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Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany
... While the former relates the individual to the nation through common descent, the latter does so through citizenship. This ethnic versus civic framework has been commonly used as an analytical tool to classify nations and nationalisms into contrasting and theoretically conflicting types (e.g., Brubaker, 1992). Yet the distinction retains normative connotations: civic nationalism has been welcomed (e.g., for its inclusivity), while ethnic nationalism has been decried (e.g., for its exclusivity). ...
... A number of scholars have used this dichotomous conceptualization of national membership, usually ethnic or civic (Bloemradd et al., 2008;Brubaker, 1992Brubaker, , 1998Brubaker, , 1999Brubaker, , 2004Greenfeld, 1992;Hollinger, 1995;Ignatieff, 1994Ignatieff, , 1999Kedourie, 1960;Laitin, 1998;Loizides, 2015;Miller, 2000;O'Leary, 2001;Özkırımlı, 2010;Pehrson & Green, 2010;Schildkraut, 2014;Verdery, 1996). 20 Of these, some (Greenfeld, 1992;Ignatieff, 1999) use the ethnic and civic distinction as an analytical tool, although they also accept that the two types coexist in what they call "fusing the two" (Ignatieff, 1999: 145) or "a mixed type" (Greenfeld, 1992: 11). ...
... Others Chatterjee, 1993) classify nationalisms in terms of people's place in the political and social structure or their affiliation with the state to distinguish between official/state nationalism and its alternatives. Some scholars (Brubaker, 1992;Gelvin, 1998;Hobsbawm, 1990) highlight class dynamics to differentiate between popular and elite nationalisms. Others (Eisenstadt & Giesen, 1995;Kuzio, 2002;Kymlicka, 2001Kymlicka, , 2015Reijerse et al., 2013Reijerse et al., , 2015Shelef, 14 Introduction 2010;Shulman, 2002;A. ...
... Le nouvel ordre international issu du réaménagement géopolitique ayant suivi la chute des régimes communistes et l'importance croissante de blocs d'échanges régionaux (I'Alena et la Communauté européenne économique par exemple) ont suscité une grande inquiétude quant à la capacité de régulation économique et politique des États souverains (Simmons, 1996). Certains mettent l'accent sur les changements apportés par la mondialisation des échanges marchands et les réactions contradictoires qu'elle a entraînés au plan culturel (Robertson, 1992), d'autres insistent sur l'attraction des discours postcoloniaux (Bhabha, 1994), d'autres encore parlent d'effets d'entraînement des flux migratoires sur la configuration socioculturelle de sociétés jadis perçues comme homogènes (Brubaker, 1992), d'autres enfin voient dans la fragmentation politique une conséquence naturelle de l'élargissement de la sphère démocratique qu'ont connu nos sociétés au cours du XXe siècle (Lipovetsky, 1983 ;Mouffe, 1994). A cet égard, le discours des droits humains, encouragé par les organisations internationales, a influencé la mobilisation politique transnationale de catégories de population vulnérables (travailleurs immigrés, étrangers, réfugiés, minorités nationales) (Soysal, 1994), alors que la promotion de la diversité et du multiculturalisme va de pair avec l'émergence de débats autour des droits culturels (Martiniello, 1997). ...
... La citoyenneté suppose aussi un État avec ses frontières : frontières aux contours géopolitiques tangibles, mais également frontières symboliques forgées à même un magma d'a priori normatifs et idéologiques dont la connaissance intime est surtout réservée à ceux et celles qui peuvent se réclamer d'une appartenance légitime à la communauté politique. La citoyenneté prend donc d'abord appui sur la clôture sociale (Brubaker, 1992) ; elle se veut une façon déterminée de gérer la diversité. Elle s'offre en fait aux commu-nautés politiques dûment constituées comme un moyen de sélection et de discrimination, comme un rempart contre un ailleurs dont l'influence pourrait pervertir le sens et les fondements établis du vivre ensemble. ...
