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God's Playground: A History of Poland

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... Избор ове три државе условљен је деценијама током којих се у троуглу њихових међусобних односа интензивно ратује сећањима, историјском истином, а повремено и ватреним оружјем. Други светски рат је представљао кулминацију тих ратова, са злочинима црвене армије у Катинској шуми над пољским официрима и друштвеном елитом уопште, Волинским масакром Пољака од стране украјинских националиста и злочинима пољских колаборациониста над Украјинцима (Davies, 2005;Marples, 2017;Petrović, 2008 живља у Украјини 2014. године, на значају су добили и никада до краја истражени и разјашњени злочини совјетских власти над украјинским народом између два светска рата (Plokhy, 2014). ...
... The triangle of mutual wars waged with memory, historical truth, and occasional force of arms is characteristic for these three countries. The Second World War represented a culmination of these wars, with the Red Army massacre over Polish officers and the intelligentsia in the Katyn Forest, the Volhynia massacre of Polish people by the Ukrainian nationalists, and the crimes of Polish collaborationists over the Ukrainians (Davies, 2005;Marples, 2017;Petrović, 2008;).With the outburst of civil war in Ukraine in 2014 between Russian and Ukrainian ethnic populations, never fully investigated and clarified crimes of Soviet authorities over Ukrainians between two world wars surfaced again (Plokhy, 2014). ...
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The paper explores the connection between memory laws and the historical interpretation of conflict in certain societies. The author uses the analytical concept of vulnerable society to define the research subject. Vulnerable societies have experienced conflicts in the past, but they cannot reach a consensus on the nature, causes, and consequences of the conflict. The research is based on the analysis of memory laws in several types of vulnerable societies. The Holocaust is used as a reference point, a crime that transcends the national historical interpretations due to its universal symbolic nature. The case studies are divided into three parts: French colonial and revolutionary past, memory wars in Eastern Europe, and a comparative overview of societies that experienced civil wars. The analysis of the case studies leads to the conclusion that memory laws in vulnerable societies act as a catalyst of conflicts, instead of fulfilling their primary purpose of social stabilization. Abstract in Serbian: У раду се истражује веза између закона о сећању и схватања историје сукоба у одређеним друштвима. Аутор користи аналитички концепт рањивог друштва како би одредио предмет истраживања. Рањива друштва су искусила сукобе у прошлости, али не могу да постигну консензус око природе, узрока и последица сукоба. Истраживање се заснива на анализи закона о сећању у неколико врста рањивих друштава. Референтна тачка истраживања је Холокауст, који због универзалне симболичке вредности превазилази национална схватања историје. Колонијална и револуционарна прошлост Француске, ратови сећања у Источној Европи и упоредни приказ друштава са искуством грађанског рата, чине три целине студија случаја. Анализа студија случаја доводи до закључка да у рањивим друштвима закони о сећању делују као катализатор сукоба, уместо да остваре своју првобитну сврху стабилизације друштва.
... But, nota bene, the list of powers that preferred maintaining status quo instead of changing it is also quite long e.g., the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in most of the 16th and 17th century, the Habsburg Empire, through most of the 18 th and 19th century; for a short summary of the foreign affairs of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth(Davies, 2005;Sediv´y, 2013). ...
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This article aims at adressing several research issues. Firstly, to present offensive realism as a proper research tool to analyse US-China rivalry. Secondly, the author discusses the theory of “China’s peaceful rise” and I argues that it smoothly overlapped with the US strategy of liberal hegemony. Thirdly, He presents and defends the argument that China does not rise peacefully. Fourthly, the author claims that China wants to became a regional hegemon in South-East Asia and the USA according to offensive realism cannot let it happen. Last but not least the author considers the arguments that are frequently used to support the theory of “China’s peaceful rise” and explains why they fail to depict the current and predict the future nature of US-China relations. In this article the author employed the following research methods: historical, descriptive and decision making methods.
... The turn of the millennium saw new burial traditions, first in stone mounds and later in forests. It is interesting to note that these changes coincide with changes in the 4 The burial tradition in Estonia is part of the North-European tradition. The oldest burial is in stone mounds found from the time of the late Stone Age (III-II millennium BC). ...
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The investigation is about the development of the living-threshing house of Estonia. It is a hybrid building connecting the primordial living structures of KODA and SAUN. While the living-threshing house is the nucleus of functional, economic and aesthetic development of a millennium, it also embodies the mythological and archetypal meanings of SAUN and KODA - the spaces of mind.
... The POW developed from Józef Piłsudski's strategy of pursuing Polish independence through armed revolution; an irregular force originally meant to commit acts of sabotage and organize popular insurrection against Russian rule. 95 In the first year of the war, POW cells had been established throughout Russian Poland. 96 After the Central Powers had occupied Congress Poland, however, Piłsudski continued to recruit new members for the POW. ...
