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Mining and Metallurgy in the Greek and Roman World
... 5000 yrs ago) that mining and metallurgy of Pb-bearing ores, and thus atmospheric Pb contamination, surged (Settle and Patterson, 1980;Shotyk et al., 1998). In Classical Antiquity (800 BCE-500 CE [Common Era]), the widespread establishment of mining across Europe (Healy, 1978) caused atmospheric Pb contamination to increase massively, to an extent that anthropogenic Pb signals were imprinted in Greenland ice cores (Hong et al., 1994;McConnell et al., 2018McConnell et al., , 2019Rosman et al., 1997). Following the fall of the Roman Empire (500 CE), global Pb production decreased strongly, and it remained highly variable over the course of the Early Middle Ages (500-1000 CE) (Edmondson, 1989;Settle and Patterson, 1980). ...
... The Pb enrichment factor at Füramoos increases to 21 at 250 CE (1700 cal yr BP), thereby exceeding the natural mid-Holocene baseline by a factor of ~12 (Fig. 6B). Historical evidence indicates that this surge in Pb contamination mirrors the extensive intensification of mining activities in the Western Mediterranean region (predominantly Southern Iberia and Sardinia; Fig. 1) by Carthaginian and subsequently Roman occupants (Healy, 1978;Salkield, 2012;Shepherd, 1993). These activities also explain the continuous decrease in the radiogenic signature. ...
... These activities also explain the continuous decrease in the radiogenic signature. From 50 CE (1900 cal yr BP) onwards, mining in Roman Britain and Germany further contributed to the Pb contamination in Europe (Healy, 1978;Luttwak, 2016). Füramoos can be considered a particularly sensitive recorder of the respective signals owing to its favorable downwind position with respect to atmospheric transport pathways via the Westerlies (Fig. 1). ...
Despite a multitude of lead-contamination archives, the history of anthropogenic lead (Pb) contamination in Central Europe during the Holocene has remained incompletely understood. Contributing to a regionally differentiated understanding of Pb contamination in Central Europe since the Late Glacial (14.5 kyrs ago), this paper presents a record of atmospheric Pb deposition from an ombrotrophic peat bog at Füramoos, southern Germany. We combine Pb content and isotope data with pollen data allowing the interpretation of Pb signals within a context of natural change and human activities. The data show that Pb accumulation rates during the Late Glacial and early Holocene (0.074 mg⁎m-2⁎yr-1) were considerably higher than those during the mid-Holocene (0.016 mg⁎m-2⁎yr-1). Anthropogenic Pb contamination commenced at 3600 years BP and originates primarily from the Western Mediterranean region until the demise of the Roman Empire, after which contamination sources shifted to Britain, France, and Germany. For the past 3600 years, the data document an exponential increase in Pb contamination (max 5.6 mg⁎m-2⁎yr-1) that is unhinged from natural Pb deposition and far exceeds the natural Holocene background levels. The integrated geochemical and palynological approach allows placement of Pb contamination signals into detailed historical context. Land-use changes at Füramoos are consistent with the timing of political, economic, and social developments of medieval societies that modulated the ability and demand for mining during the past millennia.
... Second, Wertime estimates 'energy costs'-i.e. the demand for woodlot-of iron smelting in Populonia based on the quantity of slag found there and a factor to estimate fuelwood requirements from the quantity of slag. The latter approach is common in studies on resource consumption in pre-industrial (charcoal-fuelled) iron metallurgy [2][3][4][5][6][7][8][9][10][11][12][13]; recent approaches focus on anthracological or palynological analysis [14][15][16]. ...
... 7.5. [8][9]. Erica arborea-a common wood species on Elba that was preferred by smelters [61, 86]-is more palatable than other macchia species [87,88], due to the high tannin demand of goats. ...
... The estimated number of workers employed in iron metallurgy on Elba appears to be on an intermediate level compared to numbers estimated for other important ancient mining districts (cf. [8,[176][177][178], and Strabo 3.2.10, Xen. ...
Scholars frequently cite fuel scarcity after deforestation as a reason for the abandonment of most of the Roman iron smelting sites on Elba Island (Tuscan Archipelago, Italy) in the 1st century bce. Whereas the archaeological record clearly indicates the decrease in smelting activities, evidence confirming the ‘deforestation narrative’ is ambiguous. Therefore, we employed a stochastic, spatio-temporal model of the wood required and consumed for iron smelting on Elba Island in order to assess the availability of fuelwood on the island. We used Monte Carlo simulations to cope with the limited knowledge available on the past conditions on Elba Island and the related uncertainties in the input parameters. The model includes both, wood required for the furnaces and to supply the workforce employed in smelting. Although subject to high uncertainties, the outcomes of our model clearly indicate that it is unlikely that all woodlands on the island were cleared in the 1st century bce. A lack of fuel seems only likely if a relatively ineffective production process is assumed. Therefore, we propose taking a closer look at other reasons for the abandonment of smelting sites, e.g. the occupation of new Roman provinces with important iron ore deposits; or a resource-saving strategy in Italia. Additionally, we propose to read the development of the ‘deforestation narrative’ originating from the 18th/19th century in its historical context.
... The Pb content in paleoenvironmental records has been widely connected to socioeconomic dynamics 21,22,41 , which are intimately linked to variable demands for raw materials for mining and smelting, particularly timber 42,43 . To assess potential links between human-induced terrestrial ecosystem change and increased Pb pollution associated with the establishment of monetized societies in the Classical period, we have examined a suite of palynological records from the Aegean region. ...
... Similarly, the percentage increase in montane trees at the expense of deciduous trees at Tenaghi Philippon and in core SL152 is explained by the fact that the human occupation of lowland areas primarily impacted deciduous forests growing in low and mid-elevations, whereas montane forests at higher elevations remained largely unaffected. This interpretation is supported by archeological evidence for the use of trees from lowland areas (particularly Quercus) for use in buildings and furniture 43 as well as for charcoal production and smelting 42 . Further evidence for lowland vegetation change in the northern Aegean borderlands at 2150 cal. ...
The Aegean hosts some of the earliest cultural centers in European antiquity. To reconstruct the evolution of early anthropogenic impact in this region, we have examined lead (Pb) contents and vegetation dynamics on well-dated environmental archives extending to the early Holocene. We show that the impact of agropastoral societies on terrestrial ecosystems was locally confined during the Bronze and Iron Ages (5200–2750 years ago), although we record an onset of Pb pollution already at 5200 cal. years BP and thus about 1200 years earlier than previous archeological evidence. Our data demonstrate a marked increase in Pb pollution at 2150 cal. years BP that left an imprint across terrestrial and marine settings of the Aegean region. This first manifestation of marine pollution coincides with maximum deforestation and agricultural expansion, signaling pervasive human impact on ecosystems connected to the advanced monetized societies during the Hellenistic and Roman periods in Ancient Greece.