... According to Fiona Williams (2010: 390), migration regimes include legislation that govern the relationships between majority and minority groups, which are shaped by 'histories of migration and emigration to particular countries, which themselves emerge from colonialism, old trade routes and shared political, economic or religious alliances'. Established literature has connected collective definitions of the nation and membership within it with immigration and integration policies (Brubaker 1992, Minkenberg 2008. Nationally specific (archetypical) models of integration and citizenship, interplaying with state-Church relations, have been identified to exemplify the ways in which nation-states have accommodated and regulated immigration and cultural diversity, providing an institutional and discursive setting for political contention around ethnicity issues. ...
... France and Italy are both Catholic-majority countries which however come across as highly differentiated with regard to national formations of gender, ethnicity and religion. The so-called French Republican model of integration is based on principles of universalism and individualism: 'Civic nationalism' requires citizens to compromise their religious faith in public (Brubaker 1992). Citizenship is based on the (gendered) prescriptive distinction between the public political sphere, which should remain 'neutral', and the private sphere, where the display of religious and cultural specificities is tolerated. ...
... National identity is not an inborn trait; it is essentially socially constructed (Anderson, 1991). Despite the lack of a universally agreed definition of what constitutes national identity, it can be understood as the way in which members of a nation think about and discuss their sense of 'nationhood' or self-identification (Brubaker, 1992). This national identity represents a sense of belonging felt by the citizens, which can be understood as a shared image or collective identity among members participating in an imagined community (Hjerm, 1994). ...
Objective: This research aims to identify distinct perception typologies of national identity among Korean adolescents, focusing on the interplay of ancestral ties, cultural heritage, birthplace, residence, and civic responsibilities. It also examines the role of media portrayals of foreigners in shaping these identity constructs. Theoretical Framework: Guided by Anderson’s “imagined communities” concept, the study employs media framing and priming theories to explore how media influences adolescent perceptions of national identity. Method: Utilizing data from the 2021 Multicultural Acceptance Survey conducted by the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family, this study applies latent class analysis to assess responses from 5,000 Korean middle and high school students. The survey includes factors such as ancestry, cultural heritage, and civic engagement, with media exposure to foreign volunteers and criminals rated on a five-point Likert scale. Latent regression analysis incorporates media exposure as covariates to evaluate effects on identity formation. Results and Discussion: Five perception types emerge—Ethnic, Pluralistic, Civic, Cultural, and Holistic identities. Media portrayals significantly influence Civic and Pluralistic identities, underscoring media’s formative role in adolescent identity perception. Research Implications: The findings offer insights for multicultural education and identity policy, supporting frameworks that acknowledge diverse youth identities. Originality/Value: This study provides a unique contribution by focusing on adolescents and using latent class analysis for a nuanced understanding of national identity perception types. It further underscores the influential role of media in shaping youth identity, contributing to both media studies and identity policy discourse.
... However, the nation as a concept is both disputed in its definition and controversial in how it has been employed politically (Gilroy, 1993(Gilroy, , 2000Siromahov et al., 2020). I will not attempt to settle how to define the nation, for the purpose of this paper, it is interesting to see the nation as in large part constructed around a set of symbols, because this allows for a comparison with the diaspora (Anderson, 1983;Brubaker, 1992). It is debated whether nations are inherently exclusionary (Conversi, 1995;Waldron, 2000) or fruitful and potentially democratic avenues of collective mobilisation (Brock & Brighouse, 2005;Hroch, 2020;Kymlicka, 2001;Rorty, 2003). ...
Nationalism studies have only recently started to grapple with the Anthropocene as a foundational shift for the discipline. One of the effects of climate change is the forced displacement of large populations, and if access to rights cannot be ensured outside the structures of territorial sovereignty, this migration could easily translate into widespread rightlessness. I argue that this necessitates a rethinking of how communities become rights‐bearing and how such rights‐bearing communities have existed outside the structures of the nation‐state. Specifically, I propose looking to Paul Gilroy's account of the Black Atlantic diaspora as an example of a rights‐bearing community that successfully claimed “the right to have rights” through a concerted effort of vocalising experiences of displacement. Reading Gilroy through rights‐scholarship in political theory I argue that the Black Atlantic can inform work on climate diasporas and their latent political potential as rights‐bearing communities.