Article
Plans for a Polish “border strip” are frequently cited to argue that the German army entered the First World War committed to pacifying conquered space through Germanization. This article contends that, in 1914, the German officer corps did not understand national homogeneity as essential for imperial security. Many influential officers insisted that Polish identity was compatible with German imperial loyalty. They supported a multinational imperial model, proposing to trade Poland its cultural and political autonomy for the acceptance of German suzerainty in foreign policy and military command. The army's preference for Germanizing space developed during the occupation of Russian Poland, as officers learned to conflate diversity with imperial fragility. Only a series of political crises after 1916 shifted military opinion against multinational imperialism. Increasingly convinced that Poland would betray the German Empire, some officers abandoned multinationalism. Others revised their plans to contain Poland and fortify Germany by annexing and Germanizing Polish space.
... "Social memory is one of the processes that people go to war about and memories of the violence can keep the enmity going" (Brewer 2006). In the post-war politics of history, the German-Polish conflict was strongly emphasized and presented as "Poland's old and constant problem," not only in contemporary history and during World War II but throughout history ("Drang nach Osten") , Davies 2005. Even today, the consequences and effectiveness of these politics are visible, as demonstrated in our data. ...
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Built on up-to-date field material, this edited volume suggests an anthropological approach to the palimpsest-like milieus of Wrocław, Lviv, Chernivtsi, and Chişinău. In these East-Central European borderline cities, the legacies of Nazism, Marxism-Leninism, and violent ethno-nationalism have been revisited in recent decades in search of profound moral reckoning and in response to the challenges posed by the (post-)transitional period. Present shapes and contents of these urban settings derive from combinations of fragmented material environments, cultural continuities and political ruptures, present-day heritage industries and collective memories about the contentious past, expressive architectural forms and less conspicuous meaning-making activities of human actors. In other words, they evolve from perpetual tensions between choices of the past and the burden of the past. A novel feature of this book is its multi-level approach to the analysis of engagements with the lost diversity in historical urban milieus full of post-war voids and ruptures. In particular, the collected studies test the possibility of combining the theoretical propositions of Memory Studies with broader conceptualizations of borderlands, cosmopolitan sociality, urban mythologies, and hybridity. The volume’s contributors are Eleonora Narvselius, Bo Larsson, Natalia Otrishchenko, Anastasia Felcher, Juliet D. Golden, Hana Cervinkova, Paweł Czajkowski, Alexandr Voronovici, Barbara Pabjan, Nadiia Bureiko, Teodor Lucian Moga, and Gaelle Fisher.
... Okrucieństwa II wojny światowej i dziedziczone w ich następstwie traumy są dojmujące i wciąż mają wpływ na mentalność narodów i społeczeństw po obu stronach Odry. Taka opowieść jest standardem, którego w żadnej mierze nie zamierzamy umniejszać czy unieważniać (Davies, 2005a;Davies, 2005b;Jasińska--Kania, 2007). ...
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The shared pedagogy of Andrzej Jaczewski and Karl-Josef Kluge grew out of the political and social changes taking place in West Germany after 1968. Their pioneering work focused on international integration, participation, intercultural learning, educating the gifted, giving space to creativity, and building leadership skills. The international pedagogical interactions initiated at that time were primarily the result of Andrzej Jaczewski’s long life journey marked first by German aggression and World War II and later by his conciliatory response to the postwar West German peace impulse. More than half a thousand participants in German-Polish encounters experienced transformative contact and spaces for dialogue in the Europeanising integration current despite the Cold War. We are reconstructing the shape of this experience and its immediate and distant effects by analysing documents, recording oral histories and describing our own autobiographical encounter experience in the stream of humanistically oriented social sciences. Our exchange of ideas was carried out in 2019–2021 remotely and during study visits to Berlin, Kraków, and Andrzej Jaczewski’s home in Ropki. With this article we contribute to the critical debate on the superficiality of the currently proposed education based on behavioural control in a barren and alienated education system. We advocate a pedagogy that prioritises individual freedom, more vibrant communities, increased autonomy, and cosmopolitanism.
... Post-war reconstruction of cities is perhaps among the finest examples of 'resurrection', not only of complex urban structures but also of spirits of places, making room for new communities-disinherited and displaced (Davies, 2003;Jeleński, 2018). In Warsaw, a near-total reconstruction of a history spanning from the thirteenth to the twentieth century was based on grass-roots national pressure against political, conservational, and architectural ideologies which, in 1980, invoked UNESCO to include the reconstructed historic centre of Warsaw in the World Heritage List as it met two criteria: "…to be directly or tangibly associated with events or living traditions, with ideas, or with beliefs, with artistic and literary works of outstanding universal significance…" and "…to exhibit an important interchange of human values, over a span of time…" (Jelenski, 2017). ...
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This article investigates the relation occurred between architecture, culture, and identity by addressing how a tradition has been maintained in the architecture design of the present. Two opposites, however arguably relevant, categories exist in the literature. One conceives identity as being merely a ‘static’ entity coined with one meaning regardless of the history. By contrast, the other category pays attention to the history. It echoes a ‘contextual construct’ of meanings in its theory to help architecture configure a place’s identity through each place’s peculiarities infused by culture. A ‘contextual construct’ weighs up history laying, therefore, the seeds for a profound architecture design of the present. Analysis in this article follows the second category’s path and turns to Rasem Badran’s synthesis considered in this article as a particular case. The conclusions, drawn here, are not intended to offer utopias solutions, but rather, evoke further exploration and investigation.
