Myths of Intrinsic Motivation
Abstract
Based entirely on expansions of peer-reviewed comments published in APA journals and invited articles, Steven Reiss critically evaluates the hypothesis that incentives undermine intrinsic motivation. The construct of extrinsic motivation is suggested to be an error in logic and a misunderstanding of Aristotle's distinction between ends and means. As a matter of logic given the Deci-Ryan definitions, all motivation is intrinsic motivation. Although social psychologists say that free-choice behavior assesses intrinsic motivation, actually it meets their definition for extrinsic motivation because it is determined by the options in the environment. The so-called "undermining effect" is reinterpreted as an unreliable distraction phenomena related to the novelty of reward. Undermining theorists distract people away from interesting tasks, erroneously insist the people could not possibly be annoyed by the distraction, and misunderstand that to be scientific their experiments are supposed to control for distraction. Lepper is cited agreeing that the studies distract subjects, and Bandura is cited on misunderstanding of constructs.
... The intent to engage participants' intrinsic and extrinsic motivators to compel them to successfully complete a program is central to gamification theory (Kapp, 2012;Klemke et al., 2018;Nicholson, 2012;Xu et al., 2021). While motivation is a consistent component in gamification, divergence exists on how motivators are framed (Burke, 2014;Kapp, 2012;Reiss, 2013). In player-centric design, identifying player persona characteristics is foundational to determining which gamification mechanics are selected to "hook" players' distinctive motivators to achieve identified goals (Burke, 2014;Nicholson, 2012). ...
... The four player personas represented the broad interests and backgrounds of both class cohorts (88 students). Motivators repeated between player personas were acceptance (desire to meet expectations, build self-confidence, and feel validated), beauty (desire for appealing aesthetics), competition (desire to excel and achieve greater than others), curiosity (desire to understand), family (desire to belong and care for others), honour (desire for integrity, knowledge of success criteria, and personal accomplishments), independence (desire to have control over actions, choices, and achievements), order (desire for clear structured expectations), social contact (desire for collaboration and engagement with peers), status (desire for respect based on accomplishments), and tranquility (desire to safely understand expectations, feel accepted, reduce risk, and experience peace) (Reiss, 2013). To ensure equity-centred design for academic success (Costa et al., 2021), the motivators of idealism (desire for equal distribution of resources and rewards), and physical activity (desire for action) were also considered in the re-design process. ...
... Note: motivator and mechanic terms were adapted from Peters and Cornetti (2019) and Reiss (2013). ...
This article explores the praxis of gamification pedagogy and post-secondary course design. The literature on gamified design theory and current research on its application as a pedagogy are explored. A student-centric, motivationally based gamification design model is proposed, operationalized, implemented, evaluated, and reiterated. The design process, application strategies and challenges, and resulting qualitative outcomes over a two-year implementation period of the re-designed gamified course are detailed. Student evaluations rated both the overlaid gamified structural design and the integrated course mechanics as highly motivating and contributing significantly to their success and positive learning experience. The gamified course design was able to resolve historical challenges for the identified course and increased student engagement. Gamification pedagogy proved uniquely effective for two sub-groups of students, those struggling with anxiety and second language learners. This innovative pedagogy effectively leveraged students’ unique intrinsic and extrinsic motivators to create an empowering, supportive, and highly effective learning framework.
... Since the early 1970s, an ongoing debate concerning the possibility that extrinsic rewards might damage intrinsic motivation has raged. Many scholars have participated in this debate either empirically or theoretically (e.g., Bruno, 2013;Calder & Staw, 1975b;Cameron et al., 2001;Cameron & Pierce, 1994;Deci, 1971Deci, , 1976Deci et al., 1999a;Deci & Ryan, 1985;Dickinson, 1989;Eisenberger & Cameron, 1996;Gerhart & Fang, 2014;Goswami & Urminsky, 2017;Guzzo, 1979;Hendijani et al., 2016;Lepper et al., 1973;Parker et al., 2017;Reiss, 2013;Reiss & Sushinsky, 1975;W. E. Scott, 1976). ...
... Due to the controversial nature of the claim that extrinsic rewards might be motivationally unbeneficial, this suggestion led to many subsequent studies that either replicated the initial findings (e.g., R. Anderson et al., 1976;Daniel & Esser, 1980;Greene & Lepper, 1974) or failed to replicate them (e.g., Arnold, 1976Arnold, , 1985Brennan & Glover, 1980;Feingold & Mahoney, 1975;Hamner & Foster, 1975). Moreover, these early studies started a heated debate in the field of psychology between the "intrinsic motivation theorists" (Deci, 1975;Deci et al., 1999aDeci et al., , 1999bDeci & Ryan, 1985;Lepper et al., 1973;Lepper & Greene, 1975;Lepper & Henderlong, 2000) and those advocating behaviorism (Blocker & Edwards, 1982;Cameron et al., 2001;Dickinson, 1989;Eisenberger & Cameron, 1996;Flora, 1990;Flora & Flora, 1999;Reiss, 2013;Reiss & Sushinsky, 1975), which continues even today (see Akin-Little & Little, 2009;Festré & Garrouste, 2015;Gerhart, 2017;Goswami & Urminsky, 2017;Peters & Vollmer, 2014). ...
