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World Lexicon of grammaticalization

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... The collectivizer in Gumuz is the prefix cá-(meaning eye), which precisely conceptualizes collections/aggregates (interestingly targeting very often body parts, as with the Italian examples in (24)), as in (45). The singulative is the prefix kʼwá (meaning head), as shown in & Kuteva 2002). 24 Sometimes also kʼós meaning 'tooth' can be used as a singulative classifier. ...
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In this work, we show that collectivizers are in a sort of complementary distribution with singulatives, and that the same grammatical devices employed to convey a singulative meaning, namely evaluative morphology and gender shift, are in fact used also for collectivization purposes. On the basis of these empirical observations, it is tempting to assume that they share the same morphosyntactic workspace (Chomsky et al. 2018), weakening the Div hypothesis of Borer (2005). Based on morphosyntactic evidence, we argue that the very concept of a divider in the grammar of natural languages is far from being a realistic tool. This conclusion is supported by the observation that a full array of different class(ifying) specifications, including the whole set of the evaluative spectrum (diminutives, augmentatives, pejoratives, etc.) enter the syntactic computation to restrict the semantic shape, as well as the argumental variable of the root. In the case of collectivizers, they introduce an aggregate-like reading not only applying to individual roots but also to mass roots or adjectival and verbal roots, suggesting that a richer and subtler set of interpretive properties comes into play.
... This is supported by Grandi's (2011: 21) conclusions that the semantic source of diminutive is "child/young" in Indo-European languages and elsewhere. 32 Heine & Kuteva (2002) similarly suggest 32. Grandi deals with the semantic rather than lexical source of diminutives. ...
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This paper investigates the diachrony of diminutives in Mojeño across four centuries. First, it shows that the three Mojeño diminutives have two lexical sources: ‘child’ and ‘seed’. This constitutes a counterexample to Jurafsky’s (1996) theory concerning the universal source of diminutives. Second, the paper investigates the grammaticalization process of diminutives and their further distributional and functional changes. It shows that the extension of the distribution onto verbs and grammatical parts of speech correlates with the gain of emotional connotations. It describes the evolution of emotional connotations of the diminutives and the pragmaticalization of their interactional functions until the eventual shift to purely expressive morphemes when diminutives lose their core meaning of ‘smallness’. Third, since each of the three language varieties has one ‘true’ diminutive only, two successive cycles of diminutive renewal are hypothesized, whereby an old diminutive is replaced by a new one.
... Traugott and Heine (eds.) 1991, Hopper, Traugott 1993, Lehmann 2002, Heine, Kuteva 2002, Heine (ed.) 2012. They helped to bring theoretical grounds to grammaticalization theory by suggesting principles and criteria of language change, i.e.: ...
... O verbo ir é um dos verbos mais polissêmicos e, pois, um dos mais 'gramaticalizáveis'. Na construção perifrástica com o infi nitivo, ele tende a se transformar em auxiliar (HEINE, 1993;BYBEE et alii, 1994;HEINE & KUTEVA, 2002), quer dizer, num instrumento gramatical para a expressão do tempo futuro. Essa tendência, bem conhecida no inglês, no francês e no espanhol, pode ser constatada também em português, em que, na fala, o processo de substituição da forma de futuro simples pela forma perifrástica ir + infi nitivo está quase concluído (OLIVEIRA, 2006). ...
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Em português, a expressão do futuro verbal é variável e apresenta as variantes: a) futuro simples (viajarei amanhã); b) futuro perifrástico com ir + infinitivo (vou/irei viajar amanhã); c) presente do indicativo (viajo amanhã). Vários estudos têm atestado esse fenômeno ao longo da história da língua portuguesa e apontam para a implementação da forma perifrástica como possível substituta da forma de futuro simples. Este artigo, seguindo a linha da sociolinguística laboviana, compara dados do português brasileiro e do português lusitano coletados em jornais do século XXI, para verificar se o fator geográfico interfere nesse fenômeno.
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The present paper proves the relevance of the diachronic approach to grammaticalization research. The article contains defi nitions of the concept of grammaticalization and makes a distinction between diachronic and historical grammar. The theoretical review is based on research carried out by such scholars as I.A. Baudouin de Courtenay, W. von Humboldt, E. Kuryłowicz, B. Heine, Ch. Lehmann, E. Traugott, J. Bybee and others. Grammaticalization is defi ned as a process whereby lexical units turn into grammatical units or the latest increase their grammatical status. It is noted that a diachronic approach to this process enables researchers to identify the grammaticalization sources, fi nd out the patterns and possible ways of development of universal grammaticalization paths in diff erent languages and prove the unidirectionality hypothesis. This approach also provides the explanatory value of a linguistic theory, allows us to identify the cognitive and communicative factors, analyze the dynamics of grammatical changes and fi nd out the similarities between languages in the most explicit way. Based on the example of the English grammaticalized construction be going to, it is proved that the grammaticalization process is gradual and requires a diachronic approach for a more comprehensive analysis of intermediate stages of development of grammatical units.