... This, coupled with the long-standing traditional view of a linear and staggered development of metallurgy (Budd & Taylor, 1995), has served to sustain received wisdom that cementation would always replace co-smelting, and that co-melting would always substitute the other two. However, as the parameters used to define 'rudimentary' and 'advanced' have never been clearly defined, it can only be inferred that co-melting is considered the most advanced technique based on implicit assumptions on its greater complexity (as it required prior smelting of the two metals separately) and the possibility of acquiring a better end-product with it (as each metal could be refined and weighed as required) (Clark, 1952;Healy, 1978;Herdits et al., 1995;Moorey, 1994;Muhly, 1985;Pigott et al., 2003). Crucially, the alleged superiority of some techniques over others has not been empirically demonstrated, and more remarkably, it has not been thoroughly tested in accordance with the technical affordances of ancient metallurgists (e.g. ...
... It is unclear if all techniques entail comparable Sn and/or Cu losses, and if the amount of metal being produced affects this parameter. When these concerns are mentioned in the literature, they are usually linked to Sn recovery, assuming that cosmelting and cementation allow a poorer control of the resulting alloy (Clark, 1952;Healy, 1978;Herdits et al., 1995;Moorey, 1994;Muhly, 1985;Pigott et al., 2003). RemelƟng of the products of the independent Cu smelƟng (ingot as result) ...
The currently accepted narrative on the prehistory of bronze alloying technology follows deterministic, outdated assumptions of technological progression that ignore the role of contextual and performance factors in the decision-making processes, thus neglecting human agency. In essence, it is expected that newer techniques were overarchingly more advanced than older ones and hence replaced them. The validity of this narrative should be challenged and revised. A critical analysis of worldwide literature exposed that, contrary to predictions of the accepted theory, (1) the oldest alloying techniques persisted for centuries after newer ones were invented, and (2) several techniques usually coexisted in the same contexts. We hypothesised that these counterintuitive findings could be explained by differences in performance between techniques, (dis)advantageous at different settings. To obtain empirical information on the performance of techniques and test for behaviourally relevant performance differences between them, a series of alloying experiments were conducted. The results show that all techniques can produce objects of broadly equivalent quality while offering different trade-offs during production. Therefore, every technique—or a combination—can be advantageous under certain conditions, and there are no grounds to support a linear trajectory of substitution. These results debunk the traditional narrative and predict that co-smelting and cementation techniques were more frequently practiced in the past than hitherto assumed. Our propositions prompt a readjustment of explanatory models of bronze production organisation, trade, and consumption while opening unexplored research paths for archaeology and the history of technology.
... This seems to have been the case at Laurion, at least from the mid-first millennium BCE. Installations at the site (e.g., washeries), slag heaps (deriving from argentiferous lead ores), historical records and coinage (such as Athenian coins; e.g., Gale et al., 1980) all attest to intensive silver production at the site (e.g., Ellis Jones, 1982;Healy, 1978;Hopper, 1968;Rehren et al., 2002). ...
... Regardless of whether this knowledge was first realized at Laurion or in other regions with argentiferous lead ores, such as Thrace or Anatolia, and was subsequently transmitted to Laurion, the addition of lead to collect silver from dry silver ores potentially resulted in the recognition that lead itself could be silver-bearing. This realization may have emerged when control over silver purity became integral for coinage as a store of value in the mid-first millennium BCE (Strong, 1966: 5;Hopper, 1968;Kraay, 1976;Healy, 1978;Treister, 1996: 23); that is, as progressively lower grade dry silver ores were processed with increasingly high amounts of lead, it was noticed that the amount of silver recovered during cupellation was greater than expected, and that this 'extra' silver must have been introduced from the lead source. ...
Although the birth of Classical Greece is often attributed to the constitutional reforms of Cleisthenes (508/507 BCE), the achievement of an economically‐minded government under the Peisistratid tyrant Hippias (527‐510 BCE) potentially paved the way by advancing Athenian silver for exportation in international trade. It is proposed here that new silver technology, which initiated the transition from acquiring silver from ‘dry’ silver ores to silver‐bearing lead ores, was introduced to Greece during the time of the Peisistratids (561‐510 BCE). Massive exploitation of silver‐bearing lead ores at Laurion in Attica, which later financed the construction of a war navy, appears evident in the lead pollution records of Greenland ice, lead isotopic analyses of sixth century BCE Attic silver coins and late Iron Age Levantine hacksilver, and is reflected in the numbers of lead votive figurines at sanctuaries in Sparta. Against the backdrop of the threat of war with Persia and an imminent Spartan invasion which resulted in the overthrow of Hippias (510 BCE), it is considered that a political transition occurred because Greece was both geologically and politically disposed to adopt this labour‐intensive silver technology which helped to initiate, fund and protect the radical social experiment that became known as Classical Greece.
... In addition, the reuse of material cannot be excluded being a common practice in antiquity (e.g., by mixing virgin copper with scrap, resulting in the mix of lead compounds from different sources [58,59]). According to the historical literature, during the Roman Empire, lead for glaze production came from ore deposits in Spain, Gaul, Sardinia and Britannia [60]. In the Middle Age there were extensive trade routes between the Islamic and Christian world, and therefore, other deposits located in Egypt, Iran, Tunisia, Anatolia, Bulgaria and Greece must be also considered [3]. ...
... Evidence of lead deposit exploitation were also identified in Cornwall [60]. ...
Lead isotope analyses, using secondary ion mass spectrometry (SIMS), are used to trace the provenance of lead minerals involved in the production of Roman lead-glazed ceramics. The Roman archeological ceramic artifacts analyzed in this study were recovered from five archeological sites in Rome: the Testaccio Market (mid-2nd century AD), the Magna Mater sanctuary and the Domus Tiberiana on the Palatine Hill (late 4th – 5th century AD), the Forum of Caesar (10th - the early 11th century AD) and from the Forum of Nerva (9th – 10th century AD). A comparison of lead isotope ratios from the ceramic artifacts examined with databases of lead isotopes from lead deposits exploited in ancient times suggests that since the 2nd century AD the deposits of the British Isles were the most probable sources of metal involved in the production of Roman lead-glazed ceramics. Furthermore, the results indicate that the lead isotope ratios obtained by SIMS are consistent with values reported in the literature that were obtained by ICP-MS and TIMS. Thus, the effectiveness of in-situ micro-analysis by SIMS is highlighted, considering that it is a less destructive method for the analysis of valuable archeological recovered artifacts.