... Moreover, considerable disagreement exists about methodological, experimental, theoretical, and philosophical issues. For example, many behaviorists remain skeptical, claiming this so-called detrimental effect of extrinsic rewards is largely a myth and argue that studies demonstrating decreased intrinsic motivation by administering extrinsic rewards contain many methodological flaws (Carton, 1996;Carton & Nowicki, 1998;Flora, 1990;Guzzo, 1979;Mawhinney, 1979Mawhinney, , 1990Reiss, 2005Reiss, , 2013. ...
In my thesis, I examine the effects of extrinsic rewards on intrinsic motivation in two different contexts (laboratory & work). My study focuses on answering the following two questions:
1. Under what reward contingencies and populations will extrinsic rewards have a negative effect, no effect, or positive effect on intrinsic motivation in controlled laboratory experiments? What is the magnitude of the effect?
2. What is the association between extrinsic rewards and intrinsic motivation in organizational settings? How strong is this association?
A systematic search of published studies from seven electronic databases was carried out to answer these questions. Altogether, 158 peer-reviewed journal articles met the inclusion criteria. Three primary meta-analyses using a random-effects model and a hierarchical analysis framework were followed through. Following Deci et al.’s (1999a) steps, the analysis proceeded from a higher level of analysis examining the effect of all rewards on intrinsic motivation to more specified levels of analysis using reward type and reward contingency as moderators.
Two meta-analyses focused on examining the causal impact of extrinsic rewards on intrinsic motivation by synthesizing the evidence from 142 randomized controlled laboratory experiments (125 published articles). Separate meta-analyses were performed for the two measures of intrinsic motivation: free-choice intrinsic motivation (i.e., free-choice behavior) and self-reported interest/enjoyment. The third primary meta-analysis synthesized the evidence from observational studies conducted in work settings. The goal was to examine the relationship between extrinsic reward and self-reported intrinsic work motivation. Altogether, 42 independent samples from 35 published articles were used in the analyses.
... La motivación se ha definido de diversas maneras, existiendo algunas visiones contrapuestas, ejemplo de esto es la Teoría de la Autodeterminación, que hace la distinción entre la motivación intrínseca y extrínseca, sosteniendo que la motivación está impulsada por las necesidades psicológicas innatas (competencia, autonomía y afinidad) y los entornos que fomentan o socavan la motivación (Ryan & Deci, 2000). Por otro lado, se encuentra la postura que señala que la motivación comprende aquellas razones que las personas tienen para iniciar y mantener voluntariamente un comportamiento, el cual es incentivado por objetivos intrínsecamente valorados y que la motivación extrínseca no existe, dado que todos los impulsos serían intrínsecos (Reiss, 2013). ...
... En este trabajo la ludificación se comprenderá como una metodología basada en la incorporación de mecánicas (Burke, 2014), narrativas y estéticas (Kapp, 2012;Schell, 2020) propias de los juegos para motivar, lograr aprendizajes y comportamientos de acuerdo a objetivos predeterminados (Burke, 2014;Kapp, 2012) en contextos que no son lúdicos (Deterding et al., 2011). Cabe señalar que en ludificación el uso de recompensas es una de las mecánicas más utilizadas (Burke, 2014;Deterding et al., 2011) como una forma de brindar reconocimientos (Reiss, 2013). ...
... Considerando que hace varias décadas se ha discutido en torno a las consecuencias, ya sean positivas o negativas, del uso de recompensas en los procesos de aprendizaje (Reiss, 2013), la ludificación ha vuelto a dar realce a esta discusión. Existen investigaciones que han mostrado beneficios derivados del uso de ludificación sobre la motivación (Pinter et al., 2020;Sailer & Sailer, 2021), sin embargo, también existen estudios que no han reportado cambios en la motivación (Brom et al., 2018;Facey-Shaw et al., 2019). ...
El objetivo de este trabajo fue analizar los estudios que miden el efecto de la ludificación de la enseñanza en la motivación de estudiantes de pregrado de Educación Superior. Se realizó una revisión sistemática de artículos empíricos con diseño experimental y cuasi-experimental, publicados entre los años 2016 y 2021 en las bases de datos Web of Science (WoS), Scopus y SciELO. Se encontraron 223 estudios, de los cuales 12 cumplieron con todos los criterios de inclusión. Los resultados indicaron que existe una mayor cantidad de estudios que sugieren que la incorporación de ludificación en la enseñanza tiene un efecto en el aumento de la motivación. Solo una cantidad menor de estudios no reportaron mejoras en la motivación, lo cual podría ser resultado del diseño de la ludificación.
... But we may use students" desire for good grades (extrinsic motivation) to spur them to learn by giving good grades for higher order thinking skills that students display in tests and projects (Centre For Excellence in Teaching, 1999). However, Reiss (2013) completely removed the distinction between intrinsic and extrinsic motivation. Indeed, Reiss and Havercamp (1998) examined human needs and validated 16 universal goals or intrinsic motives that are deeply rooted in human nature (Reiss, 2013, p. 24). ...