... In East Central Europe Poland is a typical case. In the transition era to modern Europe in the late 18th century, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth had been partitioned between the three surrounding German, Habsburg and Russian empires, regained its national independence only after World War I, but soon became again the victim of imperial onslaughts from the West and the East and regained its renewed national sovereignty only with the transformation to postcommunist Poland (Davies 1981, Zernack 1994. In this context, Polish nation-building, for a long time, was not embedded in autonomous state and church institutions, but rather opposed to the political institutions imposed from outside. ...
Book
This book is about new forms of religiosity and religious activity emerging in the context of their dialectic relations with contemporary multicultural realities. World religions are effectively a major agent of the multiculturalization of contemporary societies. However, multiculturalism pushes them not only toward change and reforms, but also toward new conflicts between and within them. This process should remind us of the Jewish legend of the Golem – an animated being created by man which finally challenges the latter’s control over it - a dialectic relation, indeed. World religions today greatly contribute to a world (dis)order that is multicultural both when viewed as a whole, and from within most societies that compose it. It is a development that contrasts both with the assumption that globalization implies one-way homogenization and convergence to Western modernity, and the expectation that globalization would be bound to polarize homogeneous civilizations.
... Predominantly, Belarusian areas were settled with Poles (Osadniks) (Rogalska 2005) and minority newspapers and organisations were banned in particular. Repressions by the Polish government against the Ukrainian, Belarusian, Lithuanian and German minorities arose due to efforts of polonisation (Čepėnas 1986;Davies 1979;Subtelny 2000;Wierzbicki 2012;Żołędowski 2003). ...
Chapter
The gradual emergence of an Icelandic state in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century was essentially based on a sense of distinctiveness within the Danish kingdom, facilitated by centuries of relative isolation and economic standstill. Winds of change in nineteenth-century Danish politics posed a threat to Icelandic traditions and eventually led to full separation with the dissolution of the union between the two countries in 1944. Constitutionally, the Icelandic state bears many similarities to the other Nordic states, based on parliamentary government, although local self-government is in many ways weaker, with a large number of small communes and lack of administrative capacity. Given the lack of capacity in many of the small communes, central government plays a relatively large role, compared to the Scandinavian countries, in public policy and administration.
... It is clear that certain facts related to any national culture, literature or history are of interest to the representatives of that nation and in most cases they should, and in fact are written in the national tongue. However, again there are exceptions, for example the history of Poland which has been popularized by Norman Davies' (1972Davies' ( , 1981 books which were written in English, or by Timothy Snyder's publications on the contemporary Polish political situation. Thus, the conclusion is the same as in the case of modern languages: research concerning more general matters or of potential interest to an international audience rather than a local one, would better be written in English to avoid sharing the fate of Baudouin de Courtenay. ...
Chapter
The introduction of English as a medium of instruction (EMI) has changed higher education enormously in many European countries. This development is increasingly encapsulated under the term Englishization, that is, the increasing dispersion of English as a means of communication in non-Anglophone contexts. Englishization is not undisputed: legal challenges have arisen in several countries. Nor is it uniform; universities across Europe embrace Englishization, but they do so in their own way. In this volume, authors from 15 European countries present analyses from a range of perspectives coalescing around core concerns: the quality of education, cultural identity, inequality of opportunities and access, questions of justice and democracy, and internationalization and language policy. This book will appeal to researchers in applied linguistics, sociolinguistics, educational sciences, and political science, as well as policy makers and people with a concern about the direction of higher education.
... The political system of 'people's democracy' retained the ritual of regular parliamentary elections, voters were pressured to vote for a list of candidates drawn up by the National Unity Front (Front Jedności Narodu), 8 an institution comprised mainly of PZPR members with some representation by other parties (SD and ZSL). Officially, voter participation was usually more than 90%, proving the effectiveness of the said pressures, as well as the manipulation of voter turnout numbers (Sakwa & Crouch 1978;Davies 1981). ...
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During the postsocialist economic transformation, liberal economic and political ideas encountered different pre-existing ontologies of power, work and economics in Poland, which were particularly prevalent in rural mountain regions in the south. This different world-making is the basis for a Polanyian countermovement against marketisation. However, the incompatibility of alternative ontologies does not prevent villagers from achieving economic success. These inherited ontologies are stabilising the uncertainties stemming from economic and political liberalisation through family ties and appraisal tools based on the values of rural culture.
... It is clear that certain facts related to any national culture, literature or history are of interest to the representatives of that nation and in most cases they should, and in fact are written in the national tongue. However, again there are exceptions, for example the history of Poland which has been popularized by Norman Davies' (1972Davies' ( , 1981 books which were written in English, or by Timothy Snyder's publications on the contemporary Polish political situation. Thus, the conclusion is the same as in the case of modern languages: research concerning more general matters or of potential interest to an international audience rather than a local one, would better be written in English to avoid sharing the fate of Baudouin de Courtenay. ...
... It is clear that certain facts related to any national culture, literature or history are of interest to the representatives of that nation and in most cases they should, and in fact are written in the national tongue. However, again there are exceptions, for example the history of Poland which has been popularized by Norman Davies' (1972Davies' ( , 1981 books which were written in English, or by Timothy Snyder's publications on the contemporary Polish political situation. Thus, the conclusion is the same as in the case of modern languages: research concerning more general matters or of potential interest to an international audience rather than a local one, would better be written in English to avoid sharing the fate of Baudouin de Courtenay. ...
