Article

Changing Race: Latinos, the Census, and the History of Ethnicity in the United States

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Abstract

Latinos are the fastest growing population group in the United States.Through their language and popular music Latinos are making their mark on American culture as never before. As the United States becomes Latinized, how will Latinos fit into America's divided racial landscape and how will they define their own racial and ethnic identity? Through strikingly original historical analysis, extensive personal interviews and a careful examination of census data, Clara E. Rodriguez shows that Latino identity is surprisingly fluid, situation-dependent, and constantly changing. She illustrates how the way Latinos are defining themselves, and refusing to define themselves, represents a powerful challenge to America's system of racial classification and American racism.

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... As a power system, race structures societies, institutions, relations, and identities; distributes resources, life chances, privileges and disadvantages unequally (Bobo 1999;Baca Zinn and Thornton Dill 1996;Itzigsohn et al. 2005;Snipp 2010). As a multifaceted system, race has varying meanings in various social settings, including academia, government, and the public (as cited by Rodriguez 2000). Within academia, scholars use the aforementioned scientific definition. ...
... Studies examining the choices of Latinas/os' identities found that some immigrants and Latino men use a country-of-origin identity, others reject the Hispanic category, and many, like Latinas, use the panethnic identity (Flores-Gonzalez 1999;Rodriguez 2000;Smith 2002;De Genova and Ramos-Zayas 2003;García 2004; Lasley Barajas and Pierce 2001;Rumbaut 2009;Roth 2012;Vidal-Ortiz and Martínez 2018). For example, Paerregaard (2005) found that Peruvian immigrants reject Hispanic because it assumes a marginalized minority status and homogenizes national and cultural diversities. ...
... Historically, immigrants in the US have been racialized (Saenz and Douglas 2015), and while racialization varies, immigrants and people of Latin American origin are generally racialized as the panethnic group of Latina/o or Hispanic. Additionally, the panethnic labels are associated with phenotype, ancestry, nativity, language, accent, surname, and legal status (Rodriguez 2000;Golash-Boza 2006;Jiménez 2008;Cobas et al. 2009;Feagin and Cobas 2014;Vega 2015;Alcalde 2016). These characteristics have been racialized and stereotyped with a minority status as inferior, foreign, "illegal," and non-American. ...
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Grounding the analysis in racial formation and identity formation theories, I analyzed how South American immigrants (Argentines, Colombians, and Peruvians) in Ohio contend with South American and US racial structures and racialization—or what I call Mexicanization—and how they view their racial and ethnic identities. Mexicanization is a specific racialization or homogenization based on Mexican and associated stereotypes applied through microaggressions and discrimination with the primarily white population. Through forty-three semi-structured in-person interviews, the respondents reveal they preferred an ethnic identity over racial identity, and most selected a panethnic identity. The findings indicate that this identity forms, in some cases, as a reaction and challenge to Mexicanization while also providing empowerment. Overall, identities emerge from a complex dialectic process that involves the US and the South American immigrants’ country of origin racial and ethnic ideologies, but mostly they emerge from interactions in local communities, where these immigrants formed affirming panethnic identities as they confronted Mexicanization.
... Over time, the US Census's classification of Latinos has reflected this dominant ideological consensus. Latinos' classification varied over time, depending on the Census Bureau's various cultural and racial criteria 29 (Rodríguez 2000;I. García 2020). ...
... Between 1850 and 1920, the Census Bureau did not count Mexicans as a separate racial group but as White. In the 1930 census, they were reported as a separate racial category ("Mexican race"), reflecting the racist and nativist sentiments propelled by the Great Depression (Gómez 2007;Rodríguez 2000). In 1940, the Census dropped the Mexican racial category and they were reported as white, unless the interviewer considered them as "of other Nonwhite races" (Rodríguez 2000, 102). ...
... A similar criterion was used by the 1960 census and extended to other Hispanics. Since 1980, the Census categorizes Latinos as an ethnic group (Hispanic) that "can be of any race" (Rodríguez 2000). For 2010, the Census introduced six Hispanic origin groups to the Hispanic origin question (V. ...
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This article critically reviews the literature on the relationship between global capitalist accumulation and placemaking and community building of Latinos in Kansas City. We use the social structure of accumulation (SSA) framework to analyze connections between these bodies of scholarship to provide a socio-spatial history of Latinos in Kansas City. We identify three SSAs: a monopolistic SSA (1870s–1930s), a Keynesian SSA (1940s–1970s), and a neoliberal SSA (1980s–present). Our findings show the impacts of each SSA on Latino communities in Kansas City. They also show the agency, flexibility, and resilience of these communities as they faced daunting challenges.
... Many studies have shown that large numbers of Latinx respondents choose "other race" when asked to identify their "racial" category and write in a panethnic (Hispanic/Latinx) or national origin response (e.g. Dowling 2014;Rodríguez 2000;Stokes-Brown 2012). This is especially true among immigrants, those with darker skin color, and those who are proficient in English (Frank et al., 2010;Golash-Boza and Darity, 2008;Stokes-Brown 2012). ...
... This is consistent with research that points out the great inconsistency between U.S. and Latin American ideas about the meaning and social construction of race (e.g. Montalvo and Codina, 2001;Rodríguez 2000), leading many immigrants from Latin American to reject the U.S. standard racial options. ...
... Little research has identified specific motivations for individuals in the middle of the skin tone spectrum rejecting U.S. racial categorization, although it could be related to the mechanism that Clara E. Rodríguez (2000) described for Latinx immigrants, who reported that the race question in the Census did not fit their understanding of themselves 2000. Perhaps people with medium skin tones are less likely to have been considered White or Black in their country of origin, making the U.S. racial categories more likely to exclude the racial labels they chose in the past (for example, labels that emphasize shades of skin color between Whiteness and Blackness). ...
Article
Immigrants to the United States are assigned to ethnic and racial categories that often make little sense in an international context or are actively resisted by new arrivals. This study uses a large, nationally representative sample to test how skin color constrains and patterns that resistance, and how individual characteristics shape identification choices. Using the 2003 New Immigrant Survey, I find that skin tone has significant relationships with ethnic and racial self-identification choices for immigrants, even after controlling for characteristics like country of origin, with higher rates of Latinx identification among light-skinned immigrants than dark-skinned respondents, and especially high rates of refusing the “standard” racial categories for those near the middle of the skin tone scale. The racial categories selected by immigrants reflect not only their region of origin, but also their education level and their age, controlling for a range of demographic predictors. I discuss the implications for the racialization of immigrants to the United States.
... Whereas whites have historically not thought of themselves as having a racial identity, the racial identities that can be assumed by racial and ethnic minorities are numerous and subject to context and change over time Rodríguez 2000). The abundance of racial identities available to minoritized groups and within specific groups is due in part to the unique assimilation experiences each racial group faced; the ways in which immigrant groups were incorporated into American society over time have resulted in the racialized pan-ethnic groups (e.g. ...
... Even the 'official' racial classification options as defined by the U.S. Census Bureau change over time (Rodríguez 2000). Regardless, what it means to have a 'non-white' identity has substantially changed over time at the interpersonal and structural level; as such, the range of identities that individuals have to choose from are numerous. ...
... By definition, to experience identity discordance, one has to have a racial identity that they believe is not recognized by the general public or at minimum be aware of their racial identity. However, racial identities are not static but rather fluctuate over time in response to sociocultural contexts Golash-Boza 2006;Jiménez 2004;Nagel 1994;Oboler 1995;Rodríguez 2000;Vasquez 2010;Viruell-Fuentes 2011;Zavella 1991), and so the number of potential racial identities that an individual can have are plentiful. Furthermore, despite there being an abundance of racial categories that individuals ascribe to, scholars argue that the general public categorizes all individuals into one of five monoracial categories-white, black, Hispanic, Asian, and Native American (Hollinger 2006). ...
