Article

The “Poverty Tax” and America's Low-Income Households

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Abstract

Although low-income U.S. households account for more than 650billionayearinbuyingpower,theystillpaymoreforbasicgoodsandservicesthanhighincomehouseholds.A2006BrookingsInstitutionstudyfoundthatifessentialgoodsandserviceswerereducedfortheworkingpoorbyjust1650 billion a year in buying power, they still pay more for basic goods and services than high-income households. A 2006 Brookings Institution study found that if essential goods and services were reduced for the working poor by just 1%, it would put an additional 6.5 billion—more than one-third of the benefit these families earn from the Earned Income Tax Credit—into their pockets (Fellowes, 2006).

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... In addition to these direct impacts, there is evidence that CIM may compound broader economic disadvantage, which has implications for housing security. Scholars have long recognised that poverty is expensive, with low-income households typically paying more for items such as vehicles, insurance, food and mortgages (Karger 2007). This phenomenon has been referred to as the "poverty premium" (Hirsch 2013) or a "poverty tax" (Karger 2007). ...
... Scholars have long recognised that poverty is expensive, with low-income households typically paying more for items such as vehicles, insurance, food and mortgages (Karger 2007). This phenomenon has been referred to as the "poverty premium" (Hirsch 2013) or a "poverty tax" (Karger 2007). As Bielefeld (2016:864) observes, CIM appears to be contributing to this premium as "many of Australia's poorest people are facing increased costs of living under income management". ...
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Compulsory Income Management (CIM) is a form of conditional welfare that involves the mandatory quarantining of a portion of welfare recipients’ social security payments. Quarantined funds are accessible via a government‐issued debit card, with restrictions surrounding where and on what funds can be spent. Official justifications of CIM have framed these policies as attempts to combat substance abuse and gambling problems, and to thus secure better outcomes for welfare recipients and their families. Central to this narrative has been the argument that welfare quarantining will ensure more money is spent on ‘essentials’, including accommodation. No existing studies, however, have specifically interrogated the impacts of CIM on housing security. This article responds to this gap in the literature by reviewing existing research concerning CIM's impacts and locating this research within broader debates regarding the causes of homelessness and the efficacy of individualised policy interventions. In doing so, it highlights CIM's potential to exacerbate housing insecurity not only through technical issues such as rental transfer failures, but also by contributing to underlying stressors such as economic disadvantage; relationship difficulties, poor health and addiction; and social stigma. The article concludes that – far from addressing the structural causes of homelessness – CIM has enflamed them.
... The AFS industry grew rapidly in the 1990s and 2000s amidst gaps in regulations, financial institution consolidation and divestment in disadvantaged neighborhoods, increases in immigration, technological innovations, and the financing from large banks (Apgar and Herbert 2006;Bianchi 2012;Graves 2003;Karger 2007;Negro et al. 2014). Payday lending, in particular, grew rapidly in the 1990s and 2000s (Caskey 2005), increasing by tenfold from 1996 to 2003 (Bianchi 2012). ...
... AFS are criticized as harmful to consumers because of exorbitant interest rates, high service fees, and repeated loan rollovers that trap consumers into a cycle of debt and re-borrowing (Caskey 2005;Fox 2007;Karger 2007;Skiba and Tobacman 2009). The AFS industry claims it serves the financial service needs of customers who eschew or are unserved by mainstream financial institutions and charges high interest rates and fees to reflect the high-risk nature of the business (Bianchi 2012;Edmiston 2011;Elliehausen and Lawrence 2001;Lewison 1999). ...
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Alternative financial services (AFS) such as check cashing and payday loans may help unbanked households meet transaction and credit needs, yet often at a very high price. Saving tax refunds can help low- and moderate-income (LMI) households build emergency savings as a way to reduce dependence on AFS and cope effectively with irregular cash flows and financial shocks. This study examined the impact on AFS use of message-based interventions encouraging LMI households to save their refunds when they electronically filed their federal income tax returns. We found that 3 out of 18 interventions resulted in statistically significant reductions in credit-related AFS use with small effect sizes. None of the interventions resulted in reduced transaction-related AFS use. Other factors—especially prior AFS use and financial shocks—were strong predictors of AFS. Financially vulnerable households may need additional opportunities and protections to reduce dependence on AFS.
... High-cost alternative financial service providers offer a wide variety of products and services including short-term loans (including payday, refund anticipation, pawnshop, and title loans), check-cashing, bill payment, tax preparation, money transmitting services, and rent-to-own products (Barr & Blank, 2009;Karger, 2007). Although these businesses provide needed products and services unavailable to many families and communities from traditional financial institutions, the costs are very high. ...
... The following examples illustrate this point: (a) Check cashing fees at a retail check-cashing store typically range from 1.5% to 3.5% of face value of the check (Barr, 2004), and can range as high as 4% to 5%; (b) low-income families paid almost $1.75 billion in fees and interest charges for refund anticipation loans (i.e., a type of short-term loan for tax refunds; Karger, 2005); and (c) a household with a net income of $20,000 that cashes a biweekly payroll check and purchases about six money orders each month may pay as much as $1,200 annually for alternative service fees, which is substantially more than the expense of a monthly checking account fee (Beard, 2010). The profits from these industries are high and most are owned by large, publically-held corporations (Karger, 2007;Rivlin, 2010). In 2008, the profits were: payday lending, $7 billion; rent-to-own stores, $7 billion; pawnbrokers, $4 billion; and the check-cashing industry, $3 billion. ...
