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Parental Education, Social Class and Entry to Higher Education 1976-86
Abstract
This paper uses the Scottish School Leavers' Survey series to estimate the net effects of parental education and parental social class, first, on a child's attainment of qualifications for entry to higher education and, second, on the chances of entry to higher education conditional on qualifying. Attention is given both to the university sector and to degree and advanced non-degree courses in the public sector. The findings confirm those of earlier studies but show in particular that the contribution of parental education to higher education entry is robust and has a basis in social and educational change that is wider than previously suspected. Projections of student demand that ignore these features are likely to be underestimates.
... (In the first row of the table, an odds ratio of 6.4 in 1978 means that leavers with fathers in non-manual occupations were 6.4 times more likely to enter higher education than leavers with fathers in manual backgrounds.)Table 1 shows an overall decrease in the gap in entry rates between 1978 and 1993, with the fastest decline during the period of greatest expansion. Conversely, the gap increased during the period in the mid 1980s when higher education places were not expanding as fast as the number of qualified leavers (see Burnhill et al (1990) ). This accords with evidence reported by Robertson and Hillman (1997) to the National Committee of Inquiry into Higher Education. ...
... There are three stages in the process of entry to higher education: qualification, application and entry. A strong relationship has been established between social background and levels of attainment at school, with those from working class backgrounds much less likely to gain the necessary qualifications for higher education (Burnhill et al, 1990; Paterson, 1991; Sammons, 1995; Metcalf, 1997). The findings on the influence of social background on the other two stages are mixed, however. ...
... lished between social background and levels of attainment at school, with those from working class backgrounds much less likely to gain the necessary qualifications for higher education (Burnhill et al, 1990; Paterson, 1991; Sammons, 1995; Metcalf, 1997). The findings on the influence of social background on the other two stages are mixed, however. Burnhill et al (1990), using the Scottish school leavers survey between 1976 and 1986, showed that social class and levels of parental education did not have an important influence on entry to higher education over and above their influence on school attainment. Paterson (1992), also using the Scottish school leavers' survey (between 1970 and 1988), demonstr ...
Incl. abstract, tables, bibl. This paper assesses the influence of social background on application and entry to higher education among Scottish school leavers using multi-level modelling. The context for the study is long-standing policy interest in widening access to higher education for under-represented groups. The analysis indicates that those from less advantaged backgrounds are disadvantaged at three stages in the process of entry to higher education: qualification, application and entry. The results support the need for explanations and interventions encompassing both individual and structural levels. Government initiatives aimed at widening access are discussed in light of the findings.
... But the issue is more complex than this suggests. While examining first year students at the University of Edinburgh, I found that students had little difficulty with 'objective' questions of the type: 3 ...
... 1. many students have implicitly rejected mathematics many years before, 2. many students are dismissive of the 'trivial' mistakes they make and are unwilling to expend effort in correcting their mathematical inadequacies, 3. the heavy demands on the students' time and energies made by their main subject. ...
... To fully exploit this technology we have to invest more heavily in the education of primary school teachers. Research evidence (Burnhill et al, 1990) has shown the key influences that parental education has on pupils' academic success. In most primary classrooms, the schoolteacher is 'in ! ...
this paper with a brief review of developments in the UK over the past 50 years. Although mathematics education has become internationalised, I am aware that the same pattern may not have occurred elsewhere. In the 1950's there was much hope that programmed learning, which presented mathematics to the learner in a carefully constructed sequence, would solve the problem of teaching mathematics. The programmes gave the learner control over the pace of presentation, and the more sophisticated programmes provided branching whereby the weak student could be provided with some extra help and the able student could be accelerated through the programme. Industrial experience had shown that such programmes were very effective in teaching skills such as wiring up circuit boards. The underlying philosophy was perhaps revealed when the term `teaching machines' was introduced. They were early versions of the audio tape-slide sequence but the learner had to read the instructions! At the beginning of the 1960's technology had developed and the first tape-slide sequences were being used in education. They were little used in mathematics learning. Educational television began amid great optimism for its effectiveness. It would be possible to show in the classroom, activities that were too dangerous or too inconvenient or too expensive to have actually done there. Analogue and digital computer programming was being introduced into the undergraduate curriculum, mainly as a tool for numerical methods. In school mathematics, this was the period when the `New Maths' was introduced in 2
... Okagaki (2001) provides an explanation for this observed phenomenon, stating that a positive family background is usually associated with high familial support. 24 Factors such as parental education (Burnhill et al., 1990), family wealth (Deon and Pritchett, 2001), and family structure 25 (Pong, 1997 andKrein, 1986) are some of the conventional variables used to analyse the effect of family backgrounds on students' test scores. These variables are considered to fall within the 'home production' side of the educational production function. ...
... Parental education and income are two variables commonly employed [Rivkin et al. (2005), Goldhaber and Brewer (1996), Ferguson and Ladd (1996), Ehrenberg and Brewer (1994) and Mumane et al. (1981)]. Burnhill et al. (1990), for example, used the number of parents' schooling years and fathers' occupational groups to measure the level of parental education and the level of family incomes, in their estimation of Scotland's educational production function. Rangvid (2007) employed conventional family variables such as parental education, occupation, wealth and family structure (a student lives with both natural parents) in quantile regressions of Denmark's educational production function. ...
A critical assessment of the extant literature of educational production function
is discussed in this paper. The discussion covers two important aspects of
research development in the area. First, the various approaches used in the
estimation of educational production functions, their strengths and
weaknesses, are analysed. The main objective of the exercise is to arrive at a
shared understanding of the appropriate approach to modelling an educational
production function. Second, the general relationship between the input and
the output of education is identified from the extant literature. An identification
of the relationship is instrumental in terms of variable selection for an empirical
study. Once the underlying issues related to the estimation of educational
production function are recognised, the derivation of three mathematical models
of the function that can be applied in empirical works is provided.