Article
The current study analyzes the rates at which different racial groups experience identity discordance, or the phenomenon of one’s self-ascribed racial identity not being commensurate with external perceptions of one’s race. While previous research has documented the possibility of discrepancy between self-ascribed and external classifications of racial identities, few empirical studies have sought to determine which racial groups are most susceptible to experiencing identity discordance or investigated specific mechanisms that may contribute to that discordance. Utilizing the 2006 wave of the Portraits of American Life Study (PALS), the current study investigates the rate of identity discordance for Whites, Blacks, Hispanics, and Asians using perceived discrimination, geographic region, and race itself as focal predictors. Results indicate that those that identity as non-white and those that experience discrimination are more susceptible to experiencing identity discordance. Geographic region does not predict identity discordance overall, but is differentially important to rates of discordance for those that identify as Hispanic. Advisor: Jeffrey Smith
... We use a unique data set measuring the skin color of social network ties. The data come from a study of Dominicans and Puerto Ricans, two Latino groups with considerable heterogeneity across the Black-White color line (Itzigsohn 2009;Rodríguez 2000). We use egocentric network data gathered in 2002 and 2003 as part of a qualitative study of Puerto Ricans and Dominicans in the United States, Puerto Rico, and the Dominican Republic. ...
... Using U.S. Census Bureau classifications, Latinos typically classify their race as White, Black, or other. Yet these classifications are poor proxies for skin color, as Latinos answer these questions in ways that may not reflect their appearance, how they are seen racially by others, or how they see themselves (Dowling 2014;Rodríguez 2000;Roth 2010). Measures of skin color or phenotype are therefore strongly preferable to census race classifications in studying Latinos' integration pathways. ...
... Why might these patterns remain today? After all, many Puerto Ricans and Dominicans do not self-identify as Black or White, and many identify racially as Latino or with their nationality (Itzigsohn 2009;Rodríguez 2000;Roth 2012), suggesting a process of ethnogenesis consistent with ethnic unifier theory. Dark-skinned migrants may also distance themselves from Black Americans to avoid being seen as Black and experiencing similar discrimination (Howard 2003;Waters 1999). ...
Article
How does skin color shape the social networks and integration pathways of phenotypically diverse immigrant groups? Focusing on Dominicans and Puerto Ricans, groups with considerable diversity across the Black-White color line, the authors explore whether migrants to the United States have greater color homophily in their primary social networks than nonmigrants in the sending societies. The authors analyze egocentric network data, including unique skin color measures for both 114 respondents and 1,702 alters. They test hypotheses derived from ethnic unifier theory and color line racialization theory. The data show evidence of color homophily among Dominicans but suggest that these patterns may be imported from the sending society rather than fostered by the U.S. context. Furthermore, the authors find that migrants’ skin color is associated with having ties to White or Black Americans but with different patterns for each ethnic group. The authors discuss the implications of these findings for economic mobility and U.S. racial hierarchies.
... Although the Census attempts to count every person, it is estimated about 775,000 Latina/os were not counted (Lilley, 2012). A primary factor is Latina/os hesitancy to adopt U.S. racial and ethnic categories (Rodriguez, 2000) in addition to the unknown number of undocumented people who do not participate in the Census due to fear. Yet, despite such monumental growth, Latina/os continue to be seen as a negligible community. ...
... The conspicuous oversight of the fastest growing demographic group has recently captured the attention of some researchers (e.g., Amaro & Zambrana, 2000;Bensimon & Dowd, 2009;Forbes, 2010;Fry & Gonzales, 2008;Hirschman, Alba, & Farley, 2000;Jiménez Román & Flores, 2010;Passel & Cohn, 2008;Rodriguez, 2000;Sólorzano, Villalpando, & Oseguera, 2005) who understand the implications at hand. ...
... 329). AfroLatina/os are the synthesis of the two and are often overlooked and categorized based on the physical appearance and not their cultural identity (Rodriguez, 2000). It is uncertain if AfroLatina/o college students are forced to endure the same negotiations that Jiménez Román and Flores identified; this study could help inform this area of study. ...
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For decades, academic researchers have reported on the lack of educational success of men of color in higher education. Many fixate on their lack of academic progress rather than attempting to understand how to adequately serve their needs. In response to the lack of asset based, solution driving research, many academics adopted the issue of young men of color as their educational platform. Yet, in their attempt to accentuate and position young men of color as competent and able individuals, the majority of researchers have overlooked AfroLatino males. In fact, AfroLatina/os as a whole remain largely invisible in higher education research since the majority of researchers adhere to monoracial and homogenous perspectives of race and ethnicity. Thus, this study highlights the lived experiences of six self-identified AfroLatino males in higher education by centering their experiences as racialized men on campus. Findings illustrate how AfroLatino males are forced to navigate a campus climate that does not acknowledge their physical presence (as AfroLatino males) or their academic needs. Further, they reported being forced to negotiate strict racial and ethnic categories in addition to language in order to gain peer acceptance on campus.
... Although federal policy defines Hispanic as an ethnicity, "Hispanic or Latino" is included in the racial breakdown of census data by state. Many Hispanics consider their ethnic and cultural background to be part of their racial identity (Rodriguez, 2000;Gonzalez-Barrera and Lopez, 2015). However, this perspective is not universal and Latinos in the United States experience race differently (Rodriguez, 2000;Rothenberg, 2007). ...
... Many Hispanics consider their ethnic and cultural background to be part of their racial identity (Rodriguez, 2000;Gonzalez-Barrera and Lopez, 2015). However, this perspective is not universal and Latinos in the United States experience race differently (Rodriguez, 2000;Rothenberg, 2007). Participants in our survey were asked to select the "race with which you most identify, " with "Hispanic or Latino" and "White" as two options. ...
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Time in nature is associated with a range of physical and psychological benefits. These benefits tend to be unevenly distributed, with non-white and low-income communities often having lower access to nature than richer, more white neighborhoods. When the COVID-19 pandemic hit the United States in Spring 2020, changes in daily routines, restrictions on public nature access, and risk perceptions may have affected whether and how much people spent time in nature. We explore how nature access changed during the COVID-19 pandemic and how those changes were experienced by different demographic groups. We surveyed representative samples of California and New York residents ( n = 2,036) in May and June of 2020 and examined differences in nature access and nature-related COVID restrictions and risks by gender, income and race. We find that, on average, the pandemic was associated with reductions in frequency of nature access and less time in nature for all respondents. However, these trends were greatest for women, people of color and people who are low-income. Moreover, the pandemic seems to have widened prior inequalities: low-income and non-white people accessed nature even less frequently and had fewer nature access options than they did prior to the pandemic. Given the disparities in broader pandemic impacts by gender, income, and race, these results further demonstrate the inequalities laid bare by COVID-19.
... equity. An equity framework centers the needs and allocation of resources and addresses the reduction of obstacles to health, such as poverty, discrimination, and lack of access to jobs with fair pay, quality education, housing, and health care (Braveman et al., 2017). 3 Despite significant scholarship examining racial classification among Latinos C. E. Rodriguez, 2000;N. Vargas & Stainback, 2016), there remains an ongoing, contentious national debate regarding Latinos and race that involves multiple perspectives on measurement, selfperception, and new categories of multiracialism as opposed to the homogeneous "other". Scholarship on race and ethnicity has a long history of examining the role of colori ...
... ic and mixed racial ancestry have been defining characteristics of historic U.S. Latino populations, particularly Mexican-origin and Puerto Ricans (Bryc et al., 2014) and more recently South/Central Americans (Telles et al., 2015). The admixture of races that was often marked as "Other" race has been the subject of many studies (Price et al., 2007;C. E. Rodriguez, 2000;Rodríguez-Lainz et al., 2018;Telles, 2018). ...
