characteristics and participating in the research voluntarily. Descriptive analysis was used in the analysis of the research data. The data obtained from the geography teachers were classified, examined in terms of frequency and percentage points and put into a table. According to the results of the research, there is a great diversity in what geography teachers do during the Covid-19 epidemic, when they do not go to school and give their lessons from home and what they do in their spare time at home. When teachers' opinions on this subject were classified according to categories, it was seen that reading books, helping with housework, watching TV, watching videos from electronic devices, doing sports and exercise activities, and meeting with friends and relatives from electronic devices were among the activities. Apart from this, albeit a little; occupations such as producing course content, writing projects, participating in personal development courses, producing animation, child care, writing poetry, doing administrative work at school, feeding street animals, doing home repairs and shooting videos are listed. In this respect, it can be said that geography teachers who give their lessons with the distance education method are successful in getting used to and adapting to this new situation. When geography teachers spend time at home, it emerges that they spend their time outside of the classroom for their personal, professional and academic development. In this context, it can be said that the activities of geography teachers outside the classroom will contribute to their personal, professional and academic development, as well as contributing to the development of the education system, the benefit of students, the coloring of social life and the country's economy. In line with these data and results, training can be provided for geography teachers to develop Web-based content.
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Siyasi bir eyleme karşılık gelen seçim, genel olarak seçmenlerin demokratik bir ortamda yönetime talip aday ve partilerden hangisini yeğlediğini belirtme eylem ve süreci olarak tanımlanabilmektedir. Seçim konusu hem Türkçe hem de yabancı literatür kapsamında birçok sosyal disiplin tarafından ele alınmaktadır. Coğrafya bilimi de seçim konusunu seçim coğrafyası alanı ile ayrıntılı şekilde ele almaktadır. Siyasi coğrafyanın bir alt alanı olarak kendine özgü dönem, perspektif ve amaçları içerisinde barındıran seçim coğrafyası, seçim ve mekân arasındaki ilişkiyi sistematik bir biçimde ele almaktadır. İlgili literatür, seçim coğrafyasının yalnızca yönetimsel-coğrafi alandaki seçim sonuçlarının analizini ve bu sonuçların yıllara göre değişimini gösterme amacı ile hareket etmediğini, aynı zamanda birçok farklı etmen, unsur ve değişkeni de analiz sürecine dâhil ettiğini göstermektedir. Yine, siyasi süreç içerisinde seçmen davranış ve tutumlarının hangi faktörler (yapısal ve bağlamsal etki) ile şekillendiği ve hangi durumlarda değiştiğinin belirlenmesi de seçim coğrafyası araştırmaları içerisinde yer almaktadır. Öncü çalışmalarına siyaset bilimcilerin de önemli katkılar sağladığı seçim coğrafyası literatürünün, bütüncül bir bakış açısı ile incelenmesi bu çalışmanın amacını oluşturmaktadır. Bu doğrultuda çalışmada, seçim coğrafyası kapsamında gerçekleştirilmiş ve kaynak tarama yöntemi ile ulaşılabilen araştırmaların genel bir değerlendirmesinin yapılması hedeflenmiş; Türkçe ve yabancı literatürde ele alınan konular, hâkim bakış açıları ve farklılıklar ortaya koyulmaya çalışılmıştır. Seçim coğrafyası kapsamında 1900’lü yıllardan itibaren gerçekleştirilen araştırmalar incelendiği zaman, çok keskin sınırlar ile ayrılmamakla birlikte araştırmaların üç alan içerisinde yoğunlaştığını görmek mümkündür. Bunlardan ilki, oy verme ya da oylamanın coğrafyası bazı kaynaklarda kartografik yaklaşım olarak da belirtilen; oyların haritalandırıldığı/görselleştirildiği ve çeşitli analizlere tabi tutulduğu alandır. İkincisi, oylama üzerindeki coğrafi etkilerin araştırılması (yapısal ve bağlamsal olarak mekânın siyasi tercihler ve davranışlara etkisi) alanıdır. Üçüncü alanı ise seçim sistem ve bölgelerinin araştırılması meydana