... Sin duda, por lo atractivo del fenómeno francés, fue el nacionalismo cultural que agrupó más seguidores, situándola como la más antigua de las teorías que se vinculan a las experiencias de construcción de nación de tipo occidental. El nacionalismo político que es posterior, y que está vinculado a la experiencia alemana, se considera más tardío y se relaciona con experiencias de formación de naciones de tipo oriental (Brubaker, 1992). De acuerdo con la revisión bibliográfica realizada, se ha percibido que existe una marcada tendencia eurocentrista entre los especialistas sobre el origen del nacionalismo. ...
Este artículo tiene como objetivo analizar parte de la producción historiográfica sobre de la nación y el nacionalismo desde la perspectiva de la corriente modernizadora, en este caso representada en las obras de Ernst Gellner, Benedict Anderson y Eric Hobsbawm. Este enfoque modernizador y sus aportes desde el punto metodológico, permite hacer una aproximación a la construcción del Estado nacional en Panamá durante el siglo XIX y principios del siglo XX, un proceso que se denomina “proyecto histórico de construcción nacional”. Este proyecto se materializa con la llegada al poder de Belisario Porras, lo que significó el inicio de una profunda transformación orgánica del Estado, constituyendo un cambio efectivo de proyecto histórico hacia un Estado nacional moderno.
... As visible with the citation of Simmel at the beginning, 'the poor' were one of the first targets. The question of who was responsible for taking care of which poor individuals has been a contested issue for centuries (for a Swiss example, see Schnegg and Matter, 2010;van Leeuwen, 1994) and was one of the reasons why formal rules on nationality and the connected rights and obligations were introduced in the process of nation-state formation (Brubaker, 1992). In many countries, such as Switzerland or the United Kingdom, parishes, municipalities, or other local entities, used to be responsible for the population that was born within their geographical confinements and had to take charge of them in cases of neediness (Borrelli and Bochsler, 2020). ...
This article introduces a collaborative publication exploring the intricate interplay between poverty governance, migration control, and welfare provision. Adopting a ‘keywords’ approach, we investigate the terminology and concepts around which academic discussions revolve when addressing poverty and migration. Central to this examination is the figure of the ‘poor migrant’, whose experiences of inclusion and exclusion intersect along lines of race, gender, and legal status. Using an intersectional lens, the publication dissects key terms and concepts : Welfare State, Welfare Governance, Citizenship, Solidarity and Deservingness, Suspicion and Surveillance, Discipline, and Banishment. We thus aim to conceptualise and critically discuss the constant renegotiation of state power and the nation-state induced in ex/inclusionary aspects of welfare and migration policies and law. The contribution reveals how notions of belonging shape access to rights and services, particularly along racialized and classist lines. Moreover, it explores how migration policies exacerbate scrutiny and exclusion faced by non-citizen populations within contemporary welfare systems.
... This was the foundational moment for contemporary historical sociology, and it established the basic elements of its methodology. Questions of democracy (Moore 1993;Rueschemeyer et al., 1992), revolutions (Goldstone 1986;Skocpol 1979), and nation state formation (Brubaker 1998;Tilly 1992) became the focus of the second wave. These studies relied on methodological nationalism, and naturalized nation states as units of analysis, isolating them from broader global relations (Bhambra 2014;Go and Lawson, 2017;Goswami 2002;Wimmer and Glick Schiller, 2002). ...