Article
Introduction. Prior to 1980, U.S. national demographic and health data collection did not identify individuals of Hispanic/Latina/o heritage as a population group. Post-1990, robust immigration from Latin America (e.g., South America, Central America, Mexico) and subsequent growth in U.S. births, dynamically reconstructed the ethnoracial lines among Latinos from about 20 countries, increasing racial admixture and modifying patterns of health disparities. The increasing racial and class heterogeneity of U.S. Latina/os demands a critical analysis of sociodemographic factors associated with population health disparities. Purposes. To determine the state of available Latina/o population demographic and health data in the United States, assess demographic and health variables and trends from 1960 to the present, and identify current strengths, gaps, and areas of improvement. Method. Analysis of 101 existing data sets that included demographic, socioeconomic, and health characteristics of the U.S. Latina/o population, grouped by three, 20-year intervals: 1960–1979, 1980–1999, and 2000–2019. Results. Increased Latina/o immigration and U.S. births between 1960 and 2019 was associated with increases of Latino population samples in data collection. Findings indicate major gaps in the following four areas: children and youth younger than 18 years, gender and sexual identity, race and mixed-race measures, and immigration factors including nativity and generational status. Conclusions. The analysis of existing ethnoracial Latina/o population data collection efforts provides an opportunity for critical analysis of past trends, future directions in data collection efforts, and an equity lens to guide appropriate community health interventions and policies that will contribute to decreasing health disparities in Latina/o populations.
... Znaczenie ma również status społeczny (włączając w to dochód, zawód i wykształcenie)" (zob. też Alleyne, 2005;Rodríguez, 2000). ...
... Do 1970 roku U.S. Census Bureau klasyfikował Portorykańczyków w USA z reguły jako "białych" (white), "chyba że zdecydowanie byli czarnoskórzy, Indianami lub innej rasy". W 1980 roku do formularza spisowego wprowadzono dwa odrębne pytania o autoidentyfikację, a mianowicie, o identyfikację rasową oraz pochodzenie etniczne Hispanic 2 ; po raz pierwszy wprowadzono też ankiety wypełniane samodzielnie przez respondentów (Rodríguez, 2000). Zmiany te w efekcie pokazały, że sami Portorykańczycy w USA równie często identyfikują się jako "biali", jak i "innej rasy" (other race). ...
Article
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Borders and Boundaries, Real and Symbolic: The Case of Puerto Rico The aim of this article is to outline the real and symbolic borders and boundaries, of geographical, political, cultural and racial nature, in the history and present of Puerto Rico, and their role in shaping and transforming the Puerto Rican identity. The main part of the article focuses on the borders and boundaries between Puerto Rico and the United States. The second part looks at the lines dividing the population in the island and the Puerto Rican diaspora in the US. Granice rzeczywiste i symboliczne. Przypadek Portoryko Celem artykułu jest zarysowanie rzeczywistych i symbolicznych granic, geograficznych, politycznych, rasowych i kulturowych, wpisujących się w historię i współczesność Portoryko oraz ich roli w kształtowaniu się i przekształcaniu tożsamości portorykańskiej. Główna część artykułu skupia się na granicach biegnących między Portoryko a Stanami Zjednoczonymi. W drugiej części wskazano linie podziału powstałe między mieszkańcami wyspy a diasporą portorykańską w USA.
... 18,19 It is important that health care providers, counselors, and other social service workers learn and understand the reality of Latino immigrants and help them adapt to stressors and experiences that accompany immigration. 20,21 To provide culturally and linguistically tailored care to Latinos, it is vital to understand their Latinidad. However, Latino identity is a complex process of acculturation, changes that take place as a result of contact with culturally dissimilar people, groups, social influences, and assimilation. ...
... 15 Discrimination and marginalization have the potential of limiting the acculturation process or making the process painful and socially stressful, as has been identified previously in studies on acculturative stress among immigrants trying to adapt to mainstream American society. 21,[33][34][35][36][37][38] Despite these negative experiences, participants reported positive experiences in leaving their country of origin that include reuniting with family, prosperous development in ones' educational or professional trajectory, and improved quality of life. Further, participants reported cultural and family unity, speaking the same language, and pride in being Latino, which might serve as a buffer against negative experiences reported. ...
Article
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Introduction: Over the last few decades, Latino migration to the U.S. has re-shaped the ethnic composition of the country, and influenced the meaning of "ethnic" and "racial" identity. The purpose of this qualitative study was to explore the definition and meaning of being Latino and how this may guide the development of interventions to promote their health. Methods: Twenty-six Latino immigrants living in Kansas completed a socio-demographic survey and semi-structured interviews to assess and explore personal immigration experiences and perspectives on the meaning of being Latino in the U.S. Results: Participant reports were grouped into eight themes on Latino identity that were organized by geographic origin, family roots/ties, and acculturation. Immigration experiences were described as both positive and negative with most participants experiencing discrimination and loneliness, but also reports of improved quality of life. Further, most participants reported a strong sense of Latinidad; that Latino immigrant communities in the U.S. are interdependent and supportive of each other. Conclusions: The experience of being a member of a minority group might contribute to the development of a cohesive sense of Latino identity as participants acculturate to the U.S. while preserving a sense of attachment to their culture of origin. Future interventions should be sensitive to migration experiences as they might influence changes in health behaviors.
... The fluidity of Latinidad has been analyzed across and within disciplines (Duany, 1996;Rodriguez, 2000;Thomas, 1967). Within the critical race theory (CRT) literature, LatCrit focuses on the racialization of Latinidad and how non-White and White racial ascriptions and ambiguities were constructed within the U.S. The "White cases" (Lopez, 2003(Lopez, , 2006 are central in understanding how Whiteness has functioned within U.S. case law. ...
... Thus, Black-imiento recognizes that terms such as Indio or trigueno are incited to erase and distance African ancestry, not necessarily solely to be in solidarity with indigenous decolonization politics. Rodriguez (2000) stated that media representations of Latinidad consist of a complexion that is "slightly tan, with dark hair and eyes" (1997, p. 1). Therefore, an ideal White Latinx phenotype is indicative of some combination of European, indigenous, and African ancestry but is still phenotypically distant from African features (Candelario, 2007). ...
Article
The ways in which U.S. scholars and researchers of higher education conceptualize “race” shapes inquiry and ultimately knowledge creation and dissemination of scholarship, research, and policy contributing to the U.S. Latinx education pipeline. This conceptual study addresses the symbolic violence of what “passing for White” as Latinxs mean for studies of colleges and universities, and how centering our African and Black identities calls these manifestations into question. The focus of this study is to juxtapose themes in the U.S. higher education literature, to the experiences of AfroLatina scholars demonstrating shortcomings of “passin’ for Latinx,” which they construct as the under-theorization of the role U.S. anti-Blackness and Blackness plays in the construct of U.S. Latinidad. Therefore, a conceptual framework of Black-imiento is provided that can help expand the Latinx construct, future research, policy, and practice.
... More comprehensive approaches recognise the need to accommodate divergent interpretations and suggest the importance of both substantive and methodological components in their analyses (Oboler, 1995;Schmidt et al., 2000;Diaz-McConnell and Delgado-Romero, 2004). Rodriguez (2000) argues that the classifications devised by Federal government agencies are beginning to affect the way that Latino Americans see themselves. Rodriguez also discusses the layering of identities, rejecting the idea that identities are exclusive and instead suggesting that individuals express distinct identities at different levels of interaction. ...
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Next generation transnationalism is overwhelmingly perceived as an emotional or non-institutional form of cross-border connectivity. This study takes a fundamentally different approach and attempts to define an institutionalized transnational space for this demographic. Investigating a non-representative sample of Mexican and Salvadoran individuals who are active within cross-border philanthropic and political organizations operating in California and Washington DC, the analysis suggests that next generation institutionalized transnationalism exists and should be taken seriously as a subject of academic interest. This mode of transnational connectivity assumes different forms, conceptualized in this study as 'prominent' and 'non-prominent' transnationalism-the former referring to frequent and essential contributions, and the latter to contributions that were less frequent and less essential to organizational development. In understanding the causes of next generation institutional transnationalism, the study calls for a synthetic appreciation of the factors involved, a blend of structural factors-including personal attributes, socialization, social location, and institutional characteristics-and individual agency. An 'actor-centred' framework was also relevant, acknowledging prevailing structural conditions while remaining sensitive to the subjective contexts in which institutional transnationalism could emerge, and the capacity for individuals to define their own transnational trajectories. The analysis is open to the possibility that transnational organizations will survive beyond the first generation-a possibility largely found to be controlled by the characteristics of institutions and their potential for regeneration. Finally, the analysis contributes to the ongoing debate regarding the relationship between transnationalism and assimilation. The evidence suggests that assimilation and transnationalism proceed simultaneously for the next generation. Sustained connections to the country of origin do not therefore necessarily delay, hold-back, or undermine incorporation.