... Reiss suggested that extrinsic rewards and incentives including grades and praise are within the intrinsic human need for "Status" that is one of the 16 intrinsic universal human goals. The other universal goals include Acceptance, Curiosity, Eating, Family, Honour, Idealism, Independence, Order, Physical activity, Power, Romance, Saving, Social contact, Tranquillity and Vengeance (Reiss, 2008(Reiss, , 2013. Reiss concluded that Ryan and Deci"s (2000a, b) claim that intrinsic needs are about autonomy, competence and relatedness is invalid. ...
... Reiss concluded that Ryan and Deci"s (2000a, b) claim that intrinsic needs are about autonomy, competence and relatedness is invalid. Reiss (2013) placed "competence" under the basic need for "Power"; autonomy under the basic need for "Independence"; and relatedness under several basic needs including "Family" and "Social Contact". Reiss did not differentiate between biological needs and psychological needs as was done by Ryan and Deci (2000a, b). ...
The motivation of 19 year old Matriculation students to learn Biology was investigated within the framework of the social cognitive theory. One hundred and forty three students responded on the Science Motivation Questionnaire II (SMQII) on motivation components that included intrinsic motivation, self-efficacy, self-determination, career motivation, and grade motivation. This study is significant because it is a pioneer quantitative study on the motivation and achievement of matriculation students. The study revealed was that extrinsic motivation was higher than intrinsic motivation; and grade motivation significantly exceeded intrinsic motivation. Female students had statistically higher self-determination, career motivation and grade motivation. However, boys had higher self-efficacy, and higher achievement in Biology, but these were not statistically significant. Mean total motivation had the highest correlation to achievement, followed by self-efficacy. Mean total motivation accounted for 12.9% of the variance in achievement. The researchers recommend that extrinsic motivation needs to be used with thought and wisdom, in the given situation in this country where students are more extrinsically than intrinsically motivated, to motivate students to acquire knowledge and higher order skills that are much needed, if Malaysia is to achieve its vision of being a scientific country that contributes to the progress of science and technology.
... La integración es el proceso por el que las personas transforman la regulación en suya propia. Desde esta perspectiva, cabe resaltar que son varios los autores (Bénabou y Tirole, 2003;Reiss, 2009;Ryan y Deci, 2000, op. cit.) que señalan que utilizar ciertos factores externos como las recompensas pueden causar un efecto positivo e incluso despertar la motivación intrínseca del alumno, dependiendo de cómo se utilicen. ...
... Como señala Reiss (2009), la recompensa, por ejemplo, desarrollará la motivación intrínseca del alumno si ésta lleva aparejado el éxito. Por otra parte, el profesor ha de adaptar su enseñanza a las características de su clase: ...
... Wang & Hou (2015) universally accepted definition (Oudeyer & Kaplan, 2008;Reiss, 2013). In the literature, Ryan & Deci's (2000) definition is most often used, which defines motivation as intrinsic when it is Extrinsic Incentives and Knowledge Sharing JM Dührsen 18 derived from the task and extrinsic when it is derived from the consequences of the task. ...
There have been contradicting findings on whether extrinsic incentives increase knowledge sharing behaviour. Three moderators were evaluated as to whether they can help explain the findings. Performance type has, from a limited number of studies, yielded mixed evidence which is slightly in favour of it having an impact. Motivation crowding has received more supportive than opposing evidence, but also only from a small amount of research. Finally, performance salience of rewards has only been suggested by a meta-analysis, and not been tested in knowledge sharing studies, but offers a compelling explanation of some study-results and why the other two moderators impact the incentive-performance relationship. Practitioners are advised to take the three moderators into account when implementing incentives to promote knowledge sharing. Future research should overcome construct-validity issues of intrinsic motivation and include mediators for deeper insights. Overall, findings support the notion that assuming rewards to always increase behaviour frequency is simplistic.
Aim
Teaching is known as a high-stress occupation. Managing fatigue and promoting work engagement, teachers’ expectations and perceptions can impact work-related stress–recovery–balance and physical activity levels. The main objective of the current study was to investigate the relationship between intrinsic motivational factors and the autonomic nervous system, such as heart rate and heart rate variability regulation, sleep, and physical activity levels.
Methods
The research included 66 primary and high school teachers in Tampere, Finland, in 2020–2021. The Reiss Motivation Profile® (RMP) was selected as an instrument to provide a practical approach to understanding people’s intrinsic motivators and the effects of those on the Firstbeat®-measured heart rate and heart rate variability, and accelerometry. Stepwise multiple linear regression models were used to assess whether the RMP motives reflected Firstbeat®-measured outcomes.
Results
Motives such as Acceptance, Eating, Family, Physical Activity, Power, Tranquillity, and Vengeance were found to have a relationship with Firstbeat®-measured outcomes. An increase in the Physical Activity motive was related to lower stress and less light physical activity. Furthermore, an increase in the Physical Activity motive showed a relationship with better recovery and a higher amount of vigorous physical activity. However, the statistical analysis of heart rate and heart rate variability showed only low explanatory power (R ² = 0.111–0.140) for stress, recovery, and sleep. On the contrary, the explanatory power of measurements related to physical activity and sedentary behavior was higher (R ² = 0.171–0.298). In addition, the need for Acceptance as an important intrinsic motive that may prevent people from vigorous physical activity deserves further research.