For too long, questions of racism and colonialism have not been part of historical sociology’s understanding of modernity. Yet, a new generation of scholars has begun to address this, placing racism and empire at the center of their inquiries. This new generation looks to previously marginalized scholars for guidelines and inspiration. In line with this shift in historical sociology, this paper brings the work of W.E.B. Du Bois and other writers in the Black Radical Tradition to bear on longer-standing analytic and methodological debates: How do these authors allow us to think about theory-building and comparison? What is the goal of explanation? How should we approach archives and sources? Building on these insights, this paper explains how the work of Du Bois and the Black Radical Tradition provides a model for a new historical sociology, and a framework that allows us to see the connections between racism, colonialism, and modernity.
... Different civic and ethnic justifications of nationhood do exist, having implications concerning the membership of a nation. The principles of jus soli and jus sanguinisthe right of citizenship acquired by the place of birth or by ancestryhave been applied differently, for example, in France and Germany (Brubaker, 1992). In France, the idea of territorial political community appears stronger than in Germany, where ethnic ties have played a more evident role in the understanding of nationhood and citizenship. ...
In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the nation-state was gradually universalized as a basic norm of world order. Concomitantly, membership in a nation became a core ingredient of understanding modern citizenship. The modern nation-state framed citizenship in a way that both revealed and concealed the tension inherent in citizenship between civic and ethnic; universal and particular; obligations and rights; representation and democracy, and civic equality and social inequality. Citizens were equal individual members of the nation, yet citizenship also reflected the institutional and ideational divides of modern society into different spheres of life, most notably politics and economy. This chapter looks at the history of modern citizenship and nation-states and looks at how the ideas of nationhood, universalism and particularism helped create the modern nation-state we see today.
... Dieser Ausschlussmechanismus zeigt sich empirisch auch darin, dass Personen, die viele und strenge Forderungen an die Zugehörigkeit stellen, auch eher einwanderungsfeindliche Einstellungen vertreten (Hooghe, 2021;Preuß et al., 2021;Reijerse et al., 2013). Die Einstellungen zu verschiedenen Zugehörigkeitskriterien in der Bevölkerung ohne Migrationshintergrund geben somit Auskunft über den Grad der Offenheit der Gesellschaft und bestehende Ausschlusstendenzen (Brubaker, 1992;Hooghe, 2021;Preuß et al., 2021;Trittler, 2017b Neben den bereits erwähnten ähnlichen Mustern in der Bewertung der verschiedenen Zugehörigkeitskriterien (Zick & Preuß, 2014) identifizieren einige Studien auch eine stärkere Befürwortung ethnisch-kultureller Kriterien in der Bevölkerung ohne Migrationshintergrund im Vergleich zur Bevölkerung mit einem Migrationshintergrund (Canan & Foroutan, 2016;Zick & Krott, 2021a). Dahingegen erachten Personen mit Migrationshintergrund zivile Kriterien als wichtiger (Zick & Preuß, 2014). ...
Der Bericht untersucht Einstellungen zu unterschiedlichen Aspekten der Zugehörigkeit und des Zusammenlebens in Deutschland: Zugehörigkeitskriterien, Akkulturationseinstellungen, Etabliertenvorrechte, soziale Distanz und wahrgenommene Integrationschancen sowie gesellschaftlicher Ausschluss muslimischer Personen. Hierfür werden die Daten der bundesweiten Repräsentativbefragung „Muslimisches Leben in Deutschland 2020“ ausgewertet, welche vom Forschungszentrum des Bundesamts für Migration und Flüchtlinge im Auftrag der Deutschen Islam Konferenz durchgeführt wurde. Im Fokus stehen die Einstellungen von Personen mit Migrationshintergrund (MH) aus muslimisch geprägten Herkunftsländern, welche mit den Einstellungen von Personen ohne MH verglichen werden. Zudem werden Gruppenunter-schiede nach der Generationenzugehörigkeit und der Aufenthaltsdauer sowie nach der Religionszugehörigkeit betrachtet und Zusammenhänge mit religions-, migrations- und integrationsbezogenen Merkmalen untersucht.