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This study examines decisions of the Permanent Court of International Justice and their impact on the German-Polish dispute. It considers how international jurisdiction approached the question of minority protection and how the efficiency of this experiment in international justice was extremely influenced by political motives and contrasting political visions. The fragile balance between legal and political aspects was evident, and despite the efforts of the Court, political interests prevailed. It will be argued that the problems of the minority system and the German-Polish controversies proved that the international institutions could only provide the states with a support in settling their disputes: international stability could only be guaranteed by sincere mutual cooperation among the members of a community of states.
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The aim of the research was to define the cultural heritage of Poland as represented in the urban space of Vienna by Polonica. Structures commemorating Poles or events they took part in, as well as places related to Poland and Polish people such as Nazi death camps, or geographical objects, were included. Polonica were grouped and analysed in terms of the time of creation, location in the city space, founders, inscriptions and building materials (if they came from Poland). On the basis of the results and discussion, it was found that, as a group of objects, Polonica represent the cultural heritage of Poland from various periods. These objects show both the history of the people and events commemorated, as well as events in the history of Poland over the last 400 years. Moreover, it was argued that some Polonica constitute the cultural heritage of both Poland and Austria. Some objects may be perceived and interpreted differently, which may be related to international political disputes.
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In 2020, a Special Issue entitled Rural Development: Strategies, Good Practices and Opportunitieswas launched, in which 16 papers were published. The aim of this monograph was to study this problem with contributions in which different initiatives or projects are presented to reduce the demographic, economic and social imbalances between rural and urban areas. On the other hand, some studies highlighted the weaknesses that certain projects and programmes are having in achieving the same objectives. The papers presented were very diverse and provided cases in a wide variety of territories including European, American, and Asian. The different strategies presented focused on achieving rural development through the promotion of activities complementary to agriculture, such as rural tourism, the revaluation of natural heritage, the promotion of agroecological products, the industrial promotion of rural areas, the introduction of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) and Internet to improve their communications and teleworking, the design of sustainable housing for youngers and new settlers, etc. This book serves as a reference to showcase current papers that address more or less successfully sustainable rural development strategies. It is aimed at researchers from multiple and different fields such as geography, earth sciences, political science, economics, econometrics, econometrics, and other fields of study.
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Geographically situated between the powerful nations of the Russians and Germans, Poland was balancing on a narrow ridge between enforcing its maximum demands as great power and being completely abolished. Therefore, it had dramatically changed territory and statehood, politics, boundaries and administrative structures. A view on the evolution especially of administrative structure, units and boundaries is a valuable approach to understand the very history of Poland in its geographic context.
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We examine the drivers of corporate social responsibility anchoring in Poland, a country that has undergone a profound transition from a command economy to a free market system. We use a fine‐grained theoretical framework to understand the influence of the interactions between regulative, normative, and cultural‐cognitive aspects of institutions with firm organizational factors on the diffusion of corporate social responsibility. We show that, in Poland, companies use their slack resources to adopt corporate social responsibility only when facing strong normative or regulative institutional pressures in their organizational fields. When such pressures are absent, companies prefer value‐enhancing functions of their resources other than investing in corporate social responsibility. We propose a multilevel approach for studying drivers of corporate social responsibility and show how the importance of organizational‐level drivers emerges clearly only if the interactions with institutional‐level features are considered. The main policy implication of our study is that corporate social responsibility may establish in Poland, as well as in other Eastern Europe countries, provided that designed and formalized institutional processes reach relevant organizational fields. Furthermore, we find that, for business managers, employing financial slack for social responsibility projects may be perceived as institutionally legitimate or not depending on the type of institutional pressures prevailing in each organizational field.
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English This paper addresses and compares the issue of introducing new art forms into the city space in order to revitalise or gentrify it, in two different political and economic realities: that of Poland under Communism and in the era of the free market. The phenomenon of the biennales, which were most frequently organised in the 1960s, is analysed, based mainly on the First Elbląg Biennale of Spatial Forms in 1965, as is one contemporary revitalisation process which has been achieved thanks to artistic activity, namely, the case of the Gdańsk Shipyard. These artistic phenomena are presented against the backdrop of the political and economic realities of Communist Poland in the 1960s, where they had to find a balance between artistic freedom and political limitations, as well as contemporary post-1989 Poland, where economically-conditioned artistic activities (intended to revitalise the post-shipyard space) clash with the hard rules of the free-market economy. Polski Artykuł w sposób komparatystyczny podejmuje zagadnienie wprowadzenia nowych form sztuki, w funkcji rewitalizacyjnej bądź gentryfikacyjnej, w przestrzeń miasta w dwóch różnych realiach polityczno-ekonomicznych: w komunistycznej i wolnorynkowej Polsce. Przeanalizowano zjawisko biennale, organizowanych szczególnie często w dekadzie lat 60., na przykładzie I Biennale Form Przestrzennych w Elblągu z 1965 r., jak również współczesne procesy rewitalizacyjne przestrzeni miasta poprzez aktywność artystów – przypadek Stoczni Gdańskiej. Wymienione zjawiska natury artystycznej zostały osadzone w realiach polityczno-ekonomicznych odpowiednio Polski komunistycznej dekady lat 60., balansującej pomiędzy wolnością artystyczną a politycznymi ograniczeniami, oraz Polski współczesnej, po transformacji 1989 r., w której uwarunkowane ekonomicznie działania artystów na rzecz rewitalizacji dawnych terenów postoczniowych ścierają się z twardymi prawami wolnego rynku.