... First, race itself is an ambiguous and evolving construct, both socially and in the literature. Latinx was considered a race category during our research time period (1997)(1998)(1999), but today authorities like the US Census cite the label as an ethnicity (see Rodriguez 2000). Second, during this period African Americans were the most well-represented group in the USPS craft worker class, while being underrepresented in higher-level positions (McAllister 1998). ...
Article
Studies of representative bureaucracy (RB) argue public organizations reflective of the public they serve exhibit better outcomes, especially when serving under-represented groups. RB theory attributes improved outcomes either to the actions representative bureaucrats take (active representation), or a greater perception of trust and legitimacy toward them by service recipients (symbolic representation), largely treating active and symbolic representation as separate phenomena. We explore the intricate relationship between bureaucracies and the populations they serve by observing the cross-influence between active and symbolic representation, as revealed by self-reported outcomes in discrimination complaints (N = 1,372) referred for voluntary mediation in the United States Postal Service, the REDRESS© program, a context in which mediators are highly limited in representing a claimant’s interests given the requirement of impartiality. In exit surveys measuring employee perceptions of organizational justice, we observed the impact of race and gender representation by gauging changes in reported satisfaction when a mediator’s race or gender matched the nature of the complaint in cases of race or sex discrimination and sexual harassment, via multivariate regression estimation. These analyses support RB theory regarding sexual harassment complaints, where complainants rated outcomes significantly more favorably for female mediators. We found a negative correlation between female mediators and sex discrimination complaints, as well as African American mediators and race discrimination complainants. To explain this discrepancy, we argue that interactions between symbolic and active representation determine the expectations and perceptions placed on bureaucrats. When a bureaucrat does not meet those expectations, service recipients tend to have a more negative view of organizational justice outcomes.
... This iterative process is particularly ripe for study given that ethnic identities emerge as a matter of survival and as a response to structures of opportunity (Yancey et al., 1976). Because racial and ethnic identities are fluid (Rodriguez, 2000;Saperstein & Penner, 2012), the ways in which entrepreneurs strategize around ethnicity is a novel contribution to the literature on entrepreneurship and small business economics. ...
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Ethnicity not only shapes pathways to entry into entrepreneurship but also plays an important role in the organizing structure of the business. Previous research on ethnic entrepreneurs has focused on niche markets, their coethnic labor supply, and the spatial concentration of businesses (i.e., enclaves), overlooking the role that ethnicity plays in business strategies more broadly. I draw on 65 in-depth interviews and participant observations to examine how business owners make sense of their ethnoracial identity in the context of their business orientation and market reach. I propose an ethnic strategies of business action typology of the ways in which an ethnic identity is strategically invoked in the pursuit of profit. I find that ethnic strategies can yield benefits as a business strategy but choosing when and how to leverage an ethnic identity is largely reserved for entrepreneurs who have obtained higher education, the later generations, and those operating in professional industries. These strategies are intricately situated within the context of intersectionality and the larger social structure. Nevertheless, this expanded view of an ethnic economy accounts for socioeconomic diversity and a growing minority middle class largely unaccounted for in previous theorization. Understanding the diverse orientation of ethnic business owners provides empirical leverage to the affirming ethnic strategies in the repertoire of the minority culture of mobility.
... Regional studies conducted in Latin America have found that skin color is a more consistent and robust measurement to document racial inequality than census ethnoracial categories such as "Black," "White," or "Indio," which often provide inconsistent results, especially regarding the Afro-descendant populations of Colombia, Ecuador, and the Dominican Republic [32]. The use of standard OMB ethno-racial categories such as "White," "Black," and "Native American" has also been widely criticized for being at odds with dominant understandings of mixture among Latinos and Puerto Ricans [33][34][35][36]. ...
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This study reveals the association of skin color with health disparities in Puerto Rico, a US territory that is home to the second largest Latino population in the US. Aware of the inadequacy of standard OMB ethno-racial categories in capturing racial differences among Latinos, we incorporated skin color scales into the Puerto Rico BRFSS. We apply both logistic regressions and propensity score matching techniques. We found that colorism plays a significant role in health outcomes of dark-skinned Puerto Ricans in Puerto Rico and that skin color is a better health predictor than the OMB ethno-racial categories. Our results indicate that Puerto Ricans of the lightest skin tone have better general health than Puerto Ricans who self-described as being of the darkest skin tones. Findings underscore the importance of considering how racial discrimination manifested through colorism affects the health of Latino populations in the US and its territories.
... A growing number of studies have examined ethnic counting at particular times and places, demonstrating how censuses are implicated in the social construction of identity categories, expressing 'official' views and articulating state anxieties (see Anderson, 1991;Kertzer & Arel, 2002;Kukutai & Thompson, 2015;Rallu et al., 2006). Inclusion as a census category legitimises particular groups and is tied to group recognition, as well as rights and resource distribution (Rodríguez, 2000). Recognising this, groups increasingly lobby for their unique identities: "far from being a scientific exercise removed from the political fray, the census is more a political battleground where competing notions of 'real' identities, and therefore competing names to assign to categories, battle it out" (Kertzer & Arel, 2002, pp.20-21, emphasis in original). ...
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While a growing number of studies have explored ethnic enumeration in national population censuses, only a few have focused on counting majority groups. Always a fraught undertaking, in New Zealand it is for this group-the 'European' majority-that such counts are most contested. Debates swirl around the group's most appropriate name and some members have at times approached the New Zealand Census question in telling ways, preferring 'New Zealander' or 'English', 'Scottish', 'Irish' or other European groups to the official 'New Zealand European' descriptor. This article explores how New Zealand's majority population has been counted (and counted themselves) in these critically important population counts.
... There is a large literature investigating the determinants of Latinos' racial and ethnic self-identification. Most fundamentally, scholars have stressed that Latinos' heavy use of the "other" or even "no race" category in conventional surveys reflects neither a misunderstanding of the question nor the idea that Latinos simply see themselves "in between" black and white extremes (Rodriguez and Cordero-Guzman 1992;Rodriguez 2000;Vaquera and Kao 2006). Rather, Latin American conceptions of race developed separately from the rigid U.S. "one drop rule" version, and have many more subtle gradations than is true of the prevailing U.S. racial order. ...
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In the 1990 and 2000 U.S. censuses, more than 40 percent of Latinos selected an "other" racial self-identification, indicating that many Latinos do not locate themselves in the prevailing American racial nomenclature. With a sample of three large groups of U.S. Latinos, this research examines how national origin, skin color and immigrant generation influence the choice between "white" and two disaggregated "other" racial self-identifications: "Spanish" and "color" designations. This research finds that lighter skin and Cuban nationality powerfully predict choosing white over the other identifications. Findings also indicate that, in contrast to the patterns evinced by "whitened" European immigrants, longer durations of exposure to American culture and several measures of assimilation are related to the choice of a Spanish racial self-identification over the others.
... There is a large literature investigating the determinants of Latinos' racial and ethnic self-identification. Most fundamentally, scholars have stressed that Latinos' heavy use of the "other" or even "no race" category in conventional surveys reflects neither a misunderstanding of the question nor the idea that Latinos simply see themselves "in between" black and white extremes (Rodriguez and Cordero-Guzman 1992;Rodriguez 2000;Vaquera and Kao 2006). Rather, Latin American conceptions of race developed separately from the rigid U.S. "one drop rule" version, and have many more subtle gradations than is true of the prevailing U.S. racial order. ...