... Elites often choose not to, since the benefits to doing so are minimal, and the costs of doing so may be significant given the disruptiveness to identity such a change would necessitate. Second is because postcolonial elites find strategic opportunities to bring up the colonial past to further political or economic interests (Brubaker 2009). ...
Nations worldwide have toppled their colonial edifices, attempting to distance themselves from the past. Yet other countries appreciate their former colonizers, the symbols of which still stand proudly in state capitals. What explains variation in how postcolonial states frame their colonial past? The argument is grounded in colonial history: local elites in colonized countries mobilize for greater political rights, a consequence of national consciousness and foreign exposure. Colonial elites respond to local elite mobilization by marginalizing them or accommodating their demands. Greater marginalization increases the likelihood of violent anticolonial movements and a negative framing of colonial rejection; the native anticolonial government distances itself from the past. Greater accommodation increases the probability of a colonizer-led transition into independence and a positive frame of colonial appreciation, emphasizing continuity with the colonial past. Comparative historical analysis of three Southeast Asian countries-the Philippines, Singapore, and Indonesia-support the argument's causal logic. 2
... What are these repertoires? For a start, they comprise public philosophies, paradigms or world-views that shape beliefs about national identity, membership and belonging (Brubaker 1992), race and ethnicity, as well as norms on socio-economic distribution, the role of the state, and inter-group relations and internal order (Favell 2001). There is ample literature fleshing out and critiquing how stable, homogenous fragmented or contested such public philosophies are, and how they shape public beliefs and policy on immigration and citizenship (for an excellent critique, see Bertossi 2011). ...
This commentary shares some observations and insights on Jennifer Elrick's book Making Middle-Class Multiculturalism. In particular, it explores the book's contribution to theorizing policy-making in public administration, which shows how “street-level” processes of deliberation and decision-making became aggregated and institutionalized, profoundly shaping the direction of Canadian immigration policy. The commentary shares some insights comparing the Canadian case with that of the UK in the 1960s. It also reflects on Elrick's discussion on the role of background ideas or “cultural repertoires” in shaping policy-making. The commentary suggests that this analysis could usefully be developed through engaging with literature on organizational sociology, notably its insights into organizational culture, legitimation, institutional decoupling and isomorphism.
... However, as the meaning and understanding of these terms vary widely in different contexts [11,28], the personal concept of becoming an actual member of one's country has emerged. For this reason, analyses of ethnic identity between countries and cultures were conducted [3,4,11,[29][30][31]; this topic cannot be underestimated [32]. ...
he study analyzes national identity using the International Social Survey Program (ISSP) database for the waves of 2003 and 2013. First, the Exploratory Factor Analysis (EFA) and the Multigroup Confirmatory Factor Analysis (MGCFA) are used to find the dimensions of the items included in the national identity module. Second, the civic and ethnic dimensions are analyzed through both a fuzzy clustering analysis and an extended apostle model to classify citizens’ national identity as the following: (1) post nationalists; (2) ethnic oriented; (3) civic-oriented; (4) credentialists. Third, the fuzzy eco-extended apostle model is applied to analyze 16 different national identity categories, for which the four pure mentioned categories are further studied. Fourth, the effects of some social characteristics, such as country-year, political orientation-year, and age-year, on the respective pure national Identity categories are studied using two distinct approaches, namely, contingency tables and conditional probability ratios. Results show that citizens tend to be more pure-credentialist than any other category and that social characteristics play a determinant role in explaining each category of citizens’ national identity.
... It engages with studies that examine how citizens perceive community membership and boundaries (Brutger and Rathbun 2021;Donnelly 2021;Goodman 2014;Hooghe and Marks 2004, 2005Kustov 2021;Lamont 2000;Magni 2021;Mutz and Kim 2017). Building on Brubaker's (1992) idea of nationstates as "bounded membership associations," my work challenges the notion of a more inclusive citizenship advanced by Joppke (2010) and confirms Kymlicka's (2001) characterization of the welfare state as solidarity limited to conationals. Moreover, whereas studies on immigration policy show that economic insecurity drives opposition to new admissions (Dancygier and Donnelly 2013;Goldstein and Peters 2014;Peters 2015;Scheve and Slaughter 2001), I find that discrimination against immigrants is widespread in the politics of welfare. ...