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Resurgent populism in East Central Europe is typically analyzed at the national level. This paper examines populist urban movements in two of the region’s capital cities: Prague and Warsaw. It locates the origin of urban populist grievances in the crisis of urban-planning regimes after communism. At the same time, it argues that the character of populist urban movements, in terms of their mobilizing frames and tactics, varies between cities depending on the openness of municipal institutions to new social actors. The research draws on extensive field interviews, policy documents, academic analyses, and domestic media reports. It sheds light on an under-studied variant of postcommunist populism—one less conservative and potentially more inclusive—and contributes to the literatures on postcommunist civil society, urban planning, and municipal-level politics.
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During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, dozens of alliances asserting shared sovereignty formed in the Holy Roman Empire and the Low Countries. Many accounts of state formation struggle to explain these leagues, since they characterize state formation as a process of internal bureaucratization within individual states. This comparative study of alliances in the Holy Roman Empire and the Low Countries focuses on a formative time in European history, from the late fifteenth century until the immediate aftermath of the 1648 Peace of Westphalia, to demonstrate how the sharing of sovereignty through alliances influenced the evolution of the Empire, the Dutch Republic, and their various member states in fundamental ways. Alliances simultaneously supported and constrained central and territorial authorities, while their collaborative policy-making process empowered smaller states, helping to ensure their survival. By revealing how the interdependencies of alliance shaped states of all sizes in the Empire and the Low Countries, Christopher W. Close opens new perspectives on state formation with profound implications for understanding the development of states across Europe.
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The composer Fryderyk Chopin (1810-1849) has become an unmistakable symbol for expressing Polish national identity. The widespread popularity of his musical compositions coupled with the tumultuous political history of Poland have provided the narrative grounds for the proliferation of a mythologized Chopin to emerge. As a result, the collective events of his personal and public life are understood as being informed by an uncompromising devotion and anguished longing for his homeland. Utilizing my concept of “generic nationalism,” or the decontextualization of a given entity into spaces of Polish nationalist discourse that could not have been anticipated or expected, I focus on interrogating a host of material, popular, commercial, and visual sources that demonstrate how the likeness of Chopin has been utilized for promoting nationalist ideologies throughout the course of the nineteenth, twentieth, and into the twenty-first century. In critically examining the symbolic malleability of Chopin’s national identity, or the consistent reimagination of Chopin as an icon that represents the Polish nation, I hope to reveal how definitions, or spaces, of generic nationalism are constructed to promote particular ideologies while simultaneously catering to the idea of shared national collective. The results of which, although superficial, do not inhibit one’s ability to interact with the subject, but establishes the grounds for reimagining the subject within and around a constantly circulating stream of shared nationalist belonging.
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This article examines the importance of imaginary spaces and places (literary isotopias) in André Malraux’s Les Noyers de l’Altenburg (1943) and Romain Gary’s Education européenne (1945). It analyses the metamorphoses of space and place, together with the relationships between those spaces and the novels’ characters, in order to identify commonality as well as differences between the approaches of the two authors. The roles of nature, art and myth in the two novels are also considered, particularly in the context of war. Moreover, the article takes into account the humanism of both authors against the background of wartime. André Malraux’s crucial concept of metamorphosis finds significant echoes in Romain Gary’s novel Education européenne, particularly in the aspiration to transform the world, change mentalities and remake communities both in the national and international contexts. For both writers, the metaphysical struggle against death is often portrayed as being more important than the military conflict with the enemy. Moreover, the novels of both writers have undergone a number of literary metamorphoses in terms of textual genesis and generation. Although Romain Gary’s work is probably less well known today than that of André Malraux, we may find, in conclusion, that the former’s approach, style and content of thought are actually just as “modern” and appealing to readers nowadays.