Article
In the 1990 and 2000 U.S. censuses, more than 40 percent of Latinos selected an "other" racial self-identification, indicating that many Latinos do not locate themselves in the prevailing American racial nomenclature. With a sample of three large groups of U.S. Latinos, this research examines how national origin, skin color and immigrant generation influence the choice between "white" and two disaggregated "other" racial self-identifications: "Spanish" and "color" designations. This research finds that lighter skin and Cuban nationality powerfully predict choosing white over the other identifications. Findings also indicate that, in contrast to the patterns evinced by "whitened" European immigrants, longer durations of exposure to American culture and several measures of assimilation are related to the choice of a Spanish racial self-identification over the others.
... Nonetheless, it seems clear that Latinxs experience racialization (Flores-González 2017;Ortiz and Telles 2017). How Mexicans and Latinxs understand their own racial identity is fluid and depends on many temporal, spatial, and social factors such as time spent in the United States, socioeconomic status (Golash-Boza 2006; Haney-López 2003; Martínez and Gonzalez 2020), region and neighbourhood (Pulido and Pastor 2013), and social context in which that identity is being articulated (Rodríguez 2000;Valle 2020). A transnational view of race reveals how the racial hierarchies operating in Latin America interact with dominant systems of race in the U.S. such that Indigenous and Black Latinxs experience additional layers of racialization and discrimination that mestizo and white Latinxs do not (Herrera 2016;Hooker 2019;Stephen 2007). ...
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Conceptualizations of Latinidad range from those emphasizing ethnicity and whiteness to those questioning the category's utility for capturing the diversity of diasporas from dozens of countries. This article approaches Latinidad from relational formations of race framework, revealing the importance of the sociohistorical context in which Latinxs are racialized in relation to one another and other racialized groups. Based on ethnographic fieldwork with artists and activists in Los Angeles and analysis of hip-hop cultural productions, this research finds that Latinxs raised in “minority-majority” neighbourhoods have developed understandings of race and political solidarities that highlight brownness, which is often articulated as part of a “Black and Brown multiracial formation”. Such understandings of race and racialization challenge the dominant black/white racial binary, whitewashed notions of Latinidad, and ethnonationalisms. The counterscripts articulated through cultural production and activist narratives provide grassroots theorizations on race, belonging, and citizenship and shed light on multilevel processes of racialization.
... The issue concerns the conceptual differences of "race" and "ethnicity". See for instance (Rodriguez, 2000) for clarifications. 15 The variable is computed as follows: we divide yearly wage by 52 in order to have the average weekly wage ...
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In this paper, we extend Gary Becker's empirical analysis of the marriage market to same-sex couples. Becker's theory rationalizes the well-known phenomenon of homogamy among different-sex couples: individuals mate with their likes because many characteristics, such as education, consumption behaviour, desire to nurture children, religion, etc., exhibit strong complementarities in the household production function. However, because of asymmetries in the distributions of male and female characteristics, men and women may need to marry "up" or "down" according to the relative shortage of their characteristics among the populations of men and women. Yet, among same-sex couples, this limitation does not exist as partners are drawn from the same population, and thus the theory of assortative mating would boldly predict that individuals will choose a partner with nearly identical characteristics. Empirical evidence suggests a very different picture: a robust stylized fact is that the correlation of the characteristics is in fact weaker among same-sex couples. In this paper, we build an equilibrium model of same-sex marriage market which allows for straightforward identification of the gains to marriage. We estimate the model with 2008-2012 ACS data on California and show that positive assortative mating is weaker for homosexuals than for heterosexuals with respect to age and race. Our results suggest that positive assortative mating with respect to education is stronger among lesbians, and not significantly different when comparing gay men and married different-sex couples. As regards labor market outcomes, such as hourly wages and working hours, we find some indications that the process of specialization within the household mainly applies to different-sex couples.
... The word Hispanic is fraught with political meaning. The term is intimately tied to the US government through its association with the Census and one which lumps together many countries of origin (Rodriguez, 2000). A host of signifiers including, but not limited to, Latinx, Latina, Latino, Chicana, or the specific country of origin associated with the Latin American diaspora, are often preferable to "Hispanic" by many who selfidentify as part of these categories. ...
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The Central American migrant caravans of 2018 are best understood as having been precipitated by entangled multi-scalar geopolitical histories among the United States, Mexico, Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador. Unsurprisingly, the migrants traveling north to the United States garnered widespread attention on social media. So much so that the reaction to the caravan accelerated plans to deploy troops to the US southern border and deny Central Americans the opportunity to seek asylum. This example showcases how the digital world can have exponential material effects. While coverage on border security and migration has been extensive, within political geography, such concerns have rarely been paired with social media. In this article, we take as our object of analysis the digitality or "digital life" of the migrant caravan. Mapping the patterns of migrant caravan-related tweeting paired with the exploration of Twitter's networked dimensions reveals the platform to be a fundamentally spatial technology. Rather than reflect, refract or distort, Twitter produces and (its power) is in turn produced through spatial mechanisms. We present multiple cartographic visual-izations in support of this claim and highlight the ways in which a contextual knowledge of the subject under study-the migrant caravan-can further inform analyses of Big Data.
... The U.S. Census has collected data on R/E since 1790 with significant changes in measurement and categories over time (Kilty, 2004;Mays et al., 2003;Rodriguez, 2000). The modern R/E Census categories were based on the Office of Management & Budget Directive 15 from 1977 that specified race should be reported in four mutually exclusive categories: White, Black, American Indian or Alaskan Native, and Asian or Pacific Islander. ...
Article
Measuring race and ethnicity for administrative data sets and then analyzing these data to understand racial/ethnic disparities present many logistical and theoretical challenges. In this chapter, we conduct a synthetic review of studies on how to effectively measure race/ethnicity for administrative data purposes and then utilize these measures in analyses. Recommendations based on this synthesis include combining the measure of Hispanic ethnicity with the broader racial/ethnic measure and allowing individuals to select more than one race/ethnicity. Data collection should rely on self-reports but could be supplemented using birth certificates or equivalent sources. Collecting data over time, especially for young people, will help identify multiracial and American Indian populations. For those with more complex racial/ethnic identities, including measures of country of origin, language, and recency of immigration can be helpful in addition to asking individuals which racial/ethnic identity they most identify with. Administrative data collection could also begin to incorporate phenotype measures to facilitate the calculation of disparities within race/ethnicity by skin tone. Those analyzing racial/ethnic disparities should understand how these measures are created and attempt to develop fieldwide terminology to describe racial/ethnic identities.
... However, my family situation did create opportunities-make that, necessities-for learning how to straddle borders and to adapt to multiple settings. For some children, coming from mixed marriages creates identity confusion (Colker 1996;Cortés 1999;Rodríguez 2000;Cortés 2000). Not for me. ...
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This paper examines the role of narrative as an avenue for critically unpacking family history. In this case, the narrative grows out of the preparation and performance of a one-person play, “A Conversation with Alana: One Boy’s Multicultural Rite of Passage.” Through continuously rethinking family history during the rehearsal and performance process, the intersection of marginality and privilege within a single life trajectory is analyzed.
... The Latina/o population has demonstrated tremendous growth over the past few decades. In fact, since 1970 they have exhibited a 592% growth and made up more than half of US population growth between 2000and 2010(Krogstad, 2014. Colleges and universities are beginning to reflect this demographic shift and no other institution has experienced it more than community colleges. ...
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This entry provides a critical perspective of how the social construction of race and eth- nicity reinforces a flawed notion of Hispanic identity in the United States. Community colleges are enrolling Latina/o students at unprecedented rates but few are graduating. This article argues that colleges need to disaggregate Hispanic ethnicity in order to best serve their diverse needs. It also highlights the negative impacts such an approach has on AfroLatina/o students’ sense of belonging and academic persistence, and within-group prejudices based on skin tone gradients. Further, acknowledging the heterogeneity of Latina/o students is underscored and pedagogical are provided for community college faculty, staff, and administrators.