... The assemblage of vessels found in the Derveni tombs was made of a binary Cu-Sn alloy accompanied by a slight amount of impurities. Cu either in the form of native metal or a smelting product always has a slight percentage of impurities (Healy 1978). According to their average Sn content, the Dereni bronzes could be characterized as 'tin bronzes' since they all contain > 1 wt% Sn (Tylecote 1987). ...
... In a few cases, small amounts of Ag were detected, which perhaps point to special ore deposits (Healy 1978;Orfanou 2015). It could be considered as an accidental impurity accompanying Pb (Caley 1951). ...
The chemical composition of 61 copper alloy vessels was studied non‐invasively by energy‐dispersive micro‐X‐ray fluorescence (EDμXRF) spectrometry. The vessels were found in five tombs (A, B, D, Z and H) at Derveni in central Macedonia, Greece, which belong to the cemetery of the ancient city of Lete. The tombs are dated to the last quarter of the fourth century bce. The opulence of the numerous grave offerings denotes the high social status of the deceased within Macedonian society. The material under study was divided into two main groups according to their appearance and use. The first group included 44 vessels with a golden appearance for use in banquets; the second group consisted of 17 dark vessels for domestic use. The aim of this research was to study the vessels’ technology according to their chemical composition. Both golden and dark vessels consisted of a binary Cu‐Sn alloy and a slight amount of impurities (Fe, Ni, Zn, Pb, As, Co, Sb, Ag, Ti). It is probable that during construction the ancient metalsmiths were taking into account criteria such as the desired appearance, cost of metals, future use and physical properties such as resistance to corrosion. Banquet vessels had a consistent chemical composition in all their different parts compared with those for domestic use. The only chemical element used systemically for alloying purposes, except Sn, was Pb in order to improve the castability of the bases and handles of the vessels. The study provides additional information about the metalworking of bronzes in central Macedonia in the fourth century bce, as well as about the access Macedonian metalworkers had at the time to the raw materials for such use.
... These ancient brasses (Cu-Zn alloys) are mentioned by Pliny the Elder as the aurichalcum used to mint Roman coinage (Caley 1964;Healy 1978). Whilst low-Zn brasses (≈ 15 wt% Zn) have a typically golden colour or gold-like appearance, high-Zn brasses (≥ 20 wt % Zn) have a characteristic greenish-yellow colour (Craddock 1978). ...
A few years ago, an article on Roman folding knives in Denmark would have been unfeasible, as this small and distinct group of artifacts had not yet been identified. However, the increasing use of metal detectors in Denmark has led to the discovery of numerous new artifact types, some readily identifiable and others less so. The identification process of this new type began with the discovery of a complete folding knife in Gl. Rye cast in copper alloy. While initially proposed to be of Roman origin, this attribution was met with skepticism due to the early dating it implied, resulting in a lack of consensus among both detectorists and archaeologists.Subsequent discoveries of similar folding knife fragments have since emerged, beginning with a find from Oslo, Norway, followed by two fragments from different regions in Jutland, Denmark, as well as a fragment from a distinct handle type uncovered in Zealand, Denmark. To date, these represent the entirety of identified fragments from southern Scandinavia. This article presents and contextualizes this material.Moreover, the article argues for a Roman provincial origin of these artifacts. It examines their iconographic features and archaeological context, complemented by metallurgical analyses. ...
... Secondly, because of the apparent occurrence of these techniques in the archaeological record in such order (Montes-Landa et al., 2024). And thirdly, because of the untested assumption that the most complex alloying techniques necessarily imply a better result (Clark, 1952;Healy, 1978;Herdits et al., 1995;Moorey, 1994;Muhly, 1985), thus prompting expectations of substitution and improvement. ...
Copper-tin bronzes can be obtained through different techniques (i.e. natural alloying, co-smelting, cementation, co-melting and recycling). This paper presents a methodology and theoretical framework to contextually explain the logic behind the selection of bronze alloying techniques in different contexts, avoiding deterministic, apri-oristic and linear narratives. To do so, we selected Northeast Iberia as a case study and present comparative results of slag and slagged technical ceramics from four sites (Minferri, Vilars, Mas Castellar and Ullastret) dated between 2100-200BC. Materials were analysed using pXRF, OM, SEM-EDS, and ICP-MS to characterise technological choices through time. Patterns of choice are considered in relation to the technical affordances of each alloying technique and contextualised within the relevant environmental and socioeconomic parameters. The results show that bronze-making technique choices were primarily dependent on (1) the (in)stability of raw material procurement networks, and (2) the existent selective pressures on performance characteristics for which each technique offered different trade-offs. Discrete combinations of these two variables can explain instances of different techniques co-existing (e.g. Minferri, Mas Castellar, and Ullastret) and cases of commitment to a single one (e.g. Vilars).
This is the first diachronic study of bronze alloying practices investigated through direct analyses of bronze-making residues for a given area. The analytical framework employed and the derived behavioural rules can be applied to other case studies to collectively build a multi-path history of bronze alloying development. This will be fundamental to understand the link between bronze alloying technique selection and social change, to better contextualise metal finds within their production and exchange networks, and to requestion existing models of bronze production organisation and technological diffusion across the world.
... Alluvial gold deposits in Türkiye were exploited 7,000 years ago [43] and the small grain size of the gold at Sardis would have required mercury amalgamation to selectively recover the fine-grained gold from the black sand concentrate. Some native mercury may have been obtained from cinnabar outcrops; however, retorting mercury is a straightforward process that requires cinnabar ore, retorts, fuel, and a condenser to trap and cool the volatilized mercury vapors. ...
Even though gold was widely used in the ancient world there are few studies of the mining technology used to obtain the precious metal. Ancient Sardis is one of the most well-known of these ancient gold occurrences. At Sardis and elsewhere in the ancient world, gold was washed from alluvial occurrences using gravity methods combined with mercury (amalgamation), a method that is still used today in small-scale alluvial gold mines worldwide. The ‘Present is the Key to the Past’ allows us to examine modern gold mining in order to evaluate ancient methods. Given, that industrial amounts of gold are produced in only two ways, either by cyanide, which was first used in the 1880s in the US, or ages-old gravity separation/amalgamation, then amalgamation must be re-examined as the gold mining technology used to produce alluvial gold at ancient Sardis. Regional geology, geoarchaeology, and the evaluation of: 1) the availability of cinnabar, the ore of mercury; 2) an ancient mercury retort near Konya; 3) ancient use of cinnabar as a funeral pigment and as a source of mercury that was used for gilding and amalgamation; 4) the fine-grained alluvial gold at Sardis; and 5) the mercury content of Sardis’ alluvial gold (11,615 ppm Hg) and end-product gold, a Byzantine coin (<1 ppm Hg) are consistent with the conclusion that mercury amalgamation was the mining technology that supplied gold, as electrum, to ancient Sardis’ craftsmen.