... The Robbins Committee on Higher Education considered such factors as family background, economic and employment prospects associated with different educational levels, and the institutional variables relating to the provision of primary and secondary education as the most important factors influencing entry into higher education. Since then, a lot of economic analysis has been done, mainly in developed countries, using micro-data to examine the issues of access and equity (Piachaud 1975;Bishop 1977;Psacharopoulos and Soumelis 1979;Wills and Rosen 1979;Manski and Wise 1983;Kodde and Ritzen 1988;Burnhill, Garner and McPherson 1990;Hayden and Carpenter 1990;Nakamura 1993;Menon 1998;Albert 2000;Li and Min 2001;Flannery and O'donoghue 2009). ...
... Most economic research based on personal characteristics shows the importance of family background factors. It has been widely reported that the education level of parents and, to a lesser extent family income, has a strong influence on the demand for higher education (Psacharopoulos and Soumelis 1979;Manski and Wise 1983;Kodde and Ritzen 1988;Burnhill, Garner and McPherson 1990;Hayden and Carpenter 1990;Nakamura 1993;Menon 1998;Albert 2000). Moreover, parental level of education is related to the child's choice of the type and length of his/her higher education (Budria 2006). ...
How does an individual choose to pursue tertiary education in Indonesia in an era of mass tertiary education? What factors affect this decision? In thisarticle, we analyze the determinants of access to tertiary education in Indonesia from the demand side using household survey data. We also examine theimpact of regional and family background factors on inequity of access to tertiary education. In order to analyze the demand side factors for tertiaryeducation, we use a multi-nominal logit model to examine what factors influence an individual’s decision to pursue a sarjana (bachelor’s) program,diploma program, or work after s/he graduates from high school. The data used is from the fourth Indonesia Family Life Survey (IFLS4) which wasconducted by the RAND Corporation and others between 2007 and 2008. Key findings of the analysis are as follows: (1) the education level of the head ofhousehold and family income per household member have significant positive effects on the choice of pursuing tertiary education; (2) in urban areas, theeducation level of household spouse and students’ test scores in high school are positively significant; (3) living in urban areas per se does not have acorrelation with entry into tertiary education; (4) access to bachelor’s programs for urban residents is most likely affected by the family backgroundfactors; (5) holding everything else constant, the tendency is for females to enroll in diploma programs, but not for bachelor’s programs.
... However, in the works aimed at assessing the effectiveness of universities, their link with the payoff of tertiary education is generally weak [42] or even not statistically significant [7,10]. This result is quite surprising since large evidence documented the intergenerational transmission of education, from primary schools to universities [1,14,18,32]. Therefore, the family background can be hardly assumed to be independent from other elements affecting the job performance of graduates, such as the university attended (e.g. ...
A broad literature focused on the effectiveness of tertiary education. In classical models, a performance indicator is regressed on a set of characteristics of the individuals and fixed effects at the institution level. The FE coefficients are interpreted as the pure value added of the universities. The innovative contribution of the present paper resides in the use of Bayesian network (BN) analysis to assess the effectiveness of tertiary education. The results of an empirical study focused on Italian universities are discussed, to present the use of BN as a decision support tool for policy-making purposes.
... A good number of studies have been done in different countries to look into theBurnhill, Garner, & Mcpherson, 1990;Finnie, Laporte, & Lascelles, 2004;Jimenez & Salas-Velasco, 2000;Nguyen & Taylor, 2003;Ogawa & Iimura, 2010). Students' test scores in secondary education are also found to be very strongly positively affecting the probability of attending higher education institutions (Buckner, 2013;Jimenez & Salas-Velasco, 2000;Kodde & Ritzen, 1988;Nguyen & Taylor, 2003;Psacharopoulos & Soumelis, 1979). ...
The higher education system in Vietnam has an experienced remarkable expansion in recent decades towards a mass-oriented education system. One of the key questions from the equity perspective is whether such expansion of higher education system has led to more equal distribution of opportunities. A widely held belief is that disparities in access to higher education between the rich and poor have been persistent. To ease the financial gaps among students’ families and to promote enrollment of poor students, financial assistance programs such as scholarships and subsidized student loans have been introduced.
This study looks into the underlying assumption of such financial assistance programs. To what extent are low-income and qualified upper secondary graduates deprived of higher education opportunity because of their liquidity constraints, i.e. insufficiency of current financial capacity and access to credit against future income? Using a case of Vietnam, the study sets out to investigate (1) the effects of student background factors on access to higher education and (2) to what extent liquidity constraint affects chances of access to higher education.
Empirical evidences about impacts of liquidity constraints have been rather inconclusive, showing mixed results for different contexts. One of the main difficulties associated with the debate is that financial constraints are intrinsically not directly measurable, and scholars have to rely on various sorts of indirect measurements. Despite such lack of coherent evidences, financial assistance programs to remedy short-term financial constraints have been popular policy interventions in many countries.
Data from Vietnamese Household Living Standard Survey (VHLSS) is used to estimate the effects of various student background factors and short-term liquidity constraints on their likelihood of higher education enrollment. A multinomial choice model is applied to allow for multiplicity of enrollment alternatives: college and university. To control for long-term impacts of families’ financial capacities, the study creates a family wealth index using the Principal Component Analysis (PCA) method.
The estimation results found that following the recent rapid expansion of higher education, access to college education is now not significantly influenced by students’ family background. Equality in access to college education seem to have improved significantly in Vietnam. The finding, however, also indicates that students’ background continues to significantly affect the chances of university enrollment. Access to university education still remains unequally distributed despite the increased enrollment.
Short-term liquidity constraints do seem to affect enrollment choices of upper secondary graduates; however, they seem to affect college enrollment and university enrollment considerably differently and in opposite ways. Liquidity constraints are found to be deterring lower-income upper secondary graduates from attending universities, whereas no evidence of liquidity constraints was found for college enrollment. Low-income upper secondary graduates do not seem to be significantly deterred by a lack of current financial resources from attending colleges. The supply of college institutions in wider geographical areas may have contributed to reducing financial pressure for college enrollment. Financial assistance policies for the poor should be prioritized to alleviate financial difficulties for university applicants.
... Während sich TANDEMkids an Schülerinnen und Schüler der 7. Klassen richtet, ist TANDEMschool ein Programm für Schülerinnen und Schüler ab der 11. Jahrgangsstufe (Lämmerhirt, 2009b;Lämmerhirt, 2009g (Noe, 1988, S. 65 (Burnhill, Garner & McPherson, 1990;Papas & Psacharopoulos, 1987 ...