getirmektedir. Burada seçim manipülasyonları ve yanlılık uygulamalarından (gerrymendering, malapportionment) bahsedilebilmektedir. Bu noktada, tarihsel süreç içerisinde birinci ve ikinci araştırma alanlarının daha çok dikkat çektiği görülmüştür. Birçok kaynakta 1960’lı yıllara gelindiğinde seçim coğrafyasına ait araştırmalarda sayısal devrin başladığı belirtilmiştir. Bununla birlikte 1960 sonrası seçim coğrafyası perspektiflerinde; modernizasyon-millileştirme, demografik-refah, eşitsiz gelişme ve mikro-sosyolojik yerin etkili olduğu anlaşılmaktadır. Yabancı literatür kapsamında gerçekleştirilen seçim coğrafyası araştırmalarının, seçim olgusunu çeşitli yönlerden ele aldığı açıktır. Çünkü bu araştırmalarda; seçim coğrafyasındaki gelişmelerin ele alınarak bu alana ait perspektif ve amaçların kapsamlı biçimde irdelenmesi, seçim sonuçlarının bölgesel bağlamda incelenerek seçimler üzerindeki yapısal ve bağlamsal etkilerin belirlenmesi; seçim sonuçlarının görselleştirilmesi, mekânsal kalıpların tanımlanması ve seçimlerin manipüle edilmesine kadar birçok yön ele alınmaktadır. Yerli literatür kapsamında gerçekleştirilen araştırmalarda ele alınan konuların ise daha sınırlı olduğu, oyların haritalanması ve seçimlerde gerçekleşen tercih farklılıkları üzerinde daha çok durulduğu belirlenmiştir. Bu noktada önemli bir eksikliğin var oluşu dikkati çekmektedir. Bu eksikliği, tercih farklılıkları ve oy değişiminin ardındaki nedenlerin ve dinamizmin boş bırakılması meydana getirmektedir.
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From the maps of election returns that appear after the polls close to debates surrounding the drawing of voting district boundaries, geography figures prominently across elections and electoral studies. This chapter examines the role that geography plays in understanding elections and shaping democracy, and situates recent work into the three analytical traditions of electoral geography. First, insights into elections and voting behavior that can be obtained through the geography of support or mapping of election returns are discussed and reviewed. Next, geographical influences on voting, such as neighborhood effects, are addressed, as is the debate between compositional and contextual approaches to voting studies. Third, electoral systems and their implications, ranging from electoral bias to malapportionment, are presented for their impact in elections and on democracy. The chapter concludes with a discussion of recent trends and opportunities to extend electoral geography.
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Reconsidering spatial determinism: modeling versus local developmentEcological methodologyTowards a post-industrialist behaviorFrom neighborhood effect to the theory of the citizen-resident-strategistBibliography
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political geography;spatial analysis;contextual elements;individual behavior;directional analysis
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The contribution seeks to understand why deep, fundamental conflict in some European countries is moderated by reconciliation techniques like Proporz, whereas it leads to polarized conflict in others. The contribution points to religion as the decisive variable and distinguishes between countries in which Catholicism is a minority religion and countries in which the Catholic Church holds the religious monopoly. Only in the latter did the church turn decisively anti-republican in the nineteenth and early twentieth century. One of the consequences of this intransigent stance was that political alliances between devout peasants and anti-clerical workers proved unthinkable. This left workers’ parties in political isolation, and they subsequently radicalized and split into a reformist (Social Democracy) and a revolutionary (Communists) wing. The clerical/anti-clerical conflict line thereby came to characterize the political space in Southern Europe and explains the polarized character of political contestation in these countries. The church and subsequently political Catholicism was more moderate and allied with a reformist working movement in countries in which Catholicism is a minority religion.