Conclusion
The results indicated that there are several factors affecting the autonomous nervous system but also behavior. The basic desires explained sedentary and physical activity behavior better than the functioning of the autonomic nervous system. The 16 life motives can serve as a valuable theory for understanding better how to encourage people to have healthier habits.
Meta-analyses indicated that rewards increase perceived self-determination and that rewards’ effects on intrinsic motivation depend on the performance requirement. Reward for meeting vague performance standards reduced the subsequent choice to carry out the task and did not affect self-reported interest. Reward for meeting absolute performance standards did not affect free choice but increased self-reported interest. Reward for exceeding others increased both free choice and self-reported interest. Applied studies commonly found positive or null relationships between reward and intrinsic motivation. The findings suggest that reward procedures requiring ill-defined or minimal performance convey task triviality, thereby decreasing intrinsic motivation. Reward procedures requiring specific high task performance convey a task’s personal or social significance, increasing intrinsic motivation.
Conducted a field experiment with 3-5 yr old nursery school children to test the "overjustification" hypothesis suggested by self-perception theory (i.e., intrinsic interest in an activity may be decreased by inducing him to engage in that activity as an explicit means to some extrinsic goal). 51 Ss who showed intrinsic interest in a target activity during baseline observations were exposed to 1 of 3 conditions: in the expected-award condition, Ss agreed to engage in the target activity in order to obtain an extrinsic reward; in the unexpected-award condition, Ss had no knowledge of the reward until after they had finished with the activity; and in the no-award condition, Ss neither expected nor received the reward. Results support the prediction that Ss in the expected-award condition would show less subsequent intrinsic interest in the target activity than Ss in the other 2 conditions. (25 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Publisher Summary Individuals come to “know” their own attitudes, emotions, and other internal states partially by inferring them from observations of their own overt behavior and/ or the circumstances in which this behavior occurs. Thus, to the extent that internal cues are weak, ambiguous, or uninterpretable, the individual is functionally in the same position as an outside observer, an observer who must necessarily rely upon those same external cues to infer the individual's inner states. This chapter traces the conceptual antecedents and empirical consequences of these propositions, attempts to place the theory in a slightly enlarged frame of reference, and clarifies just what phenomena the theory can and cannot account for in the rapidly growing experimental literature of self-attribution phenomena. Several experiments and paradigms from the cognitive dissonance literature are amenable to self-perception interpretations. But precisely because such experiments are subject to alternative interpretations, they cannot be used as unequivocal evidence for self-perception theory. The reinterpretation of cognitive dissonance phenomena and other self-perception phenomena have been discussed. The chapter highlights some differences between self-perception and interpersonal perception and shift of paradigm in social psychology. It discusses some unsolved problems, such as the conceptual status of noncognitive response classes and the strategy of functional analysis.
Maslow’s hierarchy implies that human growth is associated with adult maturity, a decrease in the prepotency of “lower” motives and an increase in the prepotency of “higher” motives. These hypotheses were evaluated with data from 1,712 participants who had been tested with the Reiss Profile, which is a standardized assessment of a comprehensive range of enduring (trait) strivings. The results provided some support for Maslow’s general idea of human growth: The lower motives (such as eating and exercise) were stronger for younger versus older adults, whereas the higher motives (such as honor and idealism) were stronger for older versus younger adults. The results demonstrated a new method for studying some of the issues raised by Maslow.
The overjustification hypothesis proposes that expectation of reward for an inherently interesting activity produces less interest in the activity when reward is subsequently unavailable. 2 experiments, with a total of 41 kindergarten and 1st-grade Ss, designed to test this hypothesis are reported. Exp I replicated previous findings that a single trial of noncontingent, promised reward undermines young children's interest in the rewarded play activity (see record
1974-10498-001). Exp II disconfirmed the overjustification hypothesis by demonstrating that a multiple-trial, contingent reinforcement procedure did not produce an overjustification effect. Findings are understandable in terms of a competing response hypothesis but not in terms of overjustification. Accordingly, previous findings of an overjustification effect are reinterpreted as having demonstrated that curiosity in a novel play activity can be undermined by presentation of distracting stimuli. The following additional conclusions are drawn: (a) The overjustification hypothesis is conceptually vague. (b) Self-perception theory seems to have been concerned with variables relatively unimportant for understanding effects of tangible reward procedures on overt behavior. (c) Recent criticisms that token economies undermine intrinsic interest were based on a failure to appreciate differences between single-trial, noncontingent reward and multiple-trial, contingent reinforcement procedures. (29 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Argues that in revising their overjustification hypothesis, M. R. Lepper and D. Greene (1976) have stated so many qualifications without specifying antecedent empirical conditions that it is unclear whether their hypothesis can be falsified. They implicitly propose that tests for persistance should evaluate intrinsic motivation either completely or not at all, and based on this "all-or-none" position they claimed that the present author's studies (see record