... For example, when ρ = 0.25 we estimate median[Y (1)|Y (0) = "<high school"] to be "bachelor", but the 95% posterior interval includes the estimate based on all other ρ values, "high school". The first order conclusion is that in fact there is a treatment effect, which agrees with previous insights into the subject of the effect of parental education on child educational outcomes (Burnhill et al., 1990). The contribution of our method provides a breakdown of this effect conditional on the potential outcome under control. ...
Many outcomes of interest in the social and health sciences, as well as in
modern applications in computational social science and experimentation on
social media platforms, are ordinal and do not have a meaningful scale. Causal
analyses that leverage this type of data, termed ordinal non-numeric, require
careful treatment, as much of the classical potential outcomes literature is
concerned with estimation and hypothesis testing for outcomes whose relative
magnitudes are well defined. Here, we propose a class of finite population
causal estimands that depend on conditional distributions of the potential
outcomes, and provide an interpretable summary of causal effects when no scale
is available. We formulate a relaxation of the Fisherian sharp null hypothesis
of constant effect that accommodates the scale-free nature of ordinal
non-numeric data. We develop a Bayesian procedure to estimate the proposed
causal estimands that leverages the rank likelihood. We illustrate these
methods with an application to educational outcomes in the General Social
Survey.
... Ever since the post-war immigration and settlement of ethnic minorities, sociological research on educational inequality has found educational achievement to be strongly associated with social class (Halsey et al., 1980;Heath and Clifford, 1990;Goldthorpe, 1996). In addition, there is convincing evidence to suggest that parent education levels are also important factors to consider, especially in relation to higher education entry (Burnhill et al., 1990). As such, there are certain implications for British South Asians: not only do they occupy different economic and social positions in society compared with ethnic majority groups (Modood et al., 1997), but also certain South Asian parents tend to be less educated (Ghuman, 1980;Bhachu, 1985), in particular certain South Asian Muslim parents (Joly, 1989;Gardner, 1992). ...
... Knowledge of differences in HE participation rates between societal groups has a lengthy history, 15 -18 and a comprehensive review of those changes in policy that have aimed to support a more egalitarian system can be seen elsewhere. 19,20 HE participation has been shown to stratify across a variety of segments, including ethnicity, 21,22 gender and social class, 23,24 neighbourhood type, 25,26 parental education 27 and schooling. 28 However, despite this extensive research and signifi cant government funding interventions, a recent National Audit Offi ce report highlights that some groups still remain signifi cantly under-represented. ...
As the higher education (HE) sector has expanded, so has the variety of courses on offer, with applicants now choosing between greater numbers of potential options. Where applications to HE are administered through centralised admission services, applicants will often make multiple initial course choices, which offers an opportunity to examine systematic groupings of interest within course choice sets, and assess whether certain types of student are more likely to make concentrated or diffuse subject selections. Utilising a national database of an entire cohort's application behaviour, the empirical findings presented in this article indicate that there are clusters of subjects that are applied for in combination, and that certain ethnic minority, socio-economic groups and neighbourhood types are more likely to make more diffuse subject choices. This creates an information base of generalised course choice behaviours that HE institutions could utilise for targeted marketing, recruitment and selection activities, and additionally forms the basis of a decision support framework that could be implemented in a variety of online tools to help guide student courses.
... During the last few decades, since ethnic minorities rst migrated, research on educational inequalities between groups has found achievement to be strongly associated with social class (Heath & Clifford, 1990). Another factor found important to consider is parent education levels (Burnhill et al., 1990). As such, given these assumptions, there are certain implications for South Asians, not only as they tend to occupy lower socio-economic positions (Modood et al., 1997), but because some South Asian parents are less educated (Ghuman, 1980;Bhachu, 1985a), and, in particular, some Muslim (Bangladeshi and Pakistani) parents (Joly, 1989;Gardner, 1992). ...
This article explores how South Asian parents and teachers affect the educational achievements of South Asians in schools and colleges in the city of Birmingham, England. The research undertaken for this study was principally qualitative, based on in-depth interviews with and surveys of pupils, students and parents from different schools and colleges across the city. Respondents were asked to discuss the importance of the home and the school for educational achievement, exploring, at one level, perspectives on teachers and schools and, at another, religion and culture within the home. It was found that given the different socio-economic positions, ethnicities and genders of South Asians, the experiences of South Asian Muslims (Bangladeshis and Pakistanis) suggested greater disadvantage, necessarily because of their attending less effective schools, an adverse religio-cultural effect within the home, and how Muslims are negatively perceived by the majority. In contrast, Indians (Hindu and Sikh) experience education favourably, in essence, because of attending schools that are more effective, religion and culture having less of an impact on their lives at home, and how they are positively perceived by the majority.
... The analysis of differential rates of access to higher education has a long history (see for example Rudd, 1976Rudd, , 1987aRudd, & 1987bHalsey et al., 1980;Moore, 1983;Royal Statistical Society, 1985;Redpath & Harvey, 1987;Burnhill et al., 1988Burnhill et al., & 1990Blackburn & Jarman, 1993;Cheng & Heath, 1993;Eggerton & Halsey, 1993;Halsey, 1993;Modood, 1993;Paterson, 1993Paterson, & 1997Batey & Brown, 1997;Metcalf, 1997;Parry, 1997;Savage & Egerton, 1997;Raab, 1998). Anyone surveying the literature in this area will become aware of its confused nature. ...
The government has recently raised the issue of differential rates of partici- pation in higher education. The overall aim of this paper is to present an example of the kind of detailed research necessary to identify factors associated with low rates of participation in higher education by some groups of young people. A number of studies have suggested that in addition to educational attainment, issues such as social class, gender and parental education also inè uence a young person's likelihood of entering higher education. In this paper we undertake exploratory analysis of a series of nationally representative data and through statistical modelling we then identify the factors that inè uence a young person's chances of entry into higher education and participating on a degree level course. Through sample enumeration, an innovative statistical methodology, we were then able to quantify the substantive effects of these factors. We found that net of educational attainment a number of factors (e.g. gender and social background variables) inè uence the likelihood of a young person entering higher education and participating on a degree level course. In addition our analysis highlights the interwoven effects of parental education and schooling and we discuss the complex nature of the effects of ethnicity.