In the politics of welfare, citizens often prioritize natives over immigrants. What conditions reduce welfare discrimination against immigrants? Original survey experiments from the United States, the United Kingdom, France, and Italy reveal that the divide between natives and immigrants remains the fundamental cleavage in the politics of welfare. All immigrants face welfare penalties, including immigrants from Western countries. Even young, progressive, highly educated, and economically secure native citizens strongly penalize immigrants. Although immigrants never fully overcome identity barriers, the welfare support gap between natives and immigrants decreases when immigrants have a long work history. A history of employment provides evidence of reciprocity through past contributions and signals immigrants’ commitment to the community. Other immigrants’ characteristics, such as higher education and proactive work attitude, fail to decrease the gap. This article contributes to the study of solidarity in diverse societies and the impact of immigration on the welfare state.
... As illustrated in the introduction to this article, contemporary debates about citizenship are often framed through a national lens and used by states to promote particular visions of nationhood (Brubaker, 1992; see also 'The Danish case' section). For instance, the targeting of minority youths as potential counter citizens in Danish political discourse signals that these young people are not unequivocally seen to belong in or fit into the Danish nation. ...
Citizenship has become the language through which several interconnected societal concerns are debated in Europe today. One of these concerns relates to youths' willingness and abilities to live up to dominant citizen ideals. The questioning of young adults' citizenship is particularly intense for youths with an ethnic minority background who are feared to hold values at odds with majority society. In this article, I ask how Danish youths define what it means to be a good (and a bad) citizen, and I investigate how their answers are shaped by their status within dominant hierarchies of belonging. Analyzing 71 in-depth interviews with young adults in Denmark, I find that they share a conception of citizenship informed by virtues central to the Danish welfare state. At the same time, minority and majority youths place different emphasis on specific traits and duties. These shifts in emphasis reflect that the two groups do not experience the same access to making claims to citizenship. In particular, the ideal of the politically active and critical citizen is largely reserved for majority youths who – because of their status – feel more entitled and called upon to make independent judgments. Theoretically, the article brings the literatures on ordinary citizenship and everyday nationhood into conversation to reflect on the simultaneous reproduction of common norms and on how hierarchies of belonging nevertheless shape different groups' abilities to redefine citizenship. More generally, I contribute to broader sociological debates about agency and structure by discussing how majority youths' power to make independent claims to citizenship masks their privileged position in the national order of things. The study thus sheds light on how structure is made visible to those who are confronted with constraints (minority youths) and invisible to those who have a secure status (majority youths).
... Harmful Speech in the Context of Extreme Nationalism Oberschall's (2006, p. 33) second claim is that the effects of propaganda are strengthened by extreme nationalism (EN). EN is any nationalist commitment pushed to the extreme, whereby the "nation," whether an ethnic, religious or racial group, is portrayed as the state itself, and whose concerns are prioritized above nearly all others (see also Berezin, 2019;Brubaker, 1992Brubaker, , 2012Juergensmeyer, 2010). Often peaking during national renewal movements (Grosby, 2019), EN goes beyond nationalism's mere support for state sovereignty, self-determination and cultural preservation, and embraces an absolute devotion to restoring the "nation." ...