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By revisiting the work of Blais and Rae, this article develops a new classification of electoral systems focused on input rules. An Unknown Winning Number family is distinguished from a Quota family with known winning numbers for most of the counting process. Branching family trees are developed and used to help explain some Australian experience with accentuated disproportionality in two electoral systems which have been omitted from otherwise path-breaking recent analysis (Taagepera, R. and Shugart, M.S. 1989. Seats and votes: The effects and determinants of electoral systems. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press). These omitted systems are identified as effectively giving electors as many votes as seats available in a district. The input-rule family trees remind us that number of votes is an important component of electoral systems, although elusive and somewhat forgotten in much recent analysis. More conventional groupings of electoral systems are identified as output peer groups. 本文通过重读布莱斯和雷的著作,提出了一种强调输入规则的选举制度的新分类,即未知获胜票数系,以区别于为大多数计票过程所知的获胜票数配额系。该系及其分支有助于解释澳大利亚所经历的两种选举体制的某种不均衡性。这种不均衡性被本来可能具有开创性的最新分析(塔格佩拉与舒噶特的《席位与投票:选举制度的效果和成因》)所忽略。被忽略的制度有效地给予就一个选区既定席位而言尽可能多的票数。输入规则系告诉我们投票数是选举制度的重要组成部分,只是在最新的分析中没被正视,甚至被忽视了。选举制度更传统的分类被定为输出同类组。
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The main goal of the paper is to discuss various interpretations of the heritage created during the so-called 'partition' of Poland in the 19th century and the ways of its possible reproduction. This goal will be achieved by analyzing patterns of Poland's electoral geography, which is known for its considerable stability. After a discussion of the historical background and a summary of the main patterns of the country's electoral geography, the main types of dominating interpretations of the reproduction of structures, brought about in the Polish space during the period of its partitions in the 19th century, will be discussed. The paper will show how the recent transformation of the Polish political scene, which happened about 2005-2007, affected both the structures of the electoral geography and the dominant ways of its interpretation. As it will be argued, the above mentioned changes have emphasized the role of the East-West differentiation of the Polish space. The rise to prominence of that dimension was also related to the emergence of a number of new interpretations, many of which could be seen as heavily relying on orientalistic stereotypes, including those of the very negative images related to the heritage of the Russian rule. These mainstream interpretations, based on models of opposition between the positive Western "civilization" and the negative Eastern (Russian) "backwardness", will be confronted with what seems to be a more nuanced view on the basic East-West split of the Polish space. The proposed model will be an attempt to apply the theory of different types of capital by Pierre Bourdieu. In particular, Eastern Poland and its heritage of the Austrian and Russian rule will be presented as more cultural-capital oriented, while Western Poland and its heritage of the Prussian rule - as more economic-capital oriented. In this way the paper will propose a new, more general model of analysis of the spatial longue-duree effects.
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The explanatory model behind Esping-Andersen’s ‘three-regime’ typology points to the variance in ‘political coalition building in the transition from a rural economy to a middle-class society’, particularly to whether or not farmers and workers were able to form coalitions during this transition. The article reconsiders the relation between party systems and welfare state regimes. It highlights the systematic variation among European party systems with respect to the electoral success of communist parties. The electoral strength of communist parties is argued to be related to the intensity of past conflicts between the nation-state and the Catholic church in the mono-denominational countries of Europe’s south. These conflicts rendered a coalition between pious farmers and the anticlerical worker’s movement unthinkable and furthered the radicalization of the left. The article argues that the split on the left explains much of what is distinctive about southern Europe’s postwar political economies.
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It has long been thought that voting behavior is shaped not only by voters' own class and family background, but by the social context in which they live. Whereas almost all previous empirical studies of social context have found it highly significant, most notably in the substantial literature on contextual influences in Britain, the authors argue for a contrary view. Reanalyzing the classic British case, applying multivariate techniques to 1966 individual-level data matched to the 1966 census, and also to 1979 individual level data matched to the 1981 census, the authors show that once a suitable range of individual factors have been taken into account, social context has no significant effect on the vote in Britain.
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This paper examines the relations between the conditions for, and the diverse forms of, local development politics. It does this by addressing a specific form of local development politics encountered in South Korea: a politics of regionalism. This is conceptualised in two stages. At an abstract level, the paper theorises the politics of local economic development in terms of the territorialisation of regulatory processes. On this basis, conceptual links are provided between the conditions for, and the forms of, local development politics by focusing on how the nature of party politics can influence the ways in which the politics of regulation is territorially constructed. Empirically, this paper explores the social and institutional conditions that have facilitated the penetration of regionalist party politics into the politics of local economic development in South Korea. More specifically, it examines the political processes, through which: local economic development initiatives, organised by local actors in Daegu (a central city in south-eastern Korea), brought about tensions with local actors in Busan (another big city in the south-east) around central government policies; and, the interlocal tension between Daegu and Busan became intertwined with a territorialised party politics and conditioned the rise of political regionalism in Daegu in the mid 1990s.
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