... Any discussion of ancient gold mining technology in the region must reference the Golden Fleece, which is the legendary mining method used to recover alluvial gold at ancient Sardis (Healy, 1978;Higgins and Higgins, 1996;Rapp, 2002). This method is analogous to the use of animal skins, burlap, and specialized carpets that are used at present-day small-scale gold mining sites in Ecuador, Perú, and Venezuela in the initial stages of gold washing and concentration; however, the final recovery of the gold is done using mercury (Cánepa, 2005;Brooks and others, 2007). ...
... Miners have used mercury (Hg) to process auriferous ores since at least the 16th century (Healy, 1978;Tepper, 2010). Liquid (elemental) mercury added to sluice boxes or used with crushing equipment binds gold particles into a spongy grey amalgam that can be heated to drive off the mercury as vapour and concentrate the gold. ...
Industrial‐scale metal mining has long been a feature of developing economies. Processing ores to recover minerals has generated large quantities of waste rock, tailings and contaminants. Mining‐related deposits, along with associated soil and water geochemistry, river modifications and other environmental changes, are a product of the nature, scale and intensity of past operations. These artefacts of historical mining create anthropogenic landscapes that extend far beyond individual sites due to the dispersal of mine waste by rivers and pose enduring threats to human and ecosystem health. Their presence and significance, however, are often overlooked by heritage and environmental managers. To be acknowledged as artefacts of the historical mining industry, landscape features must be identified and characterised with reference to the human activities that triggered their formation. This requires an interdisciplinary approach that incorporates anthropogenic landscape change at a regional scale. In this paper, we integrate archaeological, geomorphological and geochemical evidence to identify and analyse mining‐related changes to the Loddon River valley in Victoria, Australia. Nineteenth‐century gold mining caused extensive erosion of creeks and gullies and mobilised sediments that filled channels and spread over floodplains. In addition, tailing deposits concentrated arsenic at levels significantly above environmental background conditions. Recognising these legacies of historical mining is vital to understanding mining heritage and to managing healthy rivers, environments and communities.
... The gold processed by the treasury was received from taxes and was captured as booty and obtained by gold mining [128]. Both auriferous quartz and alluvial deposits were exploited under the Romans [129][130][131] and the Byzantine [132][133][134][135] and the Theodosian code refers to labour associated with gold mines in Illyricum, Macedonia, Thrace, Pontus, Dacia, Moesia, Italy, Gaul, etc. [136]. Like the owners of the gold deposits, the gold washers and the gold miners paid a fixed annual tax to the treasury in "gold dust" and the rest of the gold that they recovered was forcibly sold to the treasury at a fixed price (Theodosian code 10.19 [137] and Justinian code 11.7 [138]). ...
To gain insight into the possible origin of the gold used in the production of tesserae containing gold leaf less than 0.5 µm thick placed between two layers of glass, we propose a non-destructive synchrotron radiation (SR) XRF protocol based on sequential analysis under optimised analytical conditions. Using this protocol, trace element analysis is achieved with detection limits of 1–6 mg/kg. As Pt and Au have adjacent fluorescence energies, we tested the most challenging situation, when Pt is present in very low concentrations in gold. Data obtained by double-dispersive XRF (D2XRF) and µXRF for fourth–ninth-century mosaics decorating nine Eastern and Western religious buildings show that the Eastern and Western tesserae are made from different alloys. However, these alloys are identical to those used to make gold leaf for gilding, because plastic deformation requires the use of gold alloys with high ductility and malleability. Although trace element composition of gold used in the concerned period is only available for coins, by comparing the amounts of Pt contained in the tesserae and in the coins we show that Roman tesserae are made from Roman gold, as described in the documentary sources. We observe for the Byzantine period the use of a Byzantine gold and of gold supposedly from different stages of recycling, and we suggest the use of Umayyad and Abbasid gold for the production of Islamic tesserae.
... En época romana se asistió a la industrialización de la siderurgia, y las minas de hierro más importantes se encontraban en Hispania, las Gallias, Italia, Isla de Elba, Cerdeña, Sicilia, las provincias danubianas (Noricum, Pannonia y Dalmatia), Illiria, Macedonia, Asia Menor y Africa (Healy, 1978). Plinio (N.H. XXXIV, 144) denominaba a las herrerías con el término stricturae, que se ha hecho derivar del término latino stringere, martillear y golpear, debido al prensado y martilleado del hierro en caliente en la herrería (Healy, 1999, 336). ...
En este trabajo se presentan los análisis de los materiales metalúrgicos del asentamiento de El Tesoro (Marchamalo, Guadalajara). Estos materiales revelan que en este sitio existió una importante producción de hierro, de la que quedan como mejor reflejo las escorias plano-convexas de refino de forja. Este trabajo siderúrgico se relaciona con los yacimientos minerales próximos del Sistema ibérico y la existencia de una importante vía de comunicación, de la que el propio yacimiento forma parte como una mansio que se ha identificado con Arriaca.
... Varios autores (GALLARDO FERNÁNDEZ, 1808;BLÁZQUEZ, 1970;DAVIES, 1935;HEALY, 1978;SUBÍAS y cols., 2008) sugieren la explotación de alguna de estas minas para la obtención de plata, componente minoritario de la galena, durante las épocas ibérica y romana, a partir de la acuñación de monedas de este metal (el argentum oscense) por Bolskan / Osca. DOMER-GUE (1990) niega la existencia de un distrito minero oscense a pesar del cuño TL Osca en un lingote de plomo procedente de un pecio de la isla de Cabrera presentado en VENY (1979). ...
This work presents the mineralogical and isotopic analysis of ore and slag samples from the lead mines of Bielsa and Eriste, as part of an isotopic study of this element in the Pyrenees.
... Ancient slag heaps and processing installations, such as those at Laurion in Greece (e.g. Hopper 1968;Healy 1978;Ellis Jones 1982), finds of lead objects, as well as emission data from ice-cores in Greenland (e.g. McConnell et al. 2018), demonstrate that lead ores were mined and smelted during the Iron Age. ...