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"Pieśń Wędrowca", jak jest nazywany średniowieczny anglo-saksoński poemat "Widsith", o niezbyt wygórowanych walorach artystycznych, uznawana jest jednak przez część badaczy za istotne wczesnośredniowieczne źródło wiedzy na temat ludów germańskich. Uczeni datują ją na okres między IV a X wiekiem, co samo w sobie pokazuje ile niepewności istnieje w tej sprawie. Moim zdaniem utwór ten, nawet zakładając, że zawiera wiele wątków zmyślonych przez autora, a być może jest tylko poetyckim marzeniem biednego śpiewaka o dalekich podróżach, przekazuje nam jednak sporo informacji, nie tylko o plemionach i bohaterach germańskich, ale także wendo-słowiańskich. Trzeba tylko wykazać się odrobiną dobrej woli i odrzucić zakorzenione w nauce filogermanizm i serwilizm, zwłaszcza w badaniach naszych dziejów, archeologii, czy językoznawstwie, związanych z realizacją jedynie słusznej polityki historycznej. Wtedy dostrzeżemy w tekście, nie tylko Wendów, ale i Wiślan, Wandalów (Winuli), Głomaczy, Rugiów, Redarów, Połabian (Słebów), czy Bojów oraz ich bohaterów, a także słowiańskich wiciędzów (wicięgów, inaczej chąśników), od których pochodzą nie tylko nasi 'zwycięzcy', ale i określenie 'wikingowie'. Oczywiście moim celem nie jest tu robienie wykładu na temat słowiańskości wymienionych ludów, o czym pisałem wielokrotnie w swoich książkach i artykułach. Pragnę tylko zwrócić uwagę, że podane w poemacie nazwy oraz niektóre odniesienia do innych średniowiecznych źródeł anglosaskich i staronordyckich można inaczej odczytywać niż to zostało ustalone przez akademików. Zresztą i oni przez ostatnie dwa wieki badań nad tym utworem przedstawiali całą gamę sprzecznych interpretacji. Niestety większość z nich odrzucała, jakby z zasady, możliwe słowiańskie wyjaśnienia, bo przecież, zgodnie z przyjętym, błędnym i szkodliwym paradygmatem allochtonicznym, Słowian do VI/VII wieku nie było nad Wisłą. Zatem, ich zdaniem, to germańscy Goci musieli walczyć z Hunami w wiślańskich lasach (Wistlawudu), a nie Wiślanie, Chorwaci, czy Wędowie. Czytając niektóre angielskie, czy niemieckie, a nawet polskie przekłady tego tekstu, wydawać się może, że między VI a IX wiekiem, w jakim to przedziale czasowym miała powstać ta pieśń, jej autorowi nie byli znani żadni Słowianie, Prusowie, czy Bałtowie. A tłumaczenie na przykład Istów na Filistynów, zamiast na Estów, wygląda wręcz komicznie. Próbuję zatem dokonać tutaj autorskiej egzegezy tego "świętego" dla Anglosasów tekstu, nie bacząc na "dogmaty" naukowe i polityczno-historyczną poprawność. Może takie opracowanie rzuci trochę więcej światła nie tylko na ten utwór, ale ogólnie na sprawy związane z tendencyjnymi interpretacjami dokumentów źródłowych przez zachodnich uczonych.
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წიგნი „რუსთავის საბჭოთა მემკვირდრეობა - პატარა ქალაქის დიდი ამბები“ მომზადდა შოთა რუსთაველის ეროვნულის სამეცნიერო ფონდის მხარდაჭერით ახალგაზრდა მეცნიერთა გრანტის YS-19-521 ფარგლებში. წიგნი მოიცავს რუსთავის სახის ჩამოყალიბების კვლევას კომუნისტების მიერ და მის ტრანსორმაციას პოსტკომუნისტურ პერიოდში. წარმოდგენილ კვლევაში ნაჩვენებია თუ როგორ შემოგვთავაზეს კომუნისტებმა რუსთავის მშენებლობასთან ერთად, ქალაქის წაკითხვის ორი განსხვავებული ხედვა - ნაციონალური და ინტერნაციონალური. ქალაქის ამ ხედვების გასამყარებლად კი რეჟიმი სხვადასხვა ავტორი და ისტორიული ფაქტი მოიხმო. სისტემა ურბანული ნარატივების მეშვეობით ქალაქის ძლიერ მხარეებს წარმოაჩენდა და ქვეყნის მასშტაბით მის განსაკუთრებულ სტატუსს უზრუნველყოფდა. რუსთავი საქართველოს სიამაყედ გამოცხადდა. ამ ყველაფრის საპირისპიროდ ქალაქის მდგომარეობა არსებითად შეიცვალა საბჭოთა კავშირის დაშლის შემდგომ, ქარხნების ქალაქში მასიურმა უმუშევრობამ დაისადგურა. წარმოდგენები ბედნიერ მომავალზე მწარე რეალობით შეიცვალა. რამაც ავტომატურ რეჟიმში ღირებულებათა გადაფასების საკითხი დააყენა. მათ შორის კომუნისტების მიერ შემოთავაზებულმა ნაციონალურმა ნარატივებმა დაკარგა დამაჯერებლობა, ხოლო ქალაქის მულტიკულტურული იმიჯი აღარ იყო მიმზიდველი. წიგნში თანამედროვე რუსთავის მდგომარეობა განხილულია როგორც ქალაქისათვის იდენტობის ძიების პროცესი.
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Rudolf Kjellén (1864–1922) discusses the birth, death, and possible rebirth of the state as a ‘living organism’. His concept of the nation , based on Renan, as a voluntary community is linked to the attainment of statehood. Poland is an example in this discussion, beginning in his book Stormakterna – The Great Powers – in 1905, with the nation under subjugation by three of these powers, continuing with his Staten som lifsform in 1916 where the possibility of rebirth is in sight, and finalized in 1920 in questioning the future of the world geopolitical order. His writings also include statements on the vulnerability of borders, the need for domestic autarky, and, on the problems of territorial autonomy, discussions of importance for the post-World War I geopolitical history of Poland; but these have mostly been neglected by post-World War II discourses. The aim of this article is to analyse how Poland's geopolitical situation is reflected in the viewpoints of Rudolf Kjellén against the background of the historical, spatial development of the Polish state and Polish ethnicity.