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W języku włoskim dość dobrze zachowały się 4 łacińskie końcówki bezokolicznika (-are, -ēre, -ĕre, -ire), dziś powszechnie redukowane do 3 (-are, -ere, -ire). Wśród czasowników 3. koniugacji odrębny paradygmat odmiany stanowi bardzo liczna grupa czasowników, które w niektórych osobach czasu teraźniejszego trybu oznajmującego (indicativo), trybu łączącego (congiuntivo) i rozkazującego (imperativo) przyjmują, między rdzeniem czasownika a końcówką osobową, międzyrostek -sc- (np. w czasie teraźniejszym czasownika capire: io capisco, tu capisci, egli capisce, noi capiamo, voi capite essi capiscono). W języku włoskim zjawisko międzyrostka -sc- w paradygmacie czasowników 3. koniugacji jest złożone z rozmaitych względów. Z punktu widzenia normatywnego, nie tylko poświęcono im niewiele uwagi w gramatykach (stąd do dzisiaj trudno znaleźć ich systematyczny opis), ale także ich przynależność do jednego lub drugiego modelu koniugacyjnego nie była stała. Co więcej, wiele czasowników dysponuje dwiema formami, które z pozoru wydają się funkcjonować równolegle, jednak, jak wynika ze wstępnych analiz, w niejednym przypadku dobór modelu koniugacyjnego wcale nie jest kwestią uznaniową, a niesie ze sobą zmiany na poziomie semantycznym i stylistycznym. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest więc przedstawienie zjawiska międzyrostka -sc- w języku włoskim oraz wstępna kategoryzacja czasowników 3. koniugacji według modelu odmiany i przemian w ich obrębie na kolejnych etapach rozwoju języka.
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In this paper we analyse the grammaticalisation processes involved in the rise and development of the ‘a-adverbial’ aside from the original combination of the preposition on and the substantive side in Old English. Different aspects of this grammatical change will be discussed in the paper, from morphosyntactic and phonological (coalescence-univerbation) to semantic ones (development of abstract senses, extension of semantic range), taking very much into account the diachronic axis that underpins them. Special attention has been paid in the analysis to the variation patterns of aside that existed in the Late Middle English period (when the actual process of grammaticalisation was about to be completed) and to the correlation of these variants with the geographic provenance of the texts, trying to determine if the processes of word formation that gave rise to this new word class travelled homogeneously across Britain.
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In this paper, the lexical semantics of the pre-modal verb 得 dé and its development into a modal auxiliary will be discussed. Two different positions are available for the modal dé, the default preverbal position of modal auxiliary verbs and a post-verbal position. The analysis of the event and the argument structure of the lexical verb dé reveals that the different modal uses of dé originate from its functions as an achievement verb. In this regard, dé clearly differs from the other verbs of possibility in Late Archaic Chinese. The particular syntacto-semantic constraints of dé can account for its development into both a modal auxiliary verb, and for the particular functions it develops in the Modern Sinitic languages as a postverbal modal marker.
Article
Auxiliary verbs are known to grammaticalize from lexical verbs, but how do lexical verbs acquire verbal complements to begin with? This article provides an account of the semantic and pragmatic basis of grammaticalization of the Spanish anterior (‘perfect’) [acabar + de + infinitive] from a lexical source construction meaning finish . Based on a description of finish in terms of its qualia structure, we argue that verbs meaning finish are lexically unsaturated, with an event variable that must be assigned a value, whether implicitly by inference or explicitly by a verbal complement. We show on the basis of historical corpus data from the 13th–18th centuries that overt lexical verb complements are initially motivated by informativity: the infinitive is used to describe the event when the type of event is unexpected. However, this original constructional meaning is eventually lost due to the process of overtification , which has not been discussed in the literature on language change. Writers started using the infinitive in contexts in which the finished event is not unexpected. The subsequent development of the temporal meaning is motivated by the failure of listeners to accommodate too-costly presuppositions in a particular syntactic context, leading to the reanalysis of the constructional meaning. Consequently, overtification was a necessary condition for the subsequent temporalization of the construction. These findings shed light on possible reasons for the grammaticalization of auxiliary verb constructions, at both early and later stages in their developmental histories.
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In this chapter we investigate and argue for the role of corpus linguistics in informing curriculum content and pedagogical practice in the teaching of Auslan (Australian Sign Language) as a second language (L2). Using the annotated Auslan corpus, we show how it is possible to identify phonological and lexical variants; the frequency, distribution, and collocations of particular lexical items; and the patterns of colligation and collocation in larger constructions, such as the clause. These patterns are sometimes extremely difficult to identify in any way except through corpus analysis, so we need to recognize that native or nearnative users cannot depend on their intuition alone in order to provide this kind of information (Biber, Johansson, Leech, Conrad, & Finegan, 1999; Johnston, 2010). Teachers of Auslan as a L2 can take advantage of these research data in terms of both content and pedagogical practice.
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