... A number of articles, however, address factors related to attainment more generally and a significant number focus on factors related to gender differences in attainment. A number of articles document the relationship between social background and academic attainment (e.g. Burnhill et al., 1990; Paterson, 1991; Sammons, 1995; Biggart, 2000). Young people with fathers in non-manual occupations and those with well-educated parents tend to do better at school than their less advantaged peers. ...
Recent emphasis on raising attainment has focused attention onto the 'gender gap' in school attainment levels. Using data from the Scottish School Leavers Survey, the article examines factors related to high attainment and asks whether these differ for males and females. A strong relationship is established between social advantage and high attainment within each gender. There is no evidence of differential progression rates for males and females between the ages of 16 and 18. The only factor which offers any explanation for gender differences in attainment is the evidence that girls took school more seriously than boys. This supports theories that girls and boys experience different peer pressures which influence their school attainment. Other factors have also been shown to influence gender differences in performance in the research literature. Factors affecting gender differences were found equally in all schools, suggesting that wider cultural factors are also influential in creating gender differences.
... For example, Glaeser (1994) divides the education's positive effects on economic growth into parts, and concludes that children in families with educated parents obtain a better education than children without support. Also, Burnhill et al. (1990) find that parental education influences entry to higher education in Scotland over and above the influence of parental social class. More recently, Lee and Barro (2001) find that family characteristics, such as income and education of parents, enhance student's performance. ...
The paper studies the effects of cross-country differences in human capital formation on income distribution and growth. Our overlapping generations economy has the following features: (1) consumers are heterogenous with respect to parental human capital and ability; (2) intergenerational transfers take place via parental education and, public investments in education financed by taxes (possibly, with a level determined by majority voting); (3) due to investment in human capital, which is a factor of production, we have endogenous growth. Besides exploring several cross-country variations in the production of human capital, some attributed to 'home-education' and others related to 'public-education', we indicate how the level of public education can lead to poverty traps and affect the intragenerational income inequality along the equilibrium path.
... This emphasizes the importance of always considering gender differences in relation to other sources of inequality. In particular, social class and levels of parental education have been shown to have a persistent and significant relationship with educational attainment (Sammons, 1995;Burnhill et al., 1990;Paterson, 1991;Biggart, 2000;Tinklin et al., 2001a), with young people from less advantaged homes who had less well educated parents tending not to do as well at school as their more advantaged peers. Few differences by social class or parental education were reported in our findings, but given the strong relationship between social background and educational attainment, it is likely that any social class differences will have been accounted for by attainment levels. ...
The last century, in particular the latter half, saw radical shifts in the roles and expectations of women in society. This article investigates the views of 14-to 16-year-olds in the year 2000 on work and family roles, exploring both their general views on gender roles and their own personal aspira-tions for the future. In general the young people believed that it was equally important for males and females to get good qualifications at school, to have worthwhile careers and that childcare should be a joint responsibility. They also believed that males and females could do any job they wanted to these days. Their views were tempered, however, by the inequalities that they saw around them in the workplace and in their own families. While young people's attitudes may have changed, they are still choosing fairly gender-typical subjects at school and aspiring to different types of occupation. The article concludes that while great strides have been made in changing attitudes towards gender equality, there is still a long way to go before equal opportunities are really achieved.
... der a human capital production process that exhibits two important properties. First, the importance of parental human capital in the process of generating human capital of the offspring is well established in the literature [see, e.g., Hanushek (1986)]. Glaeser (1994) finds that children from families with educated parents obtain better education. Burnhill et al. (1990) find that parental education influences entry into higher education in Scotland over and above parental social status. Lee and Barro (2001) and Brunello and Checchi (2003) find that family characteristics, such as income and education of parents, enhance student's performance. A reason that is put forward is that parental education elic ...
The paper studies differences in education technology and their effects on growth and on income distributions. Our overlapping gen-erations economy has the following features: (1) consumers are het-erogenous with respect to ability and parental human capital; (2) in-tergenerational transfers take place via parental education and, public investments in education financed by taxes (possibly, with a level de-termined by majority voting); (3) due to investment in human capital, which is a factor of production, we have endogenous growth. Be-sides exploring several variations in the production of human capital, some attributed to 'home-education' and others related to 'public-education', we indicate how the level of public education can lead to negative growth rates and affect the intragenerational income inequal-ity along the equilibrium path.
... Previous work implies that the variation of participation in higher education by social group is closely related to educational achievement up to 18 years of age (Burnhill et al 1990; Pearson et al 1989). If the educational attainment of currently poorly performing groups improved, then their rate of participation in higher education would be likely to increase.Figure 11 The present study is exploratory and therefore should not be seen as a comprehensive analysis of all aspects of variation in participation rates. ...
Higher Education in England has expanded dramatically in the last ten years with the result that currently more than 30 per cent of young people go on to University. This upward trend in the participation rate is almost certain to continue, following the recommendations of a national committee of inquiry, the Dearing Committee (National Committee of Inquiry into Higher Education 1997). Participation rates vary substantially by region and by type of residential area, and an earlier paper by the present authors (Batey, Brown and Corver 1997) demonstrated the benefits of using a geodemographic classification system to explore the nature of this variation. The present paper builds on this foundation in order to examine the potential for further expansion of student numbers. A number of scenarios are developed which combine assumptions about factors that may determine the scope for expansion in particular regions and sub-regions. The results of this analysis are intended to inform current discussions about the implementation of certain of the Dearing Committee?s recommendations. References Batey, P.W.J., Brown, P.J.B. and Corver, M. (1997) ?Expanding Participation in Higher Education: A Geodemographic Analysis of Recent Experiences in the English Regions? paper presented at the 27th European Congress of the Regional Science Association International, Rome, Italy 16-29 August 1997. National Committee of Inquiry into Higher Education, (1997), Higher Education in the Learning Society, London, HMSO.
... Second, the significance of parental human capital in shaping the human capital of an offspring has been developed. Burnhill et al. (1990) show that the education level of parents affects entry to higher education more that the influence of the social class of them. More recently, Barro and Lee (2001) and Brunello and Checchi (2005) discover that family characteristics, including parental education, improve student's achievement. ...