... This body of literature has been critiqued for its treatment of Latin America as a monolith where a singular conception of race is found (Telles and Paschel 2014). A third set of scholars believe Latinos are forming a distinct "Latino" racial group that falls somewhere in the middle of the previous white-Black racial stratification system (Rodriguez 2000;Roth 2012). While these arguments allow us to entertain the Immigration scholars have focused extensively on assimilation, beginning with the work of Park and Burgess in 1920s Chicago (Alba and Nee 1997). ...
Article
Latinos are a large and growing population in the United States, which has prompted race and immigration scholars to theorize about Latinos’ chances at integration as well as their place in the U.S. racial hierarchy. Several researchers have argued that Puerto Ricans, Dominicans, and other Latinos are reshaping or changing how race is understood in the country by rejecting common understandings of race in the U.S. I argue that by focusing on racial self-identification rather than on racial beliefs, these claims oversell the ability of Latinos to affect the U.S. racial hierarchy. Instead, I examine Latinos’ racial ideologies, which may be more indicative of a group’s impact on racial stratification, and how these ideologies are shaped by collective emotions in the U.S. In the following dissertation, I examine how collective emotions regarding space and race, language practices, Blackness, and immigration, shape the racial ideologies of Puerto Ricans and Dominicans. Data for the study are comprised of 42 semi-structured, in-depth interviews with Puerto Ricans and Dominicans in Central Florida. The interviews addressed respondents’ history of migration, knowledge of racialized terms in Spanish, and emotions concerning racially charged events in U.S. news, such as the Black Lives matter Movement and Donald Trump’s 2016 presidential campaign. The findings show that Puerto Ricans and Dominicans, far from changing how race operates in the country, adopt collective emotions that are detrimental to marginalized groups, such as anger toward Black protestors in cases of alleged or confirmed police brutality. While respondents were more sympathetic to immigrants, there was a subset of respondents who aligned their feelings with those of collective fear and anxiety regarding immigration. These findings suggest that future research on race should analyze individuals’ racial ideologies, in addition to their racial self-identification. Further, these findings suggest future research should examine how, and under what conditions, racial and ethnic minorities propagate beliefs that perpetuate white dominance in the United States.
... It was further verified by use of Google Earth imagery. 4 The use of Spanish surnames to infer various forms of Hispanic identity has a long and complicated history in the United States, in both governmental and social-scientific endeavors (Dávila 2001;Rodríguez 2000). Not everyone with a Spanish surname identifies as Hispanic, and not everyone who identifies as Hispanic has a Spanish surname. ...
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This study examines where residents move after accepting federally funded buyouts of their flood-prone homes. We use the concept of “environmental mobility” — defined as local, voluntary moves undertaken in the face of imminent environmental risk — to distinguish this type of climate adaptation from longer-distance and less-voluntary types of movement. We then use the case of Houston, Texas — the site of more than 3000 such buyouts between 2000 and 2017 — to build a unique dataset that enables, for the first time, address-level analysis of such environmental mobility. Results affirm that most people who move from residences of publicly identified environmental risk relocate to destinations nearby. Results also indicate that this environmental mobility reflects and thus seems to depend on racialization processes of neighborhood attainment, thereby challenging a purely technocratic framing of current buyout policies and illuminating the racialized nature of environmental mobility more generally.
... Participants also self-reported race and ethnicity. Race is said to identify individuals based on physical characteristics, whereas Hispanic or non-Hispanic ethnicity identifies individuals by cultural factors, particularly because Hispanic individuals may be more culturally similar despite having different racial backgrounds (Rodriguez, 2000). In the overall sample, 58.9% identified as White American, 32.1% Black American, and 8.0% as members of other groups, which included Asian (n = 26; 2%), American Indian (n = 14; 1%), Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander (n = 1; < 1%), Haitian or Haitian American (n = 17; 1%), Bahamian (n = 7; < 1%), biracial (n = 7; < 1%), multiracial (n = 16; 1%), and other (n = 18; 1%). ...
Article
Background: The accurate assessment of childhood maltreatment (CM) is important in medical and mental health settings given its association to adverse psychological and physical outcomes. Reliable and valid assessment of CM is also of critical importance to research. Due to the potential of measurement bias when comparing CM across racial and ethnic groups, invariant measurement is an important psychometric property of such screening tools. Objective: In this study, differential item function (DIF) by race and ethnicity was tested. Uniform DIF refers to the influence of bias on scores across all levels of childhood maltreatment, and non-uniform DIF refers to bias in favor of one group. Method: Participants were N=1,319 women and men (Mage=36.77, SDage=10.37) who completed the Child Trauma Questionnaire-Short Form; 42.7% were women, 57.3% were male; 58.9% were White-American, 22.1% Black-American, and 8.0% as other; 26.3% were Hispanic. Results: Using empirical thresholds, non-uniform DIF was identified in five items by race, and no items by ethnicity. Conclusions: Uniform DIF is less problematic given that mathematical corrections can be made to adjust scores for DIF. However, non-uniform DIF can usually only be corrected by removing the DIF items from the scale. Further methodological research is needed to minimize measurement bias to effectively assess racially diverse populations.
... However, 14 Although the individual status characteristics do not reach conventional levels of statistical significance in our national models predicting classification as "White" or "Other"-in part because of the simultaneous estimation of many variables-the magnitude and direction of the estimates are generally in line with previous research (see Saperstein and Penner 2012). 15 The relationship with Hispanic population composition is consistent with a pre-1980 emphasis on classifying most people with Hispanic origins as "White" (Rodriguez 2000). We should note, however, that our models suggest that a higher proportion of Hispanic residents in a county is associated with higher probabilities that any given individual is classified as "White," not only respondents of Hispanic origin. ...
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This article extends previous research on place-based patterns of racial categorization by linking it to sociological theory that posits subnational variation in cultural schemas and applying regression techniques that allow for spatial variation in model estimates. We use data from a U.S. restricted-use geocoded longitudinal survey to predict racial classification as a function of both individual and county characteristics. We first estimate national average associations, then turn to spatial-regime models and geographically weighted regression to explore how these relationships vary across the country. We find that individual characteristics matter most for classification as “Black,” while contextual characteristics are important predictors of classification as “White” or “Other,” but some predictors also vary across space, as expected. These results affirm the importance of place in defining racial boundaries and suggest that U.S. racial schemas operate at different spatial scales, with some being national in scope while others are more locally situated.
... The issue concerns the conceptual differences of "race" and "ethnicity". See for instance (Rodriguez, 2000) for clarifications. 15 The variable is computed as follows: we divide yearly wage by 52 in order to have the average weekly wage ...
... Moreover, deployment of the "Latino" category in the transnational field we have explored offers insight into the dynamics of contemporary international circulation of this US-rooted category (Dávila 2001;Roth 2009), as well as the processes fostering identity and belonging beyond the limits of the nation in our contemporary world (Okamoto and Mora 2014). The role here of technoscience-specifically medical genomics-in the "Latino" category's continued formation and international expansion is particularly noteworthy, as scholars have more commonly traced the development and uptake of the Latino category in the US context through census practices, social movements and policymaking, and the domains of media and marketing Oboler 2007;Dávila 2001;Rodríguez 2000;Rumbaut 2009). 7 Through our case we also add new dimensions to growing interest in science studies to the productive role of ambiguity in scientific practice. ...