1975-28914-001) are completely irrelevant to theirs. An examination of their specific use of the concept of intrinsic motivation, however, suggests that studies failing to meet several of their operational criteria of intrinsic motivation are considered tests of intrinsic motivation when the results of the study seem either to confirm their theory or to disconfirm the author's theory. Lepper and Greene dismiss the competing response hypothesis as "moot" by citing data that do not show what they claim it does. Moreover, they virtually ignore the hypothesis' major predictions concerning differences between single- and multiple-trial reward studies. Thus far, "overjustification" (decreased play) effects look very much like stimulus novelty effects. (31 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Reiss and Sushinsky criticize several of our studies investigating the "overjustification" hypothesis that extrinsic rewards may undermine intrinsic interest. Our reply focuses on the distinction between intrinsic and extrinsic motivation, proposed alternative explanations for our data, other data relevant to these issues, and a reiteration of several qualifications of the overjustification hypothesis. We conclude that Reiss and Sushinsky have addressed different issues than we have; consequently, their analysis has missed its mark. We suggest that any conceptual convergence between our positions must rest on an acknowledgment that behavioral dependent measures of intrinsic motivation require special attention to subjects' situation-specific expectancies concerning the availability of extrinsic rewards. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Two instruments were developed to provide a comprehensive assessment of the strength of a person's fundamental end goals and motivational sensitivities. One instrument was a self-report inventory for adolescents and adults in general, and the other was an informant-rating scale for adolescents and adults with mental retardation and development disabilities. Exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses and test-retest reliabilities are reported in 7 studies, with independent samples of participants from diverse geographical areas, occupations, and social groups,
N = 2,548. Each instrument was found to have a 15-factor solution, and the 2 solutions were similar to one another. Because the factors assess universal motives that are also seen in animals, a genetics-behavior-cognitive model of fundamental motivation is suggested. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
A number of experiments have recently demonstrated that extrinsic constraints and rewards can produce lower levels of intrinsic interest in subsequent free-choice situations. This effect has been considered to be the result of a shift in the self-perceived locus of motivation from intrinsic to extrinsic but has also been explained as resulting from the distracting qualities of reward procedures. The latter hypothesis implies that reward and nonreward distractors will produce decreases in intrinsic interest and that these decreases will dissipate over multiple-trial procedures as a result of adaptation. On the other hand, the attribution explanation predicts that rewards or other extrinsic constraints will produce decreases in interest that are stable or strengthened over time. The present experiment, using 132 male and female undergraduates, involved manipulation of 3 levels of the reward/distraction variable (reward, nonreward/distraction, and a nonreward/no-distraction control) crossed with 3 levels of initial trial participation (10, 25, or 50 trials). The results indicate that rewards produced a constant decrease in interest over trials, consistent with the attribution explanation. While there was some evidence for a temporary disruption in intrinsic interest due to nonreward distraction, no support was obtained for a distraction interpretation of the effects of rewards on free-choice behavior. (16 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Need for cognition in contemporary literature refers to an individual's tendency to engage in and enjoy effortful cognitive endeavors. Individual differences in need for cognition have been the focus of investigation in over 100 empirical studies. This literature is reviewed, covering the theory and history of this variable, measures of interindividual variations in it, and empirical relationships between it and personality variables, as well as individuals' tendencies to seek and engage in effortful cognitive activity and enjoy cognitively effortful circumstances. The article concludes with discussions of an elaborated theory of the variable, including antecedent conditions; interindividual variations in it related to the manner information is acquired or processed to guide perceptions, judgments, and behavior; and the relationship between it and the 5-factor model of personality structure. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Determined the transfer effects of behavior changes in the presence of 1 reinforcing agent (Experimenter A) on behavior in the presence of another agent (Experimenter B). Ss were 36 boys 6-10 yrs old in grades 1-3, judged to have poor attention span and low achievement in arithmetic. The experimental task consisted of a series of counting problems. Each session included 2 12-min subsessions during which S could earn token reinforcement only by attending to the task and solving problems. Experimenter A conducted 1 subsession and Experimenter B conducted the other. An O recorded inappropriate classroom behavior (talking and out-of-seat behavior). Following the establishment of stable, intermediate baseline levels of counting, Experimenter A introduced a more favorable reinforcement schedule (success training) for some Ss and a less favorable schedule (failure training) for some Ss, but continued baseline schedules for Ss in the control condition. Experimenter B continued baseline schedules for all Ss. The effects of success training produced generalization of greater counting behavior while the effects of failure training produced no transfer of less counting behavior and generalization of greater inappropriate classroom behavior. There was no evidence for behavior contrast. (33 ref)
A meta-analysis of 128 studies examined the effects of extrinsic rewards on intrinsic motivation. As predicted, engagement-contingent, completion-contingent, and performance-contingent rewards significantly undermined free-choice intrinsic motivation (d = -0.40, -0.36, and -0.28, respectively), as did all rewards, all tangible rewards, and all expected rewards. Engagement-contingent and completion-contingent rewards also significantly undermined self-reported interest (d = -0.15, and -0.17), as did all tangible rewards and all expected rewards. Positive feedback enhanced both free-choice behavior (d = 0.33) and self-reported interest (d = 0.31). Tangible rewards tended to be more detrimental for children than college students, and verbal rewards tended to be less enhancing for children than college students. The authors review 4 previous meta-analyses of this literature and detail how this study's methods, analyses, and results differed from the previous ones.