Proefschrift Erasmus Universiteit. Lit. opg.: p. 134-146. - Met samenvatting in het Nederlands.
... For example, Glaeser (1994) divides the education's positive effects on economic growth into parts, and concludes that children in families with educated parents obtain a better education than children without support. Also, Burnhill et al. (1990) find that parental education influences entry to higher education in Scotland over and above the influence of parental social class. More recently, Lee and Barro (2001) find that family characteristics, such as income and education of parents, enhance student's performance. ...
The paper studies the effects of cross-country differences in the production process of human capital on income distribution and growth. Our overlapping gen- erations economy has the following features: (1) consumers are heterogenous with respect to parental human capital and wealth; (2) intergenerational transfers take place via parental education and, public investments in education financed by taxes (possibly, with a level determined by majority voting); (3) due to investment in human capital, which is a factor of production, we have endogenous growth. We explore several types of cross-country variations in the production of human capi- tal, some attributed to 'home-education' and others related to 'public-education', and their effect upon intragenerational income inequality and growth along the equilibrium path. We also indicate how the level of public education affects human capital formation and the conditions leading to poverty traps.
... Statistical offices of international organizations compile large lists of indicators that describe and compare educational achievements across countries. While these features vary from country to country and thus there may not be a single theory that characterizes all the observed developments, three main common elements have inspired our framework of analysis [see, e.g., Park (1996), Burnhill, Garner and McPherson (1990)]. First, the production function for human capital given in (1) exhibits the property that individuals from a below-average families have a greater return to human capital investment derived from public schooling than those from above-average human capital families. ...
The paper studies the determinants of income distribution and growth in an overlapping generations economy with heterogenous households. Our framework has the following main features:
heterogeneity of consumers with respect to wealth and parental human capital;
intergenerational transfers, accomplished via investment in the education of the younger generation.
Heterogeneity in income results from the distribution of human capital across individuals in a non-degenerate way. The human capital production is affected by 'home-education' , provided by the parents, as well as 'public-education , which is provided equally to all young individuals of the same generation. Due to investments in human capital our economy exhibits endogenous growth. First, we explore the effects of technological change in human capital formation, upon the distribution of income at each date along the equilibrium path. Second, we study the impact of such technogical progress on growth and relate these results to the income distribution inequality. Third, we provide numerical simulations to quantify the effect of changes in the parameters of the model. Simulation results include exact Gini coefficients and tax rate on labor determined endogenously through majority voting.
... Second, the significance of parental human capital in shaping the human capital of an offspring has been developed. Burnhill et al. (1990) show that the education level of parents affects entry to higher education more that the influence of the social class of them. More recently, Barro and Lee (2001) and Brunello and Checchi (2005) discover that family characteristics, including parental education, improve student's achievement. ...
The paper examines the effect of heterogeneity in individual human capital formation on cross-country income inequality. It considers a two-country model of overlapping generation heterogeneous economies with the following features: (1) individuals are heterogeneous with respect to inborn ability and parental human capital; (2) intergenerational transfers take place via public investment in education financed by tax, and parental education; (3) due to variation in individual human capital, we have endogenous heterogeneity both in labor supply and in parents’ participation in self-educating their offspring. Besides exploring cross-country variation in public education, how its low level can lead to a poverty trap and how its high level can result in an increasing society’s effective human capital, we study the effects of capital markets integration, in equilibrium, on the intra-generational income inequality in both the investing and receiving countries.
Higher education in Taiwan has expanded, and it has seen a corollary increase in stratification. Extending Tinto’s institutional departure model, this study tests both the outcome of students’ academic integration and the influence that campus social systems have on them with regard to shaping their choice of major and subsequent persistence in or departure from the academic department of choice. This study further tests the relationship of students’ choice patterns of majors and pathways to future labor-market outcomes. By analyzing longitudinal survey data in Taiwan, which tracked the 1984-1985 born cohort from 2001-2015, this study finds that social class plays an important role in stratifying students’ choices of majors and pathways, which in turn are important in shaping labor-market outcomes.
This study provides a critical analysis of the influence of social class on life chances in post-reform Vietnam. As the country underwent a profound structural transition from a centrally planned to a market-oriented economy in the mid-1980s, social class gradually replaced political class as a major source of inequality. Knowledge about this phenomenon is rudimentary – not least because of the continuing power of state ideology in contemporary Vietnam.
Throughout the investigation, Bourdieu’s framework of class reproduction guides both a quantitative analysis of the Survey Assessment of Vietnamese Youth 2010 and a qualitative research of 39 respondents in the Red River Delta region, including young people of the first post-reform generation – now in their 20s and 30s – and their parents. The study discusses the ways in which class determines the ability of parents to transmit different resources to their children, focusing on those that are usable and valued in the fields of education and labour. It finds that, across several areas of social life in contemporary Vietnam, implicit class-based discrimination is disguised and legitimised by explicit and seemingly universal ‘meritocratic’ principles.
The study makes a number of original contributions to sociology, three of which are particularly important. (1) Empirically, it breaks new ground for a sociological understanding of both the constitution and the development of class inequalities in contemporary Vietnam. (2) Methodologically, it offers numerous useful examples of mixed-methods integration. (3) Theoretically, it proposes to think with, against and beyond some of the most relevant Bourdieusian research on this topic. The empirical application of Bourdieu’s framework in toto, as opposed to a more customary partial appropriation, facilitates comprehensive insights into: class-specified practices as governed and conditioned by internalised powers and structural resources; the multidimensionality of class-based advantages and disadvantages; and the causative transmission and activation of capital across and within generations.
The widening of access to higher education in the UK has been a key government policy priority over the past twenty years. A recent analysis of initiatives to widen access to higher education in Scotland demonstrates that this has been particularly significant for mature adult students (Watt & Paterson, 2001). Although there is evidence that participation in higher education has risen rapidly across all age groups since 1985, it has done so most rapidly amongst those aged 25 or more (Paterson, 1997). However, despite this evidence, the relative proportions of adults from different social groups participating in higher education remains largely unaltered. One crucial reason for this under-representation is funding policy. Evidence received by the Independent Committee of Inquiry into Student Finance (1999) confirmed that financial considerations create a strong deterrent to participation by non-traditional groups. This paper examines the efficacy of a scheme that seeks to widen access to higher education in Scotland by removing some of the financial barriers experienced by those adults with low incomes who wish to study on a part-time basis.