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Experts have widely promoted developing country investment in national genome projects in order to ensure their inclusion in medical genomic advances, to protect their genomes from foreign exploitation, and to foster their participation in a future genomics-based bioeconomy. In this context, the Mexican federal government’s investments to establish the National Institute of Genomic Medicine in 2004, that institute’s subsequent efforts to map the “Mexican genome” between 2004 and 2009, and the passage of legislation in 2008 to protect Mexico’s “genomic sovereignty” drew attention as the most comprehensive national genomics program among the world’s emerging economies. Given the prominence of Mexico’s decision to pursue its “national genome” and to understand how this approach to science policy has unfolded with time, we track major developments in the field of genomic medicine in Mexico and the trajectory of the “Mexican genome” over the last decade. Rather than the nation-state bound “Mexican genome,” we show that flexibility and ambiguity with regard to genomic identity has been instrumental amid the increasingly transnational and public-private nature of this scientific field. Over the last decade, Mexican samples have frequently been re-branded as the source of flexible, panethnic “Latino” or “Latin American” DNA.
... Another possible limitation is the use of the racial category, "Mexican," in the second wave, and its use as an ethnicity in the third wave. This is mostly due to the way in which the data were collected, and the changing of racial categories over time (see Rodriguez 2000). Ideal contemporary studies would use the category "Latino." ...
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The focus of this study concerns the intergenerational consequences of the era of mass incarceration and its role in promoting an educational demobilization of primarily marginalized groups. Using the Howard B. Kaplan Multigenerational and Longitudinal data set, this article links incarceration in the first generation to educational experiences of the second generation at two stages in the life course: adolescence (N = 1303) and emerging adulthood (N = 1621). Intergenerational theories of strain and stigma are argued to be mechanisms in the transmission of reduced educational success and attainment among the second generation. The findings reveal that children of once incarcerated parents are significantly more likely to report that they are experiencing unhappiness in school and have significantly lower levels of educational success than their counterparts not experiencing parental incarceration. Due to these outcomes, I argue that the reproduction of disadvantage produced by the intergenerational effects of parental incarceration will linger in society even with a reduction of incarcerated populations. The need for understanding the intergenerational implications of mass incarceration among disadvantaged populations is discussed.
... For instance, the "one-drop" rule assigning race at birth was institutionally formalized through state laws applied unevenly through locallevel organizations (Davis 1991). Historically, census categories have been highly malleable (Nobles 2000;Rodriguez 2000) and contested or consolidated through organizational processes (Mora 2014). ...
Article
Organizational theory scholars typically see organizations as race-neutral bureaucratic structures, while race and ethnicity scholars have largely neglected the role of organizations in the social construction of race. The theory developed in this article bridges these subfields, arguing that organizations are racial structures—cognitive schemas connecting organizational rules to social and material resources. I begin with the proposition that race is constitutive of organizational foundations, hierarchies, and processes. Next, I develop four tenets: (1) racialized organizations enhance or diminish the agency of racial groups; (2) racialized organizations legitimate the unequal distribution of resources; (3) Whiteness is a credential; and (4) the decoupling of formal rules from organizational practice is often racialized. I argue that racialization theory must account for how both state policy and individual attitudes are filtered through—and changed by—organizations. Seeing race as constitutive of organizations helps us better understand the formation and everyday functioning of organizations. Incorporating organizations into a structural theory of racial inequality can help us better understand stability, change, and the institutionalization of racial inequality. I conclude with an overview of internal and external sources of organizational change and a discussion of how the theory of racialized organizations may set the agenda for future research.
Article
Race Policy and Multiracial Americans is the first book to look at the impact of multiracial people on race policies, where race policies lag behind the growing numbers of multiracial people in our society, and how race policies can be used to promote racial justice for multiracial Americans. Using a critical mixed race perspective that challenges the prevailing color-blind ideology, this text covers such questions as: What policies aimed at combating racial discrimination should cover multiracial Americans? Should all (or some) multiracial Americans benefit from affirmative action programs? How are educators responding to the growing multiracial population? How can we better understand the health needs of multiracial Americans? In an institution organized by race, such as a prison, is it possible to maintain a multiracial identity? Should there be a multiracial category on the US Census? What is the present and potential influence of multiracial Americans on the racial hierarchy in the United States?
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While the state-centered literature usually assumes that censuses have transformative effects, an interactive approach that examines both state and social effects considers the conditions under which such a transformation might occur. This chapter, then, assesses four factors, drawn from the state-centered and society-centered approaches, that might have influenced whether census categories transformed everyday ones: a strong imperialist state, the familiarity of census categories, the engagement of social actors and institutions in information gathering, and local power relations. The results suggest that local power relations are particularly important: when official classifications support local elites’ interests, they can have transformative effects. The results show that the weak mercantilist state classified Spanish colonists as vecinos, Africans as Black slaves, and Taínos as Indians. These categories benefited Spanish colonists, and they informed everyday categorization for centuries. The strong imperialist Spanish and US states constructed more exclusive binary and tripartite categories. These definitions conflicted with local interests, and these official categories never replaced everyday ones.
Article
Blacks, Latinx, and American Indians are killed by police at a disproportionately higher rate than Whites and Asians, but whether racial discrimination accounts for these killings remains disputed. We contribute to this debate by examining structural conditions in U.S. metropolitan areas that are associated with the expected count of police-caused killings. Using an economic competition model, we find that the size of the metropolitan Black population (relative to the White population) positively predicts the expected count of police-caused killings for Blacks. Moreover, the size of the Latinx population (relative to Whites) predicts the expected count of police-caused killings of Latinx civilians. Furthermore, we find that metropolitan areas with more mixed-race neighborhoods experience higher expected counts of police-caused killings, specifically, for all, Black and White civilians. Finally, we find that overall population size also predicts the expected number of people killed by the police but violent crime does not, calling into question accounts that deaths are a function of crime. Our findings suggest, first, that the underlying conditions that lead to the deaths of Black and Latinx people at the hands of police are different than police-caused deaths of people of other races. Second, in developing solutions to the serious social problem of police-caused deaths, we need to look beyond the proximal causes of these deaths (i.e., the police) to the distal factors operating at the metropolitan level that promote White supremacy.
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Using the concept of “racecraft” to describe the state production of racial subjectivities, we argue that this process has been increasingly compromised in Puerto Rico by a lack of sovereignty and by the current socioeconomic crisis. We argue that the state‐sponsored idea that Puerto Rican white and mixed‐race identities operate separately from the US racial framework is receding. Based on the unconventional use of an open‐ended question for racial identification in a survey administered to over one thousand Puerto Ricans, we found: a reluctance to identify racially, an awareness of a normative “whiteness” that excludes Puerto Ricans, and a tendency to embrace US federal categories such as “Hispanic” and “Latino.” We interpret these results as evidence of a Puerto Rican racial state in decline, arguing that the island's debt crisis and compounding disasters have not only eroded the political and economic realms of statecraft but the racial one as well. [census, colonialism, race, identity, statecraft, racial state, Puerto Rico] Usamos racecraft para describir la producción de subjetividades raciales por parte del estado, argumentando que este proceso se ha visto comprometido en Puerto Rico por su falta de soberanía y por la actual crisis socioeconómica. Argumentamos que el discurso oficial de que las identidades raciales en Puerto Rico operan de manera autóctona y separada del marco racial estadounidense ya no es sostenible. Usando el método poco convencional de administrar una pregunta abierta sobre raza en una encuesta a más de mil puertorriqueños, encontramos una renuencia a identificarse racialmente; la conciencia de una “blancura” normativa que excluye lo puertorriqueño; y la adopción de categorías federales de los EE. UU. como “hispano” y “latino”. Interpretamos estas tendencias como evidencia de un estado racial en deterioro, cuyas crisis de soberanía y deuda no solo han erosionado sus alcances políticos y económicos sino también su capacidad para incidir sobre lo racial (i.e racecraft). [censo, colonializmo, identidad racial, estado racial, Puerto Rico]
Article
There is more than a century of research that has examined immigrants in the United States. Despite major changes in the origin of immigrants, the assimilation perspective, based on the experiences of European immigrants, continues to be the dominant paradigm used to assess immigrants in this country. While immigrants of color have experienced major hostility and racialization, research continues to largely neglect issues involving race relations. This study provides a historical overview of the racialization of immigrants including immigration policies and shows that the racialization of immigrants has occurred historically but particularly over the past half century as non-Europeans became the primary groups of immigrants in this country. In addition, the study calls for immigration researchers to more fully incorporate race perspectives into the study of immigrants. Furthermore, the study illustrates the need to consider methodological and data approaches to integrate racial matters into the study of immigrants. The article concludes with a discussion of the sociological implications of incorporating race more centrally in the study of immigrants.