Replies to comments by D. Belle et al (see record 2000-02781-018), S. Reiss (see record 2000-02781-019), T. B. Smith (see record 2000-02781-020), and J. R. Sink (see record 2000-02781-021) on the article by M. Csikszentmihalyi (see record 1999-11644-003) on materialism and the flow experience as an explanation of happiness. Csikszentmihalyi addresses the concerns of each author. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Sensitivity theory provides an analysis of personality based on what people say motivates their behavior. After Reiss and Havercamp (1998) confirmed a 15-factor solution to self-reported human strivings, the Reiss Profile of Fundamental Goals and Motivation Sensitivities (Reiss & Havercamp, 1998) psychometric instrument was standardized. In 3 studies, the Reiss Profile was shown to possess good test-retest and internal reliability and concurrent and criterion validity. Ten independent samples of adults (n = 764) and a comparison group (n = 737) participated in these studies. Pearson product-moment correlations between the Marlowe-Crowne Social Desirability Scale (Crowne & Marlowe, 1960) and the Reiss Profile ranged in absolute value from .01 to.39 (M =.16). How people self-reported their trait motives correlated with how they behaved in the "real world." The Reiss Profile can be used to study motivational traits.
Using 9-yr.-old boys, the effects of different levels of monetary incentive and n Achievement upon the acquisition of a visual discrimination habit were studied. Ss had to discriminate between drawings of faces differing only in the height and spacing of the eyebrows. The results were interpreted as substantiating the no-difference results repeatedly found in comparative studies of incentive variation on discrimination learning. From Psyc Abstracts 36:02:2FD01M. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2006 APA, all rights reserved).
A new social desirability scale was constructed and correlated with MMPI scales. Comparison was made with correlations of the Edwards Social Desirability scale. The new scale correlated highly with MMPI scales and supported the definition of social desirability. Ss need to respond in "culturally sanctioned ways."
I: Background.- 1. An Introduction.- 2. Conceptualizations of Intrinsic Motivation and Self-Determination.- II: Self-Determination Theory.- 3. Cognitive Evaluation Theory: Perceived Causality and Perceived Competence.- 4. Cognitive Evaluation Theory: Interpersonal Communication and Intrapersonal Regulation.- 5. Toward an Organismic Integration Theory: Motivation and Development.- 6. Causality Orientations Theory: Personality Influences on Motivation.- III: Alternative Approaches.- 7. Operant and Attributional Theories.- 8. Information-Processing Theories.- IV: Applications and Implications.- 9. Education.- 10. Psychotherapy.- 11. Work.- 12. Sports.- References.- Author Index.
Intrinsic and extrinsic types of motivation have been widely studied, and the distinction between them has shed important light on both developmental and educational practices. In this review we revisit the classic definitions of intrinsic and extrinsic motivation in light of contemporary research and theory. Intrinsic motivation remains an important construct, reflecting the natural human propensity to learn and assimilate. However, extrinsic motivation is argued to vary considerably in its relative autonomy and thus can either reflect external control or true self-regulation. The relations of both classes of motives to basic human needs for autonomy, competence and relatedness are discussed.
Self-determination theory maintains and has provided empirical support for the proposition that all human beings have fundamental psychological needs to be competent, autonomous, and related to others. Satisfaction of these basic needs facilitates people's autonomous motivation (i.e., acting with a sense of full endorsement and volition), whereas thwarting the needs promotes controlled motivation (i.e., feeling pressured to behave in particular ways) or being amotivated (i.e., lacking intentionality). Satisfying these basic needs and acting autonomously have been consistently shown to be associated with psychological health and effective performance. Social contexts within which people operate, however proximal (e.g., a family or workgroup) or distal (e.g., a cultural value or economic system), affect their need satisfaction and type of motivation, thus affecting their wellness and effectiveness. Social contexts also affect whether people's life goals or aspirations tend to be more intrinsic or more extrinsic, and that in turn affects important life outcomes.
Many Psychologists regard personality and mental illness as closely related. The shadow of Freudian analysis looms over modern psychopathology, driving many psychologists to try to understand their clients' personal troubles and personalities using constructs developed to study mental illness. They believe that dark, unconscious mental forces that originated in childhood cause personality traits, personal troubles, and mental illnesses. Steven Reiss thinks problems are a normal part of life. In The Normal Personality, Reiss argues that human beings are naturally intolerant of people who express values significantly different from their own. Because of this intolerance, psychologists and psychiatrists sometimes confuse individuality with abnormality and thus over-diagnose disorders. Reiss shows how normal motives, not anxiety or traumatic childhood experiences, underlie many personality and relationship problems, such as divorce, infidelity, combativeness, workaholism, loneliness, authoritarianism, weak leadership styles, perfectionism, underachievement, arrogance, extravagance, stuffed shirt-ism, disloyalty, disorganization, and overanxiety. Based on a series of scientific studies, this book advances an original scientific theory of psychological needs, values, and personality traits. Reiss shows how different points on motivational arc produce different personality traits and values. He also shows how knowledge of psychological needs and values can be applied in counseling individuals and couples. The author describes new, powerful methods of assessing and predicting motivated behavior in natural environments including corporations, schools, and relationships.