Silver-bearing lead ores at Laurion in Attica were considered to have been first exploited with the introduction of coinage sometime around the birth of Classical Greece. However, in the late 20th century this chronology was radically revised earlier, to the Bronze Age, largely supported by lead isotope analyses (LIA). Here, we acknowledge that lead and silver metallurgy emerged from the earliest times but we propose that any correlation between these metals in the archaeological record is not a consequence of a geological association between lead and silver in ores such as galena until the middle of the first millennium BCE. We suggest that ancient metallurgists recognised that silver minerals (such as horn silver) dispersed in host rocks could be concentrated in molten lead and that LIA signatures of Bronze Age silver artefacts reflect the use of exogenous lead to extract silver, perhaps applying processes similar to those used to acquire silver in Bronze Age Siphnos. We further propose that lead from Laurion used for silver extraction resulted in the inadvertent transfer of its LIA signature (probably aided by roving silver prospectors) to silver objects and metallurgical debris recovered around the Aegean. New compositional analyses for the Mycenaean shaft-grave silver (c. 1600 BCE) support these conclusions. We believe that reverting to the mid-first millennium BCE for the first exploitation of silver from argentiferous lead ores is consistent with the absence of archaeological evidence for centralised control over Laurion until the Archaic period, the paucity of lead slag associated with silver-processing debris at Bronze Age sites, the scarcity of silver artefacts recovered in post-shaft grave contexts at Mycenae and throughout the Early Iron Age Aegean, the few Attic silver coins with LIA signatures consistent with Laurion until after 500 BCE and a single unambiguous mention of silver in the Linear B texts.
... In the last decades, some archaeological research projects have included the comparison of lead isotope ratios of artifacts with those of ore deposits, showing that this may allow the identification of the most likely origin of the raw metals (see summary by Klein (2007)), always taking into consideration the archaeological context. Roman mining has been the subject of many studies (Erdkamp et al., 2015;Healy, 1978;Hirt, 2010). In Roman Spain, a number of mining areas have been identified as suppliers of lead (silver) (Domergue, 1990;Domergue et al., 2013), mainly Cartago Nova (Southeast Volcanic Province, Cartagena-Mazarrón deposits) and the Central Iberian Zone (Linares-La Carolina, Los Pedroches, Alcudia-Almadén) (Sinner et al., 2020). ...
A set of 50 lead artifacts, out of which 29 were glandes plumbeae, found at archaeological sites located in the Cinca River basin (Huesca, Spain) were analyzed by MC-ICP-MS to determine lead isotope ratios. A comparison with lead ore deposits exploited by the Romans in the Iberian Peninsula allowed to differentiate two main groups of samples: those manufactured with Pb from nearby Pyrenean or Iberian Range ores (30%), and those from mining areas of Cartagena-Mazarrón in southeastern Spain or S'Argentera in the island of Ibiza (70%). This finding supports the existence of lead-ore extraction in the Central Pyrenees in the Roman period and enhances our understanding of metal supply networks in the region and army provisioning during the Sertorian war.
... shafts and galleries) and on the associated technologies (e.g. Healy 1978). In the last few decades, however, the focus has widened. ...
Extensively worked in antiquity, Skouriotissa remains the only active copper mine on the island of Cyprus. The modern, open-cast operation, however, has almost completely obliterated the earlier mining landscape. Here the authors report the results of investigations, including dating, of the ancient topography of the mine. They incorporate spatial data derived from archival sources, recent fieldwork and absolute dating into a geographical information system to reconstruct the ancient mining landscape around Skouriotissa. Their approach holds promise for understanding other mining regions in Cyprus and beyond, by providing an example of how diverse source material can be used to reconstruct landscapes now destroyed or buried by open-cast mining operations.
... Wertime 1983, Voss 1988, 98, Saredo Parodi 2013; for the Roman Empire: e.g. Healy 1978. 14 D'Orefice /Graciotti 2014;D'Orefice et al. 2020; palynological evidence from the Tuscan mainland indicates a decrease in arboreal pollen and an increasing coverage of species with high calorific value, which coincides with metallurgical activities. ...
A lack of fuel is invoked as a reason for the end of iron smelting activities on Elba Island in the mid-1st century BC, with proponents of this view pointing to site chronologies and Strabo's observation that iron could not be smelted on the island as evidence in its favour. In our paper , we first revise the chronology of iron smelting on Elba. We then present our modelling of the ancient fuel consumption and production, which uses data on slag deposition, site chronologies, and forest conditions on Elba and is based on Monte-Carlo-simulations to account for the uncertainty in the data. We are able to show that it is unlikely that the estimated fuel consumption would have exceed the wood resources available; clearcutting would not have been necessary to charge the furnaces. Furthermore, the revised chronology shows that iron smelting activities continued in the late 1st century BC and in the 1st century AD.
... Inventories of the main mines exploited in Antiquity can be found in several monographs (for instance : Domergue 2008;Healy 1978). In Table 2, we list gold mines or mining areas where mining activity is certain, probable or occasional, or simply possible under Augustus from Domergue (2008: 81 On the other hand the exploitation of the gold mines in Central Gaul ceased at the end of the fist century BC, when the alluvial gold mines of the Northwest Iberian Peninsula were first exploited by the Romans (Cauuet 2005: 430). ...
... In the same period, Arai also estimated Roman iron production of 3000 t/year based on the amount of left-over slag. Often cited Roman production estimates of 82,500 t/year are arbitrary using baseless per capita consumption of 1.5 kg/year (Healy 1978), and should therefore be treated with caution. See Krauss (2015) and Scott (1991) for a better understanding of micrographs and steels of the products. ...