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In the early twentieth century, Asian Americans and Latinos organized along national origin lines and focused on assimilation; By the 1960s and 1970s, community organizers from both groups began to form panethnic community service organizations (CSOs) that emphasized solidarity. I argue that focusing on the rise of panethnic CSOs reveals an underappreciated mechanism that has mobilized Asian Americans and Latinos—the welfare state. The War on Poverty programs incentivized non-black minority community organizers to form panethnic CSOs to gain access to state resources and serve the economically disadvantaged in their communities. Drawing on extensive archival research, I identify this mechanism and test it with my original dataset of 818 Asian American and Latino advocacy organizations and CSOs. Leveraging the Reagan budget cut, I show that dismantling the War on Poverty programs reduced the founding rate of panethnic CSOs. I further estimated that a 1 percent increase in federal funding was associated with the increase of the two panethnic CSOs during the War on Poverty. The findings demonstrate how access to state resources forces activists among non-primary beneficiary groups to build new political identities that fit the dominant image of the policy beneficiaries.
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In this study, we identify tensions that arise between blackness and Latinidad as AfroLatinx students negotiate identity and belonging on campus. Furthermore, we explore the unique cultural and historical contexts of Latinidad and their connection to what we term anti-AfroLatinidad – beliefs, practices, and behaviors that communicate a deliberate rejection of AfroLatinidad that manifest in personal relationships and are upheld by society at large. Findings include AfroLatinx students actively reject negative orientations about blackness and finding empowerment through their AfroLatinidad. Two major findings emerged: Rejecting black: Experiences with Anti-AfroLatinidad and Rejecting Back: Asserting AfroLatinidad.
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Recent work has called for sociologists to incorporate postcolonial theory into their toolkits to better understand the mechanics of race in the United States. The authors answer this call by showing how postcolonial and field theories can be bridged to explain how movements of the 1970s developed distinct visions of panethnicity. Drawing on published case studies, as well as a unique data set of pioneering “Asian American” and “Hispanic” movement magazines from the 1970s, the authors systematically compare how community leaders framed panethnic identities before they became widely institutionalized. The authors show that although Mexican Americans and Puerto Ricans could have developed a panethnic narrative centered on American imperialism, it was Asian Americans who constructed a postcolonial panethnic politics. In contrast, “Hispanic” stakeholders of the 1970s framed panethnicity more conservatively and at times patriotically. The authors contend that the different visions of panethnicity reflect the distinct colonial and imperial history of Asians and Hispanics in the United States as well as the position of Asian American and Hispanic panethnic leaders within and across the racial fields of the 1970s. This study suggests that panethnicity as a mobilizing identity narrative is politically flexible and amenable to different visions of racial equality. Moreover, the authors show how postcolonialism and field theory can be further synthesized to advance the study of panethnicity.
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In this paper we highlight key conceptual, empirical, and theoretical contributions of the sociology of race and racism, particularly those relevant to education scholars. We suggest that educational researchers could benefit from incorporating some of the insights of sociological research on race and racism into their scholarship as such engagement would help to refine and deepen understandings of what race is and is not, how racial dynamics shape what happens in schools, and how schools matter for society. Similarly, studies of school processes, practices, politics, and outcomes can help us to understand more about the construction, negotiation, and transformation of racial knowledge, racial boundaries, and racial hierarchies. We thus advocate for more robust interdisciplinary exchange and believe that the potential benefits are substantial not only to academic fields but also to efforts to advance racial justice more generally. How we conceptualize race informs how we measure it and how we make sense of the pervasive racial inequity that defines our society and pervades educational institutions.
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This chapter identifies some of the issues that the generation of psychologists has rediscovered as critical to researching and understanding the wide variety of human psychological experience. Cross‐cultural research poses difficulties that much other research may not face because, in addition to developing designs that show high levels of internal validity, cross‐cultural psychologists have to worry about appropriate external validity. There are also practical issues of generating appropriate participant samples from varied cultures. Furthermore, drawing inferences from data can be difficult because the researchers need to understand the intricacies of each culture. Attention to cross‐cultural research is relatively new in psychology; thus, the methodological and interpretive issues still merit critical scrutiny. An important component of both internal and external validity is the nature of measurements across cultures. The conclusions based on research with participants from diverse backgrounds have both theoretical and social implications that are connected to ethical issues.
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In this article the authors propose the use of a six-gradient skin color scale as an alternative to discern people's vulnerability to racial discrimination, pointing out its advantages vis á vis the methodological challenges posed by the standardized question of "race" used in population censuses and related demographic instruments. After conducting a thorough literature review of studies that have used similar methodologies and analyzing results from a pilot survey conducted in Florida, the authors conclude that the skin color scale is a suitable strategy to detect the effects of racism among Latino populations, validating its use for future studies in Puerto Rico. Key words: Latinos, skin color, racial discrimination, racism, health disparities Resumen En este artículo los autores proponen el uso de una escala de seis gradientes que ausculta la tonalidad del color de piel de los individuos como una alternativa para discernir la vulnerabilidad de las personas al discrimen racial, señalando sus ventajas vis a vis los retos metodológicos que conlleva la pregunta estandarizada de “raza” utilizada en censos poblacionales e instrumentos demográficos afines. Luego de hacer una revisión de estudios que han utilizado metodologías parecidas y analizar los resultados de una encuesta piloto realizada en Florida, los autores concluyen que la escala de color de piel es una estrategia adecuada para detectar los efectos del racismo entre poblaciones latinas, validando su uso para futuros estudios en Puerto Rico. Palabras claves: latinos, color de piel, discrimen racial, racismo, disparidades en salud
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The colonial heritage and its renewed aftermaths – expressed in the inter-American experiences of slavery, indigeneity, dependence, and freedom movements, to mention only a few aspects – form a common ground of experience in the Western Hemisphere. The flow of peoples, goods, knowledge, and finances have promoted interdependence and integration that cut across borders and link the countries of North and South America together. The nature of this transversally related and multiply interconnected region can only be captured through a transnational, multidisciplinary, and comprehensive approach. The Routledge Handbook to the History and Society of the Americas explores the history and society of the Americas, placing particular emphasis on collective and intertwined experiences. Forty-four entries cover a range of concepts and dynamics in the Americas from the colonial period until the present century: • The shared histories and dynamics of inter-American relationships are considered through pre-Hispanic empires, colonization, European hegemony, migration, multiculturalism, and political and economic interdependences. • Key concepts are selected and explored from different geopolitical, disciplinary, and epistemo-logical perspectives. • Highlighting the contested character of key concepts that are usually defined in strict disciplinary terms, the Handbook provides the basis for a better and deeper understanding of inter-American entanglements. This multidisciplinary approach will be of interest to a broad array of academic scholars and students in history, sociology, political science, cultural, postcolonial, gender, literary, and globalization studies.
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En los años 1940 dos afro-latinos hemisféricos, el afro-puertorriqueño Piri Thomas y el afro-colombiano Manuel Zapata Olivella, viajaron al Sur durante la época de las leyes discriminatorias Jim Crow y los linchamientos de negros. ¿Por qué se pusieron en peligro? Mi respuesta adapta el concepto de los “movimientos continentales” inter-americanos del crítico John D. “Río” Riofrío al contexto de Jim Crow para mostrar que el Sur norteamericano era una “zona catastrófica” a la cual viajaron estos escritores en su juventud para fortalecer sus identidades afro-latinas y su compromiso con la comunidad. Las confrontaciones de estos autores y sus protagonistas con la zona de desastre del Sur son relevantes mientras América experimenta el Nuevo Jim Crow y la época de Trump.
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