Psychologists have posited two types of motivation theories. Dualistic theories divide motivation into two types: intrinsic and extrinsic. Multifaceted theories, in contrast, recognize a number of genetically distinct motives. Intrinsic-extrinsic dualism fails on at least three counts: construct validity, measurement reliability, and experimental control. Many researchers have thus moved beyond the study of intrinsic-extrinsic motivation and validated multifaceted theories. When teaching students about the multifaceted nature of motivation, teachers can take several steps to improve their students' understanding of this understudied area of psychology.
The Reiss Motivation Profile® (RMP) is a standardized assessment of how an individual values and prioritizes each of 16 universal ("intrinsic") motives. . The book is intended as a training/ user manual. A free site is available prioritizing student research. The RMP is available in multiple versions and many languages.
The effects of nonreinforced, preconditioning exposures to a CS were investigated in two experiments involving Pavlovian eyelid conditioning in the rabbit. Experiment 1 replicated the often-reported consequent retardation in appearance of conditioned responding, or “latent inhibition effect” (e.g.,Lubow & Moore, 1959;Siegel, 1969). Experiment 2 employed identical training conditions but evaluated whether or not the prehabituated CS would also serve as a “conditioned inhibitor”(Pavlov, 1927). The results indicated that the latent inhibition effect is not the result of the acquisition of active, response-inhibiting properties by the CS, but may be better accounted for in terms of an attentional decrement.
2 replicated experiments were performed in which lower-class preschool boys and girls were given a conceptual task under Symbolic or Material reward conditions, with or without preliminary training experience. With no pretraining, Material reward was expected to produce better performance than Symbolic, thus replicating several previous studies using a similar task and similar procedures; but with pretraining, the reverse. In the No-Training condition, only the girls in the first experiment performed as predicted, the other groups doing better with Symbolic rewards. In confirmation of expectations, the superiority of Symbolic rewards was also demonstrated in all of the Training groups.
2 studies are reported. The first examined the value of 12 typical incentive objects among 24 fourth-grade children by means of (a) rating scale, (b) paired comparisons, and (c) behavioral choice. Significant agreement was obtained between methods, and significant differences were obtained between objects. In the second study, 72 fourth graders reevaluated 4 objects from the first study and then performed in a discrimination learning task that manipulated: (a) type of reinforcement (S's most or least preferred object, or verbal feedback), (b) reinforcement contingency (for correct responses or errors), and (c) instructions (whether or not S was informed of the reinforcement contingency). Better performance was associated with higher-valued incentives, but high-value incentives given for errors produced as many correct responses as when given for correct responses. Best performance of all occurred when only verbal feedback was given. The results suggested that observed "reinforcement" effects may simply be the resultant effect of several variables, for example, motivation, information, and interference, acting in combination.
This book constitutes a report of co-ordinated research over a 2½-year period on 51 male subjects of college age done by 28 investigators variously trained in psychology, medicine and psychoanalysis. The book is divided into 8 chapters: introduction (33 pages); proposals for a theory of personality (106 pages); variables of personality (101 pages); judgments of personality (39 pages); the genetical investigation of personality: childhood events (115 pages). The 6th chapter, on procedures (207 pages), discusses in detail the following measures: conference, autobiography; family relations and childhood memories; sexual development; present dilemmas; conversations; predictions and sentiments tests; questionnaires; abilities test; aesthetic appreciation test; hypnotic test; level of aspiration test; the experimental study of repression; (a) memory for failures test; violation of prohibitions; (b) ethical standards test; observations and post-experimental interviews; sensorimotor learning test; emotional conditioning test; galvanic skin response; tremor responses; thematic apperception tests; imaginal productivity tests; musical reverie test; dramatic productions test; Rorschach test; miscellaneous procedures; reactions to frustration; social interaction. Chapter 7 (99 pages) is entitled "Case History: Case of Earnst," and the last chapter (40 pages) lists the conclusions reached, with a critical discussion of each point made. The book has an 8-page glossary and an 11-page index. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
This is an easy-to-read introduction to Steven Reiss' 16 basic desires, which is only taxonomy of human needs to be empirically derived and scientifically verified. The highly original analysis of human relationships has given this work broad practical impact, stimulating "Reiss profile" institutes in Europe and Asia. This books aims to help: parents comprehend their children's needs and behavior, couples understand each other better, employers motivate their employees, employees become more effective in their work, and readers achieve greater satisfaction and happiness in life. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
R. W. White (1959) proposed that certain motives, such as curiosity, autonomy, and play (called intrinsic motives, or IMs), have common characteristics that distinguish them from drives. The evidence that mastery is common to IMs is anecdotal, not scientific. The assertion that "intrinsic enjoyment" is common to IMs exaggerates the significance of pleasure in human motivation and expresses the hedonistic fallacy of confusing consequence for cause. Nothing has been shown scientifically to be common to IMs that differentiates them from drives. An empirically testable theory of 16 basic desires is put forth based on psychometric research and subsequent behavior validation. The desires are largely unrelated to each other and may have different evolutionary histories. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
The undermining effect of extrinsic reward on intrinsic motivation remains unproven. The key unresolved issues are construct invalidity (all four definitions are unproved and two are illogical); measurement unreliability (the free-choice measure requires unreliable, subjective judgments to infer intrinsic motivation); inadequate experimental controls (negative affect and novelty, not cognitive evaluation, may explain "undermining" effects); and biased metareviews (studies with possible floor effects excluded, but those with possible ceiling effects included). Perhaps the greatest error with the undermining theory, however, is that it does not adequately recognize the multifaceted nature of intrinsic motivation (Reiss, 2004a). Advice to limit the use of applied behavior analysis based on "hidden" undermining effects is ideologically inspired and is unsupported by credible scientific evidence.