This chapter examines metallurgical developments related to bridge construction. Because of availability and cost, iron and steel have played the central role. We examine their roles and applications starting from ancient chain bridges of wrought iron, cast iron, and steel arch bridges, iron and steel truss bridges, wires and cables, and finally to spectacular long-span suspension and dazzling cable-stayed bridges. Introduction This chapter considers metallurgical developments that are related to bridge design and construction. Bridges are naturally of large scale, and iron and steels have been used as the principal components since antiquity. Common knowledge for engineers and historians includes the famous Iron Bridge in England, completed in 1779 (see Figure 1, reproduced from Nicholson 1829). It seems certain that this is the oldest iron arch bridge (Kostof 1985). Some argue that the completion of this bridge was the critical event for the Industrial Revolution, while others contend that Watt's steam engine in 1784 was the main impetus. Perhaps both contributed in tandem, multiplying their influence synergistically. From the metallurgical side, Abraham Darby's use of coke for pig iron production in 1709 represents an important step forward in allowing the construction of the Iron Bridge and for the rapid rise of the British steel industry (Cossons and Trinder 1979). The British Isles did not have an adequate supply of charcoal even in the 18 th century; for example, 70 wt % (from now on %) of its iron was imported from Russia and Sweden in 1770 (Ågren 1998). Yet, British iron production started to accelerate around 1780 (blue arrow), as shown in Figure 2 (data from Birch 1967 and Swank 1888). The history of iron bridges, however, takes us first to ancient times, long before the Industrial Revolution. A natural first place to examine the ancient metallurgy that enabled iron bridge building is in Asia, with a long tradition of constructing bridges. More recently, wires of ultra-high strength steels have been developed by the 1990s, making it possible to build long-span bridges. Advanced microstructural design at the nanoscale and modern fabrication methods are the keys to discover how we progressed from the Brooklyn Bridge to the Akashi Kaikyo Bridge.
... In this period, the main copper mines were situated in the territory of Spain (half of the total production of the world derived from this country, from the regions of Huelva and Rio Tinto), in Cyprus, and Central Europe (Hong et al., 1996a). The total production, in the period between 2250 and 1650 BP, was about 5 million metric tons (Healy, 1988). ...
... As already discussed above the accessibility of natural resources is likely to be a key factor in positioning any production centre that could have been associated with a port of trade. Apart from wood and building materials (see categories above), an economic boom during the early Principate and increased demand for tools, weapons, ornaments and jewellery (Craddock 1995) also amplified the need by the Roman Empire, and ore-deprived Central Italy, for heavy metals (gold, silver, copper, tin, lead, zinc, iron, mercury, arsenic, and antimony;Healy 1978). As such, heavy minerals mined on the fringes of the Empire were usually carried by sea-departing and approaching via ports of trade. ...
The Red Sea region is unfavourable for long-shore nautical activity as it lacks natural topographic features that could be used as harbours; there are only a few suitable bays for landing along its coasts, where wadi mouths allow for a break in the reef. However, experiencing seasonally variable winds and currents, parts of the Red Sea constituted favourable marine environments for sea voyaging, contact and trade for millennia. This paper focuses on the influence that the local environmental and climatic context (including land- and sea-scape), had on the location, development, and ultimate success or decline of key Classical (Greco-Roman) ports of trade on the Red Sea coast, most pertinently those involved in exchange on the Spice, Incense and Maritime Silk Routes. The importance of changes in geomorphological, climatic, landscape and sea level configurations that led to the alternation of these human-adapted landscapes will be discussed within the new theoretical framework of ‘Parameters of Attractiveness’ developed whilst focusing on a case study, the Greco-Roman port town of Berenike Troglodytica on the southern Red Sea coast of Egypt. These parameters—grouped into 4 main categories: Sea, Land, Resources, and Socio-Economic and Political—were designed in order to statistically quantify the attractiveness of particular sites along the rims of the Red Sea for use as trade ports.
... In the same period, Arai also estimated Roman iron production of 3000 t/year based on the amount of left-over slag. Often cited Roman production estimates of 82,500 t/year are arbitrary using baseless per capita consumption of 1.5 kg/year (Healy 1978), and should therefore be treated with caution. See Krauss (2015) and Scott (1991) for a better understanding of micrographs and steels of the products. ...
This chapter examines metallurgical developments related to bridge construction. Because of availability and cost, iron and steel have played the central role. We examine their roles and applications starting from ancient wrought iron chain bridges; cast iron and steel arch bridges; iron and steel truss bridges, wires, and cables; and finally to spectacular long-span suspension and dazzling cable-stayed bridges.
Після закінчення Першої Пунічної війни та придушення повстання найманців, Іберія стала для Карфагену головним центром збагачення та поповнення своїх військ перед другою війною із Римом. Після висадки Гамількара Барки у Гадесі у 237 р. до Р.Х. почалася активна фаза завоювання, яку у подальшому продовжили Гасдрубал і Ганнібал. Адміністрація Баркідів була ключовим інструментом карфагенського контролю над цим регіоном, проте через обмежене коло джерел важко реконструювати його у значній мірі. Ця стаття ставить на меті дослідити та структурувати політико-адміністративні заходи Баркідів на Піренейському півострові, що дасть краще розуміння колонізаторської політики Карфагену напередодні Другої Пунічної війни. Політика Баркідів мала яскраво колоніальних характер, із використанням місцевих природних і людських ресурсів, однак вона забезпечила та певний розвиток цих територій.
Daskyleion (Hisartepe) is situated on the southeastern shore of Lake Manyas (Bandırma, Balıkesir), at the junction of the ancient regions of Propontis, Mysia, and Phrygia Hellespontica. Recognised as one of the most important Persian satrapies frequently referenced in ancient sources, the site provides archaeological evidence of occupation dating back to the 2nd millennium BCE. In addition to its central settlement, Daskyleion includes two necropolis zones located to the east and south. These burial areas contain graves of various typologies and sizes, reflecting the site’s long-term and multi-period use. This master’s thesis presents archaeometric investigations on metal artefacts—including bronze, iron, and lead—recovered from the Eşenköy, Koru, and Tepecik tumuli, as well as from Rock-Cut Tomb II (Kaya Mezarı II), situated within these necropolises. The metallic artefacts were analysed using micro-XRF and handheld XRF (HH-XRF) for elemental composition; X-ray radiography for internal structural and manufacturing analysis; optical microscopy for surface and microstructural examination; and scanning electron microscopy coupled with energy-dispersive X-ray spectroscopy (SEM-EDX) for a high-resolution analysis of material composition and structure. These methodologies provided detailed insights into the material characteristics, elemental compositions, macro- and microstructural properties, and the manufacturing techniques employed in the production of these artefacts
Estudio del léxico minero no latino y probablemente hispano en la obra de Plinio.