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This article provides an overview of literature pertaining to anti‐blackness and racism in Poland. Much of the literature on anti‐blackness and racism in Europe has focused on certain hegemonic powers in Europe. This literature reviews seeks to add another country to explore the topic. The article first discusses how anti‐blackness conversations are formulated in general and then shifts to examine Poland, exploring how these conversations on immigration, economic issues and Islamophobia add to a broader discussion of Europe's problems with anti‐blackness more broadly. From here, the article examines and dismantles the notions that Poland is isolated from the African continent and that Poland's historical and contemporary population can be viewed as totally homogenous. Self‐identified Afro‐Poles are discussed as a focal population of Black Poles, showing that there are generational interactions between the African continent and Polish society in the last section. This review seeks to add a new case study into the discourse of anti‐blackness and racism in Europe. I argue that cases like Poland are valuable and necessary to develop fuller conceptualizations of anti‐blackness.
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A different cultural and urban milieu can hold the promise of lucrativeness but also deploy instability and strike aspiring migrants with the grieving fear of potential inability to fit in, yielding to the host-city’s exclusionary matrix of assimilating policies. The world has become an increasingly diversified verse, rendering diaspora no longer a phenomenon of transient nature, but an evident and perpetual conduit of the globalized domain. Today, roughly 13 million refugees live in cities, thereby allowing an influx of cultures to intertwine and formulate hybridity, alleviating political and geographical borders. Notions of what constitutes a country and its culture are re-established, unmooring the analysis of architecture and culture from the dormant morass of hegemonic and fixed spatial practices. If one were to think of and adopt the speculation that culture is an unwavering entity endowed upon inhabitants of a city, then one would overlook the majestic physics that accompany a ‘virtual culture’: an ever-changing, ever-morphing set of beliefs, behaviours, and spatial practices that adhere to communal stasis. Cities studied through the paper’s discourse wrestle either to include diasporic communities and incorporate their cultural practices into their milieu, or clench their sphincter, excluding all alien-to-their-own practices. The paper beseeches an understanding of the isomorphism between culture and architecture, thereby enacting a better understanding of the underlying dynamic that exists between the two. Circumscribing architecture and culture to a certain geographic location rather than observing and appreciating their performative nature and hybridity is a dangerous vindication at worst and shallow stereotyping at best. The paper, thus, argues the importance of cultural fluidity and examines diasporic communities’ unassailable impact on the environments they cohabit, testing the recipient cities’ reaction while assessing and recommending against culture-specific design strategies, arriving at an employment of cultural responsiveness in the syntax of the built environment.
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Abstract Following World War I, the Great Powers gathered in Paris to negotiate a series of treaties under the watchword “national self-determination.” By the beginning of the 20th century national homogeneity had become the ideal attribute of a nation-state, and in practice this is what the Great Powers saw as national self-determination. Only in very few instances did a population actually self-determine its future. In addition, the Great Powers took other considerations into account in redrawing borders in Eastern Europe, resulting in the inclusion of large minorities, which prompted the imposition of treaties protecting those minorities. If the new borders resulted in a change of an individual’s nationality, one could self-determine one’s nationality by “opting” for another nationality, but with the obligation to “transfer” one’s residence to the country of that nationality, the equivalent of forced migration and illustrating the primacy of national homogeneity over self-determination. The Treaties of Neuilly and Sèvres went further by obligating Bulgaria and Turkey to reduce their minority population. ‚e failure of the latter Treaty led to a conference in Lausanne, at which the Great Powers in the resulting Treaty legitimized the expulsion of Greeks and Turks, providing an international sanction for forced migration. In the following decades, statesmen and others repeatedly invoked the Treaty of Lausanne by name as a successful model for dealing with minority-majority conflicts, supposedly by promoting national homogeneity, which culminated in massive forced migrations following World War II.
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This chapter outlines the theoretical context of the book. This includes selected elements of Pierre Bourdieu’s sociology, led by the concepts of power field and homology, which I use to show how social meanings are created. I then draw on world-systems theory, political cleavages theory, and global sociology of knowledge and culture to show how the specificity of peripheral social fields can be accounted for. I additionally show that theoretical considerations based on empirical analyses of peripheral countries’ social cleavages can contribute to our understanding of the operation of the global knowledge production system. The final part of the chapter is devoted to a discussion of Poland’s place in the hierarchies of the world system, as well as through the lens of other theoretical approaches, including post-colonial theory. I also explain how the account of Polish history presented in this book differs from the dominant accounts.