This study examined the relationship between two aspects of personality, fundamental motives and five-factor traits, and the three components of love (intimacy, passion, and commitment) in Sternberg's Triangular Love Theory [Sternberg, R. J. (1998). Cupid's arrow: The course of love through time. London: Cambridge University Press; Sternberg, R. J. (1986). A triangular theory of love. Psychological Bulletin, 93, 119–138]. Relationship satisfaction was also assessed. Conscientiousness was a significant predictor of love for both males and females in close opposite-sex relationships. The motives and personality subscales (facets) that were related to components of love and satisfaction differed for males and females. Reasons for these relationships and their implications are discussed.
Two approaches for studying sports motivation — personality theory and motivation theory — were combined in a novel way that permitted an assessment of individual differences in 15 motivational traits. The Reiss Profile of Fundamental Goals and Motivational Sensitivities was administered to college students (n=415) who had participated in zero, one, or two or more varsity sports at high school or college levels. How many sports a student participated in, called athleticism, was found to be associated with motivational traits for physical exercise (P<0.001), social contact (P<0.01), family life/raising children (P<0.001), vengeance/competition (P<0.06), power/achievement (P<0.04), and with low curiosity (P<0.01). The results supported the relevance of Reiss’s motives for studying sports motivation.
Examines the motivation for achievement as a psychological factor that shapes economic development. Refuting arguments based on race, climate, or population growth, the book instead argues for cultural customs and motivations - especially the motivation for achievement - as the major catalysts of economic growth. Considering the Protestant Reformation, the rise of capitalism, parents' influences on sons, and folklore and children's stories as shaping cultural motivations for achievement, the book hypothesizes that a high level of achievement motivation precedes economic growth. This is supported through qualitative analysis of the achievement motive, as well as of other psychological factors - including entrepreneurial behavior and characteristics, and available sources of achievement in past and present highly achieving societies. It is the achievement motive - and not merely the profit motive or the desire for material gain - that has advanced societies economically. Consequently, individuals are not merely products of their environment, as many social scientists have asserted, but also creators of the environment, as they manipulate it in various ways in the search for achievement. Finally, a plan is hypothesized to accelerate economic growth in developing countries, by encouraging and supplementing their achievement motives through mobilizing the greater achievement resources of developed countries. The conclusion is not just that motivations shape economic progress, but that current influences on future people's motivations and values will determine economic growth in the long run. Thus, it is most beneficial for a society to concentrate its resources on creating an environment conducive to entrepreneurship and a strong ideological base for achievement. (CJC)
A distinction is proposed between anxiety (frequency of symptom occurrence) and anxiety sensitivity (beliefs that anxiety experiences have negative implications). In Study 1, a newly-constructed Anxiety Sensitivity Index (ASI) was shown to have sound psychometric properties for each of two samples of college students. The important finding was that people who tend to endorse one negative implication for anxiety also tend to endorse other negative implications. In Study 2, the ASI was found to be especially associated with agoraphobia and generally associated with anxiety disorders. In Study 3, the ASI explained variance on the Fear Survey Schedule—II that was not explained by either the Taylor Manifest Anxiety Scale or a reliable Anxiety Frequency Checklist. In predicting the development of fears, and possibly other anxiety disorders, it may be more important to know what the person thinks will happen as a result of becoming anxious than how often the person actually experiences anxiety. Implications are discussed for competing views of the ‘fear of fear’.
Animals spend much of their time seeking stimuli whose significance raises problems for psychology.
Based on seemingly overwhelming empirical evidence of the decremental effects of reward on intrinsic task interest and creativity, the use of reward to alter human behavior has been challenged in literature reviews, textbooks, and the popular media. An analysis of a quarter century of research on intrinsic task interest and creativity revealed, however, that (a) detrimental effects of reward occur under highly restricted, easily avoidable conditions; (b) mechanisms of instrumental and classical conditioning are basic for understanding incremental and decremental effects of reward on task motivation; and (c) positive effects of reward on generalized creativity are easily attainable using procedures derived from behavior theory.
Meta-analyses indicated that rewards increase perceived self-determination and that rewards' effects on intrinsic motivation depend on the performance requirement. Reward for meeting vague performance standards reduced the subsequent choice to carry out the task and did not affect self-reported interest. Reward for meeting absolute performance standards did not affect free choice but increased self-reported interest. Reward for exceeding others increased both free choice and self-reported interest. Applied studies commonly found positive or null relationships between reward and intrinsic motivation. The findings suggest that reward procedures requiring ill-defined or minimal performance convey task triviality, thereby decreasing intrinsic motivation. Reward procedures requiring specific high task performance convey a task's personal or social significance, increasing intrinsic motivation.
Comments on the article by M. Csikszentmihalyi (see record 1999-11644-003) on materialism and the flow experience as an explanation of happiness. His analysis put forth research issues psychologists should attend to in greater detail. However, he made a number of errors in logic and paid inadequate attention to human individuality. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)