This article examines current university and school‐based special entry initiatives under which young, non‐traditional students, particularly those from social classes IIIM, IV and V, might access higher education (HE). These initiatives are seen as the only means by which such groups might reasonably be expected to continue their studies soon after leaving school. These access initiatives are described in relation to future developments such as Higher Still. Several Scottish programmes including 10‐week summer schools and shorter subject‐specific courses are examined and their advantages and disadvantages set out Throughout, such initiatives are set in the SOEID (1991) context of ‘bridging the gap’ between school and university. This article concludes that initial evidence indicates special entry summer schools do provide a way for non‐traditional students to make a successful transition to HE.
This paper begins by setting out the demographic context within which there is a growing interest in older people and their social role. The notion of generation is briefly considered, and then related to McTaggart's philosophy of time. Next, the paper moves on to discuss how education affects intergenerational relations, dealing first with the question of equality between generations, and secondly with ways in which generations affect each other's learning. Evidence is presented from a recent policy study conducted for the Carnegie Inquiry into the Third Age. The discussion stresses the relevance of a temporal approach to analyses of the distribution of educational opportunity, and to issues of motivation and achievement in education.
This article examines variations among England, Wales, and Scotland in the association between social origin and educational attainment and the role that different national educational policies may have played in shaping these variations. The findings show that country variation in the association between origins and attainment was mostly or entirely due to variations in overall levels of attainment. Moreover, inequality was the highest where the proportions attaining a particular threshold were the highest—upper secondary school or higher in Scotland. The authors propose a refinement of Raftery and Hout's theory of maximally maintained inequality that takes into account that the trajectory of inequality is not linear: inequality can widen in the initial phase of expanding opportunity, en route to an eventual contraction, because the most advantaged groups are the first to exploit any new opportunities that policy changes offer. The results show that country differences in educational policy have not yielded different changes over time in the association between origin and educational attainment.
Over the last two decades, the transition from school to work in Britain has changed quite radically, as is the case in much of Western Europe. Transitions have become more protracted, routes have increased in complexity and sequences of events have changed. Whilst young people were once able to develop fairly clear ideas about their
likely destinations in the labour market, today they are much more uncertain about the implications of following particular transitional routes. In this paper, we describe
some of the main changes which have occurred over the last decade and discuss some of their implications. Our main argument is that despite the radical nature of the
changes which have taken place, new opportunities are limited. For many young people, the underlying patterns of social reproduction largely remain intact, while for
others we can identify new sources of vulnerability which may ultimately lead to marginalisation. Despite the existence of many continuities in transitional outcomes, the changes have left many young people without fixed points of reference and are associated with increased feelings of risk and uncertainty. Whereas subjective understandings of the social world were once shaped by class, gender and neighbourhood relations, the far
reaching nature of the changes mean that today everything is presented as a possibility. We begin by describing some of the changes in patterns of educational participation in Britain, highlighting the extent to which differential educational outcomes have been maintained over the last couple of decades. We go on to look at the implications of these changes for young people’s labour market experiences.
This article examines equal opportunities polices (EOPs) in higher education - the supply side of senior staff in management and the professions. In the United Kingdom (UK) EOPs have been intro duced as a result of the law. The article shows that their effect on, access and employment in institutions of higher education (HEIs) has been marginal. The analysis suggests that the belief in the rhetoric of equality in the chariers of institutions, the notion of academic merit as an objective construct and the values underlying the exclusive prestige hierarchy all conoibute to complacent and reluctant managements. Evidence of the effectiveness of policies in Northern Ireland and initial teacher education (ITE) in the past support the need for a firmer legisladve framework. As evidence from data collection becomes available, the contradiction between rhetoric and, reality will cause increasing controversy in higher education.
The views of a range of teachers towards South Asians in schools and colleges in Birmingham are explored in this paper. Based on 23 teachers, often senior in nature, from 11 educational institutions (9 schools [1 independent, 2 selective, 6 comprehensive] and 2 further education colleges), analysis of attitudes is in relation to gender and religion; socialisation and language differences between South Asian groups; and teacher ethnicity and antiracist multicultural education policy. It was broadly found that teachers viewed the education of South Asians based on the modus operandi of the educational institution they represented as well as the way in which differing South Asians based on socio-economic status, ethnicity and gender were thought to act and behave. There are implications for how South Asians are perceived as individuals as well as groups by teachers, as well as how schools can make a real attempt to improve existing home-school relations.
This paper is a discussion of how the educational attitudes, perspectives and experiences of young South Asian women in schools and colleges in the city of Birmingham, UK, are affected by domestic religio-cultural norms and values. Taking into consideration social class and the different types of schools they attend, young South Asian women were interviewed and surveyed to ascertain the effects of religion and culture upon education. The empirical findings show that all young South Asian women had supportive parents who actively encouraged them in education, irrespective of religion. For young Muslim women a strong bond between religion and individual was found, but for Hindus and Sikhs it was more tentative. For young working-class South Asian women, Hindus and Sikhs also regarded religion as less significant in their lives, but for Muslims it was again seen as crucial--but certain practices were argued to be more cultural than religious, and thereby problematic. For some young South Asian Muslim women, it leads to further marginalisation in education, given that they also originate from lower social class positions.
The costs of higher education in the UK have shifted increasingly from the state to the student (and students’ families). In 1998, a fee contribution of £1,000 per annum was introduced for new entrants to full-time degree courses. This paper examines its effect on debt, term-time employment and student satisfaction. The analysis uses data from a survey of two cohorts of students and identifies how the impact varied with student and course characteristics. Fees led to an increase in student debt (particularly for disabled students and for students who did not receive financial support from their families) and a decline in student satisfaction. No general impact on term-time employment was identified, but term-time employment increased for students who did not receive financial support from their families. Whilst for these two groups inequality was increased, fees appeared to lead to greater equality, in terms of term-time employment, between children of graduate and non-graduate parents. The paper discusses the implications for the introduction of top-up fees in 2006.