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... Black families' median and mean wealth is less than 15% of white households, at $24,100 and $142,500, respectively (Bhutta et al. 2020). Income inequality is further exacerbated for Black households because they contribute a higher percentage of their household's income to energy bills than any other racial and ethnic group (Karger 2007) (for further details see Section 4). ...
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... For example, economic inequalities create unjust conditions that disadvantage many. Consider the so-called "poverty tax" (Karger 2007). People with low incomes or who live in poor areas often face a variety of costs-not just monetary but also in terms of time, health, and opportunity costs-that people with higher incomes do not. ...
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There is growing philosophical interest in “affective injustice”: injustice faced by individuals specifically in their capacity as affective beings. Current debates tend to focus on affective injustice at the psychological level. In this paper, I argue that the built environment can be a vehicle for affective injustice — specifically, what Wildman et al. (2022) term “affective powerlessness”. I use resources from ecological psychology to develop this claim. I consider two cases where certain kinds of bodies are, either intentionally or unintentionally, deprived of access to goods affording the development and maintenance of their subjective well-being: hostile architecture and masking practices in autism. This deprivation, I argue further, leads to a significant weakening and diminishment of their spatial agency, hinders their well-being, and in so doing gives rise to a pervasive experience of affective powerlessness. By drawing attention to these themes, I show that an ecological approach helpfully supplements existing approaches. It highlights how affective injustice can emerge via the way bodies are positioned in space, and the central role that built environments play in determining this positioning.
... Unbanked and underbanked consumers who utilize AFSPs are at a disadvantage because they likely pay a more significant percentage of their income for financial services (Baradaran, 2013;2015;Servon, 2017;Birkenmaier and Fu, 2018). Karger (2007) estimates that an average unbanked household pays up to 10% of its annual income on alternative financial services. Equality of access remains a predominant concern, as unbanked and underbanked consumers tend to be relatively lower-income, less educated, younger, disproportionately black and Latinx, and working-age disabled (FDIC, 2020). ...
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... The racial links to poverty and material hardship also determine the energy cost burdens disproportionately borne by African Americans who earn less, have less accumulated wealth, and, in many cases, pay more for basic services in what is known as a Bpoverty tax ( Karger 2007). African Americans have been repeatedly shown to contribute a higher percentage of their household income to energy bills than other racial and ethnic groups (Driebhol and Ross 2016;U.S. ...
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... In contrast, the informal economy has been described as "a process of income-generation … unregulated by the institutions of society, in a legal and social environment in which similar activities are regulated" (Castells & Portes, 1989, p. 12). However, the distinction between fringe economy and informal economy is not relevant to this study, because the fringe and informal economies share some of the same customers (people with low incomes) and geographies in an economically developed nation like the United States (Karger, 2007;Mann, 2012;McMillian, 2012). ...
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... poverty), advertising access to goods through low weekly payments. However, these businesses often levy a 'poverty tax' or 'a hidden tax paid by the poor because they are poor' (Karger, 2007, p. 413; Rivlin, 2011) through staggeringly high interest rates. While positioning vulnerable consumers as deserving and agentic, these discourses are used to detrimental effect. ...
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In this article, we consider the representations of poverty within consumer culture. We focus on four main themes – social exclusion, vulnerability, pleasure and contentment – that capture some of the associations that contemporary understandings have made with poverty. For each theme, we consider the portrayals of poverty from the perspective of key agents (such as marketers, media, politicians) and then relate this to more emic representations of poverty by drawing on a range of contemporary poverty alleviating projects from around the world. We conclude with a set of guidelines for relevant stakeholders to bear in mind when elaborating their representations of poverty. These guidelines may act as a platform to transform marginalising representations of poverty into more empowering representations.
... Other factors beyond the control of individuals and families that may increase their risk for financial problems include unemployment, lack of health insurance, jobs that fail to pay a living wage, and limited options for affordable child care and housing. At the policy level, the absence of adequate consumer protection laws (Willis, 2008) places individuals and families at risk for abusive lending and financial services practices (Barr, 2004; The causes and current state of the financial crisis, 2010; Grunstein Bocian, Li, & Ernst, 2010;Karger, 2007). ...
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... Social workers are trained to recognize and ameliorate various forms of oppression and understand human behavior in relation to the social environment. Therefore, with collaborative work with AFCs and CFP® professionals, social workers can integrate financial education, counseling, and planning efforts with a perspective of environmental risk (Barr, 2004;Karger, 2007) and protective factors. ...
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