Azurite from Wallerfangen/Saar was a highly sought-after commodity, and this blue copper mineral was mined in Wallerfangen in the Roman period, the Middle Ages and modern times. In all periods, azurite from Wallerfangen was primarily used as a blue pigment, for example in wall paintings. After initial excavations especially in the so-called Upper Emilianus tunnel in the 1960s, carried out by the Saarland heritage management agency [Konservatoramt des Saarlandes], Roman mining in Wallerfangen developed into a focus project at the Deutsches Bergbau-Museum Bochum. In the 1990s, Prof. Dr. Gerd Weisgerber explored the so-called lower Emilianus tunnel. Between 2003 and 2019, the author – Dr. Gabriele Körlin, the deputy head of the research unit on mining archaeology – investigated the Bruss tunnel over the course of 13 campaigns. The project focused on studying Roman mining and its remains, as well as on the mining technologies used and on the expected level of azurite production. Although these mines only represent a fraction of the area exploited by the Romans in Wallerfangen, numerous insights were gained, amongst others into drift and mining, the tools used, water management and so on. Unusually, water management amongst others involved an overdimensional gullet. The Roman occupation inscription of Emilianus deserves to be stressed, as it forms a unique characteristic of the Wallerfang mining area. Geophysical prospection in the immediate surroundings of the Bruss tunnel supplement the excavations below ground. The present publication showcases the results of the excavations focused on Roman mining archaeology, integrated within the archaeological context of the wider region.
Rome came into possession of a wide variety of mineral resources as a result of imperial expansion. Large mines were opened up in many provinces, especially in the Iberian Peninsula, Gaul, Britain, the Danubian provinces, and Asia Minor. Pollution records show that the scale of mining in antiquity peaked during the Roman period and was not matched again until the Industrial Revolution. The main minerals exploited were gold, silver, copper, and tin, which were used to mint coinage. Lead was mined for pipes and other utilitarian purposes, while iron was used often for tools. The techniques and organization of mining varied by period and geological conditions. The most common techniques included opencast (open air) mining, underground (shaft-and-gallery) mining, and placer (alluvial) mining. While individuals and municipalities could own mines, mining districts ( metalla ) increasingly came under the control of the state. Concessions to work state-owned mines could be leased out to individuals, small associations, or larger societates who worked the mines and turned over a portion of their profit to the state. Mines could also operate under direct state control, as occurred in large-scale gold mining of the imperial period in north-west Spain. The operation of mines often relied on forced labourers, including enslaved workers, prisoners of war, convicts, and tribute workers. The army provided technical expertise and/or surveillance, while, in the imperial period, a procurator metallorum and other imperial officials administered mining districts. There is also ample evidence for free and freed wage labourers in mining districts, who were often economic migrants. Mining was essential to the Roman economy and has much in common with other extractive industries such as quarrying.
This is a new history of Greece in the seventh and sixth centuries BC written for the twenty-first century. It brings together archaeological data from over 100 years of 'Big Dig' excavation in Greece, employing experimental data analysis techniques from the digital humanities to identify new patterns about Archaic Greece. By modelling trade routes, political alliances, and the formation of personal- and state-networks, the book sheds new light on how exactly the early communities of the Aegean basin were plugged into one another. Returning to the long-debated question of 'what is a polis?', this study also challenges Classical Archaeology more generally: that the discipline has at its fingertips significant datasets that can contribute to substantive historical debate -and that what can be done for the next generation of scholarship is to re-engage with old material in a new way.
This innovative and wide-ranging volume is the first systematic exploration of the multifaceted relationship between human bodies and machines in classical antiquity. It examines the conception of the body and bodily processes in mechanical terms in ancient medical writings, and looks into how artificial bodies and automata were equally configured in human terms; it also investigates how this knowledge applied to the treatment of the disabled and the diseased in the ancient world. The volume examines the pre-history of what develops, at a later stage, and more specifically during the early modern period, into the full science of iatromechanics in the context of which the human body was treated as a machine and medical treatments were devised accordingly. The volume facilitates future dialogue between scholars working on different areas, from classics, history and archaeology to history of science, philosophy and technology.
The late Roman silver quadripus from Kőszárhegy (Fejér County, Hungary) is the only known silver folding stand from the Late Roman Imperial Age, dated to the fourth century AD. Archaeological evidence indicates that the quadripus is closely related to the Seuso Treasure. Elemental composition and lead isotope analyses of samples taken from the various parts of the folding stand were performed by using LA-QICP-MS and MC-ICP-MS methods in order to determine the provenance of raw material used and the production technology. The silver quadripus consists of rather pure silver (92.5–96.5%) intentionally alloyed with copper. The different trace element composition (Bi, Au, Pb) of the various parts (base, lower part, griffin, upper part, finial, cross bands) indicates the use of different silver batches implying that the various parts were made separately, and then soldered together with hard solders. The same parts of the two original feet are very similar regarding their elemental composition and lead isotope ratios suggesting series production. The nearly constant gold and lead contents of the object indicate that not re-used or re-melted, but primary, cupelled silver was used for manufacturing. The lead isotope ratios of the quadripus cover a quite narrow range (²⁰⁶Pb/²⁰⁴Pb = 18.514–18.717; ²⁰⁷Pb/²⁰⁴Pb = 15.645–15.667; ²⁰⁸Pb/²⁰⁴Pb = 38.592–38.817). Comparing our results to the lead isotope data of the European lead-silver ores, and taking into consideration the archaeological evidences, the silver used for manufacturing the quadripus could come from the Balkan region.
Economic and military power have rested on the possession of metallic minerals for many centuries; far longer than has been the case with hydrocarbons. Since minerals are unevenly distributed around the world, there have been many instances in history where countries have sought to bolster or extend their power by the acquisition of minerals from others through trade or through territorial expansion (empire-building). This article explores the interplay of mining, metals and power, through case studies of Ancient Rome, Spain during its colonisation of South and Central America, Britain’s maritime empire, and the Soviet Union’s belated and rapid industrialisation during the twentieth century. These case studies serve to make the point that current concerns in the USA, Europe, Japan and China about the vulnerability of their economies and military capabilities to the disruption of mineral supplies from overseas are nothing new, although the range of minerals now used, the complexity of modern supply chains and prevailing geopolitical norms suggest that there may not be too much in the historical record to assist these countries and regions address their concerns.
Colonia Iulia victrix Philippiensium was founded by Mark Antony after the battle of Philippi in 42 BC and was re-founded by Octavian as colonia Iulia Philippiensis, then Augusta, after the naval battle in Actium in 31 BC. Philippi was one of the most important stations along the Egnatia Road. During the Antonine period, in the second half of the 2nd c. AD, the city’s center was reconstructed in its most monumental form. The aqueduct for the water supply of the city has been dated to the same period. It is an open-channel aqueduct with a barrel vaulted cover that collected water from the Kefalari area (karstic springs of Voirani), about seven kilometers north-northwest of Philippi.
The paper presents a small circular mirror frame found in the rural settlement at Acic Suat.
The mirror is made out of lead and decorated with radial lines on the frame, missing the reflective surface.