In this paper we relate participation in full-time Higher Education in Scotland to the geographic and social characteristics of the areas where people reside. National data on students at Higher Education institutions in all parts of the UK are used to calculate the rates, with areas of residence defined by their addresses at the times of applying to the institutions. Population data and the social characteristics of the areas were derived from the 1991 Census. The smallest geographic area considered was the Post-Code Sector, consisting of around 5000 households. Economic factors, social class, unemployment and housing tenure were strongly related to participation in the expected direction. However, different strengths of effect were found in different parts of the country. The analyses also suggest that cultural factors may be important, especially away from the major cities, and that aspects of accessibility to the institutions may also be of relevance in some areas.
Scottish higher education has expanded and diversified in the last two decades. Most notably, compared to the early 1980s, participation in the mid-1990s has risen disproportionately among people aged over 21, people from socially disadvantaged backgrounds, women, and (probably) minority ethnic groups. Students are more likely to move away from their home region on entering undergraduate courses, although they are not much more likely than before to leave Scotland altogether. Although participation from Scotland generally has risen more rapidly than participation from elsewhere in the UK generally, at some Scottish institutions the proportion of undergraduates coming from outside Scotland is growing. The system as a whole is not becoming markedly more part-time, although there has been a rise in the very small proportion of people who are studying for first degrees part-time (as opposed to HNDs etc). The share of higher education taking place in further education colleges has grown sharply, but nearly all of that has been for HNDs etc rather than degrees. The expansion has been driven partly by general social change (including the intergenerational effects of previous educational expansion), partly by special entrance schemes to encourage students from social backgrounds that have not in the past been strongly associated with entering higher education, and partly by government policy. These pressures will continue, and will probably be reinforced by the imminent reform of post-16 assessment and curriculum in Scotland, producing for the educational stage immediately preceding higher education for most students a unified framework embracing both academic and vocational courses.
This paper argues that the application forms of the ‘big-five’ accounting firms discriminate against applicants from working-class communities. While issues of discrimination in relation to race and gender have been considered in the accounting literature, discrimination and class in a contemporary setting is relatively under-explored. A historical analysis of the formation of the accounting profession in Scotland serves to illustrate the historical importance of class in controlling entry to the profession. During this period professions such as accounting came to play an increasingly important role in the reproduction of class from one generation to the next. However, in a contemporary setting processes of class reproduction are subtler. Initially access to university education was a key way of controlling access to professions. However, with the growth of a mass education system other strategies of reproduction have emerged. These are commonly based on an emphasis of charismatic qualities, also known as generic or transferable skills. This paper presents an analysis of the application forms of the big-five accounting firms and argues that the selection of future employees on the basis of these forms will favour applicants from the middle-class.
Abstract Geographically Weighted Regression (GWR) is a method of spatial statistical analysis used to explore geographical differences in the effect of one or more predictor variables upon a response variable. However, as a form of local analysis, it does not scale well to (especially) large data sets because of the repeated processes of fitting and then comparing multiple regression surfaces. A solution is to make use of developing grid infrastructures, such as that provided by the National Grid Service (NGS) in the UK, treating GWR as an “embarrassing parallel” problem and building on existing software platforms to provide a bridge between an open source implementation of GWR (in R) and the grid system. To demonstrate the approach, we apply it to a case study of participation in Higher Education, using GWR to detect spatial variation in social, cultural and demographic indicators of participation.
The paper offers a unified way to examine several puzzles on inequality dynamics. It focuses on differences in the education technology and their effects on income distributions. Our overlapping generations economy has the following features: (1) consumers are heterogenous with respect to ability and parental human capital; and (2) intergenerational transfers take place via parental direct investment in education and, public education financed by taxes (possibly, with a level determined by majority voting). We explore several variations in the production of human capital, some attributed to 'home-education' and others related to 'public-education', and indicate how various changes in education technologies affect the intragenerational income inequality along the equilibrium path. Copyright (c) The London School of Economics and Political Science 2008.
This article will highlight the difficulties faced by qualified but disadvantaged young people in accessing higher education. This is an issue which has strong implications for education policy, economic efficiency and social justice. Over the past two decades, despite large increases in overall access to higher education, the gap in level of participation between the most affluent and most disadvantaged school-leavers has remained intact. This article will examine patterns of educational attrition amongst less affluent young people, who gain sufficient qualifications to enter higher education. In other words, in order to redress the imbalance in the uptake of places in higher education, this article will distinguish between the factors which qualify young people to access university and those which predispose them to participate. A range of factors (barriers) which impacted upon levels of participation in higher education was found. Access to higher education was primarily dictated by level of school achievement, although this in turn was found to be a function of disadvantage. Furthermore, some qualified but disadvantaged young people forwent the opportunity to enter higher education on leaving school, while others enrolled in less advanced courses, for reasons other than academic ability.
The aim of this paper is to analyse the characteristics of Irish households that have a member participating in higher education, using surveys of Irish households collected in 1994-95 and 1999-2000. The results do not show a significant effect of income; this is notable, especially alongside the strong result that longer-term factors such as household wealth and cultural capital have a significant effect. This lends support to the argument proposed by Heckman (2000) that family income is only important over the entire educational investment cycle of a child. However, the importance of grant eligibility is a notable result, which suggests that short-term financial constraints cannot be dismissed. A combination of suitably beneficial short-term and long-term factors may be important for encouraging participation in higher education.
To explore ethnic variations in social background of successful applicants to undergraduate United Kingdom medical and dental schools.
Retrospective analyses of University and College Admissions Services data on all students to commence study in pre-clinical medicine and dentistry, during the academic years 1994/5, 1995/6 and 1996/7. Analyses were undertaken for two categories of social class, namely higher (professional and intermediate) and lower (skilled non-manual, skilled manual, partly skilled, and unskilled) social class.