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In establishing the thematic scope of this work, I assumed that its subject would be the process of the formation of border services in interwar Poland. This means a deliberate and complete disregard for the essentially distinct administrative role played by the border guard. The presentation of the Border Guard from an administrative perspective changes the situation so profoundly that a thorough discussion of its implications would certainly double the volume of the publication. A superficial treatment of the administrative issue would lead to misunderstandings. Furthermore, a superficial omission of the administrative issue was deemed necessary because the formations were mainly military in nature. Before going into details and elaborations, I would like to present my main research objective, which is the following question: what was the evolution of the legal status of Polish border formations in the inter-war period? In view of this objective, it is necessary to present the work from a historical perspective. The chronology of the facts is important for the subject matter, as it serves to systematise the considerations. The structure of the work and the research method were adjusted to the above-mentioned assumptions of the publication, which shows the reasons for the creation and the process of transformation of the border formations in relation to various types of institutional solutions, up to the moment of the creation of the Border Protection Corps and the Border Guard Corps, operating under these names until 1939. The potential conclusions resulting from this chapter concern: the presentation of the institutional construction of the border formations in the years 1918–1939 and the demonstration that in the interwar period they were the main organs of the Second Polish Republic, which guaranteed the inviolability of state territory and the security of the citizens on the subordinate territory.
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Ludwik Flaszen was the cofounder and literary adviser of the Polish Laboratory Theatre, and a collaborator of Jerzy Grotowski. This Jewish kaddish and Dionysian dithyramb offers a glimpse of his life and work.
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Die Untersuchung ist der Zusammenarbeit zwischen der DDR und der Volksrepublik Polen im industriellen Wohnungsbauwesen der 1970er Jahre gewidmet. Am Beispiel der polnischen Wohnungsbauserie W-70 („Warszawa 1970“) und der DDR-eigenen WBS 70 werden gelungene und erfolglose Seiten dieser Kooperation zwischen den beiden sozialistischen Staaten beleuchtet. Die Analyse umfasst Strukturen, Kontakte und Handlungsspielräume auf ministerialer, institutioneller und individueller Ebene. Gab es gegenseitige Einflussnahme? Welche Rolle spielte der Westen? Jenseits aller stereotypen Vorstellungen von eindimensionalen Entscheidungsprozessen in staatssozialistischen Systemen wird eine Geschichte des europäischen Ideentransfers und der Wissenszirkulation der Nachkriegsmoderne erzählt.
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The Polish writer Andrzej Bobkowski (1913-1961), who defined himself as “the hooligan of freedom”, achieved posthumous fame and recognition from Polish readers, however, in Guatemala, his adopted home, he is known mainly as “Querido Bob” who founded the “Guatemala Hobby Shop”. Bobkowski chose Guatemala as his home to defend his own sense of individualism and dignity which had been shaken by his disillusionment with Europe in the face of both Nazism and communism. From Bobkowski’s perspective, his escape from Europe in general, and from the Polish Second Republic in particular was a way to remain free from the ossified pseudo-values of the old continent, which had failed the test of the Second World War. Bobkowski, especially in his essays “Na tyłach” [“Behind the front”] (1949) and “Pytania dzikich ludzi” [“Savages’ questions”] (1951), contrasted Europe with Guatemala or indeed with all of Central America. Andrzej Bobkowski described his life in Guatemala, providing also a rich commentary about the world in the 1950s, particularly in “Notatnik modelarza” [“From a Diary of a Model Maker”] and in his letters to his mother. This paper aims to reconstruct and discuss how Querido Bob as a European understood the meaning of freedom and how he confronted his inherited paradigm of ideas with the reality of Guatemala and its society, which was facing its own challenges.
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This paper explores how cultural entrepreneurs built a “heavy metal world” in the Polish People’s Republic (PRL), focusing on the years 1980–89. By combining historical analysis with primary research to examine how both fans and artists alike acted together to overcome shortages, scarcity, and repression, this paper sup-ports inclusive definitions of cultural entrepreneurship that go beyond an economic orientation, and acts as case study in an under-researched area to highlight the often uneasy coexistence between states and cultural production
Thesis
Between 1900 and 1939 the Greek-Catholic parish clergy in Galicia underwent a transformation of its social, national, political and cultural consciousness. In part this was the result of the political changes taking place in the province, as its Ruthenian population developed a Ukrainian national consciousness expressed during the interregnum between Austrian and Polish rule by the creation of the Western Ukrainian Popular Republic, and later, in the increasingly restrictive atmosphere of inter-war Poland, by the activity of both moderate and radical nationalist groups. In part this transformation was conditioned by the decline of the priestly caste and the rise of a new type of priest, usually a celibate of village origin. The transformation was also the result of a conscious programme initiated by Metropolitan Andrei Sheptyts'kyi to raise the moral and educational level of the clergy. To this end he reformed the L'viv seminary, established a theological academy, and organised full seminaries in Stanyslaviv and Peremyshl'. This prepared the parish priest to deal with a growingly nationalistic and often anti-clerical intelligentsia, and a village coming increasingly under its influence. At the same time, the parish clergy evolved a new sense of its identity, gradually abandoning the Russophile orientation of the Old Ruthenians and adopting first Ruthenian populism, then Ukrainian nationalism. Thus they found common cause with the secular intelligentsia. However, the Ukrainian orientation forced them to redefine the Eastern Ukrainian tradition in a manner compatible with Catholicism, and to formulate their stance towards Orthodoxy and the Kievan Byzantine tradition. Though split between Byzantinists and Westernisers, the clergy developed a strong sense of their place as leaders of Galician Ukrainian society, albeit in occasional competition with the nationalist intelligentsia, and of their mission as bearers of Catholicism in the East.
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