Even though, such finds are numerous in the Danubian and Black Sea provinces, their functionality is
still questionable, ranging from cosmetic to votive. Discussing the find from Acic Suat, together with the
analogies and their potential functions, allows us to integrate the item in a wider context. Two sets of
analyses were performed on the mirror, ED-XRF and PIXE, revealing its composition and highlighting
the presence of bismuth and silver which can be indicators for the provenance of the lead core.
Indigenous people played a critical though unacknowledged role in the discovery of silver in sixteenth-century Spanish America. This article uncovers the roles and experiences of indigenous prospectors in New Spain (Mexico) and Peru. In the early decades of the colonial project, Iberians relied heavily on the knowledge and skill of native prospectors because they had little to no experience or training in mining. Drawing on a vibrant precontact tradition of metallurgy and mining in the Americas, indigenous prospectors hunted for metal, they assessed the potential productivity of a site, and they understood the legal protocol involved in claiming a mine for the owner/s. This article argues that the contributions and lived experiences of these overlooked specialized laborers reveals that indigenous knowledge played a critical role in the formative years of silver mining in the Americas, illustrating their important social, legal, and technological contributions to production and to the economic trajectory of colony and metropole.
This chapter illuminates the extent of anthropogenic impacts on other beings and the evironment through a discussion of Roman conceptualisations and perceptions of nature and three case studies of Roman mining, exploitation of animal populations and agriculture. With this chapter, we aim to include the Romans in the rapid growing Anthropocene discourse, offer some insight into present environmental concerns, and encourage posthuman perspectives in the study of Roman archaeology.
Zusammenfassung – Praktische Herausforderungen und Archäometallurgie des Golds vom thrakischen Goldbergwerk Ada Tepe, Südostbulgarien. Analytisches Herangehen und experimentelle Rekonstruktionen. Das Grundziel des vorliegenden Berichtes ist die Darstellung der Ergebnisse einer durchgeführten Verhüttung von Goldkonzentrat. Das Konzentrat wurde experimentell von einem Quarzgang in dem in den letzten Jahren ausgegrabenen spätbronzezeitlichen und ältereisenzeitlichen Goldbergwerk am Ada Tepe, Südostbulgarien gewonnen. Für die Rekonstruktion der Methoden, Werkzeuge und Verhüttungstechniken wurden Auskünfte von den antiken und mittelalterlichen Autoren (Diodorus, Plinius und Agricola) genutzt. Als Informationsquellen und Parallelen wurden zusätzlich auch Abbildungen von griechischer rotfigurinen Keramik und egyptischen Wandmalereien von der hellenistischen Zeit genommen. Im Gang der Forschung sind alle aufeinanderfolgende Schritte der Vorbereitung des Experiments beschriftet. Die ersten von denen sind mit der Herstellung der notwendigen Werkzeuge und Anlagen verbunden (Tondüsen, Gussformen, Verhüttunsstelle). Eine besondere Aufmerksamkeit ist der Physik des Verhüttungsprozesses gewidmet. Es wurden Vergleiche zwischen der im Rahmen des Experiments gewonnenen Goldschmelze und der in einem spätbronzezeilichen Befund freigelegten. Die chemischen Analysen der beiden Goldschmelzen sind in Tabellen verglichen. Hier sind auch die Analysen einer bikonischen spätbronzezeitlichen Goldperle von Ada Tepe vorgestellt. Schliesslich sind in der Diskussion Fragestellungen über die Erforschung und Rekonstruktion der Kentnisse der alten Bergleute und Metallurgen kommentiert.
This study presents arrowheads that were obtained during excavations conducted in Cıngırt Kayası, in 2012–2014. Cıngırt Kayası is located in the Yapraklı Village, the town of Fatsa, and City of Ordu in the Eastern Black Sea region. These arrowheads have been evaluated in respect to their form and characteristics of use, presented along with their catalogue and plate information. Bearing in mind the earliest examples of such materials, this study traces how they spread to Asian, Anatolian, and European geographies and draws some conclusions. Concerning setting an exact period for these materials, other groups of findings, which were found together with the aforementioned materials during excavations, have been useful. By presenting these arrowheads, made of metal and retrieved from excavations in East Black Sea region, this study aims to display the scientific conclusions about the local archaeology and the place of metal findings in it, in a region that is known to be very rich in iron reserves since early ages.
Keywords: Mithradates VI, Black Sea Region, Pontic Kingdom, Cıngırt Kayası, Arrowheads
A
look at the innovations, especially in the economy, but also in other areas of
Roman society, reveals two sides of Roman civilization: In addition to a strong
sense of political and family traditions and a respect of traditional values there
was a great willingness to innovate if they were to increase the efficiency of
the political and social system, thereby increasing the dignity of the res
publica or, in the private sphere, the social rank of a family. Even the
policies of the middle and late Roman republic proved in many ways to be
innovative; In particular, we should point out the popular policy that since
the laws of the Gracchi has repeatedly formulated new proposals to adapt the
republic to new political, social and economic needs. Finally, under Augustus,
this policy culminated in the creation of a constitutionally new system, the
Principate, which combined the old institutions of the Republic with new power
structures. Technical innovations were perceived and positively valued by
ancient authors such as Vitruvius, Heron or Pliny; however, the Romans were
unable to quantify their economic effect, the increase in productivity.
However, it should not be overlooked that the technical innovations for the
economy, transport, architecture and infrastructure had profound consequences;
they are by no means to be considered as marginal, because they increased
productivity in agriculture and crafts, thereby contributing on the one hand to
increasing profits of large landowners and on the other hand to improving the
supply of agricultural products and craft products to the population.
Especially in the field of infrastructure, for example in the water supply,
they had positive effects on the welfare of the population. The technical
innovations were therefore undoubtedly in addition to the long period of peace
beginning under Augustus, which guaranteed to the inhabitants of the
Mediterranean an unprecedented external and internal security, an indispensable
condition of that urbanity, which in the Principate's time was characterized by
widespread prosperity and high aesthetic standards the material culture was
characterized.
The issue of orientation at sea is discussed in relationship to archaeological, historical, linguistic information and new data obtained from experimental archaeology. The Viking Age sailors, regardless of their ethnic affiliation prowled the Baltic Sea with their ships, orienting themselves after celestial bodies such as the sun and the North Star. The vocabulary of most Slavic languages contains terms referring to time count and spatial orientation points in relationship to the position of the sun. The archaeological evidence, most specifically the discovery of an 11th century incised wooden disc, seems to reinforce the impression that astronomic orientation was used during and after the Viking Age Baltic Sea in the creation of mental, cognitive maps that served to orient sailors in a largely illiterate society.
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any references for this publication.