Over 15 thousand students were accepted to study medicine and dentistry during the three-year study period, of which 80% were from high social class backgrounds. More medical (80.9%) students were from high social class backgrounds than dental (73.3%) students (OR = 1.54, 95% CI = 1.39, 1.70). Social class differences were observed, with a greater proportion of higher social class students amongst the white students than amongst the minority ethnic students (OR = 1.42, 95% CI = 1.30, 1.55). This was more marked in dentistry (OR = 1.48, 95% CI = 1.22, 1.79) than in medicine (OR = 1.35, 95% CI = 1.22, 1.49). More students from higher social class backgrounds were observed in medicine than in dentistry amongst the black (OR = 1.55, 95% CI = 0.59, 4.00), Indian (OR = 2.04, 95% CI = 1.58, 2.62) and white (OR = 1.44, 95% CI = 1.26, 1.64) groups.
Significant inter-ethnic differences are observed in the social background of students entering medicine and dentistry. Dentistry accepted a greater proportion of students from lower social class backgrounds and from black and minority ethnic groups.
To describe the socio-demographic characteristics of successful and unsuccessful applicants to one UK dental school over a period of five years. To compare the characteristics of successful and unsuccessful candidates.
Retrospective analysis of admissions data for the former United Medical and Dental Schools of Guy's and St Thomas' (UMDS) dental school provided by Universities and Colleges Admissions Service (UCAS) for a five year period (1994-1998).
Applicants to the former UMDS dental school between 1994 and 1998.
Success of candidates at four stages of the application process: initial application; offer made by the dental school; offer accepted or declined by the candidate; candidate accepted by the school (post A level results). Comparisons were made of the success rates among candidates grouped according to socio-demographic characteristics at each transition between these stages. A level performance was not included in the analysis, which must limit the findings, and may explain some of the variation found in the study.
The effect of socio-demographic characteristics on the admissions process was small though significant. Approximately 9% of initial applicants reached the final stage and were accepted into the dental school. The most marked effect was a bias towards female entrants (11.5% of women applicants were accepted, compared with 7% of men). Only 5% of applicants from all the Black minority groups were successful. In comparison 17% of applicants of Chinese origin were successful. The proportion of accepted applicants from London and the South East (12%) was greater than from other areas (9%).
Any conclusions must be tempered by the limitations of the study: the retrospective nature of the study together with the lack of information on A level results. Given these caveats, this study has demonstrated that the success of applicants to one former dental school was related to their socio-demographic characteristics. A prospective study including a number of dental schools in the UK which records both predicted and achieved A level grades would provide more definitive information on the impact of socio-demographic factors on admission to dental school.
Over the last two decades the costs of higher education in the UK have moved increasingly from the state to students (and their parents). As a consequence, an increasing percentage of university students work during the term. Based on a survey of standard-aged, third year students in four universities, this paper identifies the extent and pattern of term-time working, identifies how term-time working affects studying and discusses the implications of term-time working for equity and for the higher education system. Almost half the students worked during the term, averaging 12 hours per week, whilst four percent regularly worked at least 20 hours per week. The study found that working during the term affected the quality of education and almost two-thirds of the students who worked reported difficulty balancing employment and educational demands. Financial pressures increased the probability of working (those whose families’ did not provide financial support and those who received donations, most of which were related to hardship were more likely to work term-time). Students whose father did not have a degree (a group who are less likely to go to university) and women (especially women from ethnic minorities) were more likely to work term-time and, hence, benefit less educationally from university. The extent of term-time working varied across the four universities. The study suggested that the financial system might lead to increasingly polarised universities: those that facilitate term-time working and those which do not, with the more prestigious universities tending to be in the former category. This would distort the university choice of those who needed to work term-time, inhibiting their access to prestigious universities, and lead to greater disadvantage amongst those who worked despite being at universities which made less concessions for term-time working.
The paper considers a two-country model of overlapping generations economies with intergenerational transfers motivated by altruism and investment in human capital. We examine in a non-stationary competitive equilibrium the optimal provision of education with and without capital market integration. First, we explore how regimes of education provision—public, private or mixed—arise and how they affect the dynamics of autarkic economies. Second, we study the effects of capital market integration, in equilibrium, on the optimal provision of education. Third, we show that capital market integration enhances government intervention in the provision of public education (to improve the welfare of its constituents) and consider various solutions to such a competition.
This paper examines trends in the participation in higher education by disadvantaged social groups over the recent period of higher education expansion and reform. It has been suggested that disadvantaged groups can recoup by participation at mature ages and this question is examined. The data sources used are the Labour Force Survey (1986–1995), which yielded 13384 students (6747 men and 6637 women) and the General Household Survey (1984–1992) which yielded 1936 students (982 men and 954 women). From a perspective of equal opportunities, the relative participation of young people from manual and non-manual origins does not appear to have changed over the period considered, but there is some evidence of increased relative participation by people from manual class origins as mature students. Mature students from such origins were older than those from non-manual class origins, as were mature women than mature men, with consequences for employability. From a perspective of lifelong learning, the recent expansion has been successful, with more entrants from the unemployed. Considerable percentages of women also enter from full-time housework, and increasing percentages from manual work. However, as in the past, many entrants had been successful in becoming employed before entry, some being seconded by employers. Despite these changes, the greatest absolute take-up has been from middle class youth. Early employment outcomes were examined and suggest some discrimination against mature students. It is possible that the increased cost of higher education, in the context of an expanded labour market of graduates, may deter some mature students.
A postal survey of one in ten of the home undergraduates who entered British universities in 1984 produced information about the occupations and educational attainments of the parents of 4,460 students. It was found that, within virtually every occupation, there was a strong relationship between the parents having gained degrees or other post-eighteen qualifications and the sons or daughters entering university. Also within each social class a relatively high proportion of the students had parents with post-eighteen qualifications. This finding has already influenced the predictions of the numbers wishing to enter higher education in the late 1980s and the 1990s used by the Government when drawing up plans for the future of higher education. There was also a relationship between the parents' occupations and the students' choice of subject, and between the subjects in which the parents held qualifications and the student's subject.
A variety of biological and social science data come in the form of cross-classified tables of counts, commonly referred to as contingency tables. Until recent years the statistical and computational techniques available for the analysis of cross-classified data were quite limited. This book presents some of the recent work on the statistical analysis of cross-classified data using longlinear models, especially in the multidimensional situation. © 2007 Springer Science+Business Media, LLC. All rights reserved.
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