What is the relationship between war propaganda and nationalism, and what are the effects of each on support for, or participation in, violent acts? This is an important question for international criminal law and ongoing speech crime trials, where prosecutors and judges continue to assert that there is a clear causal link between war propaganda, nationalism, and mass violence. Although most legal judgments hinge on the criminal intent of propagandists, the question of whether and to what extent propaganda and nationalism interact to cause support for violence or participation remains unanswered. Our goal here is to contribute to research on propaganda and nationalism by bridging international criminal law and the behavioral and brain sciences. We develop an experiment conducted with Serbian participants that examines the effects of propaganda as identified in the latest international speech crime trial as causing mass violence, and thereby test hypotheses of expert witness Anthony Oberschall’s theory of mass manipulation. Using principal components analysis and Bayesian regression, we examine the effects of propaganda exposure and prior levels of nationalism as well as other demographics on support for violence, ingroup empathy, and outgroup empathy. Results show that while exposure to war propaganda does not increase justifications of violence, specific types of war propaganda increase ingroup empathy and decrease outgroup empathy. Further, although nationalism by itself is not significant for justifying violence, the interaction of increased nationalism and exposure to violent media is significant for altering group empathies. The implications of these findings are discussed with respect to international criminal law and the cognitive science of nationalism.
... La ciudadanía es membresía formal en un Estado basado en los principios de ius sanguinis e ius soli, y las leyes de naturalización. Asume una relación de derechos y obligaciones entre el individuo y el Estado (Marshall, 1964;Brubaker, 1992;Nyamnjoh, 2006). Aunque en principio se entienden los procedimientos para determinar la ciudadanía y se considera que los ciudadanos son iguales; en realidad estos dos requisitos fundamentales pueden ser problemáticos en estados multiétnicos con un legado de dictadura. ...
La guerra civil en Costa de Marfil presenta características únicas en relación con las causas de las guerras civiles y la naturaleza de los procesos de paz en África occidental. Es un conflicto impulsado, en gran parte, por agravios políticos y sociales concretos sobre la ciudadanía. Además, está marcado por un esfuerzo significativo por parte de los beligerantes para apropiarse del proceso de paz y negociar directamente. Este artículo rastrea la guerra civil hasta la politización de la ciudadanía y el origen étnico durante el proceso de democratización. Sostiene que los acuerdos de paz elaborados por la comunidad internacional no lograron poner fin al conflicto porque se basaron, en gran medida, en las fórmulas de paz tradicionales y prestaron atención insuficiente al tema subyacente de la ciudadanía. En contraste, el acuerdo de paz forjado por los marfileños ha sido relativamente exitoso, porque abordó directamente el tema de la ciudadanía y restableció la propiedad nacional del proceso de paz. Este artículo se centra en el proceso de paz y la relación intrínseca entre la ciudadanía y el progreso hacia la paz en Costa de Marfil. Además, conecta el discurso sobre la democracia en África con el tema principal de la ciudadanía, y subraya la relación fluida entre ciudadanía y democracia en la política africana.
... (BMI 1978) Obgleich rechtlich nicht bindend, hatten die Richtlinien in der Einbürgerungspraxis doch einen großen Einfluss (vgl. Hagedorn 2001, S. 52 Die wissenschaftliche Debatte um den "ethnokulturellen" Charakter der deutschen Staatsangehörigkeit wurde maßgeblich von Rogers Brubaker (1990Brubaker ( , 1992 geprägt, der die Ursprünge des "ethnischen" deutschen Rechts im 19. Jahrhundert untersuchte. ...
Zusammenfassung
Seit einigen Jahren wird der Einbürgerungsprozess in Deutschland optional um eine offizielle Feier für die Neubürger*innen ergänzt. Die vorliegende rekonstruktive Analyse fasst diese Einbürgerungsfeiern als eine Instanz der symbolischen Arbeit an gesellschaftlicher Zugehörigkeit auf. Auf ihnen wird die nationale Zugehörigkeit zunehmend dekonstruiert und durch alternative Bestimmungen von Zugehörigkeit ersetzt, die vier Codes folgen: dem Lokalen, der (Hoch‑)Kultur, der Leistung und der Bürgerlichkeit. Diese Codes werden auf den Feiern in Reden ausgedeutet, in Musik, Geschenken und weiteren Feierelementen symbolisiert sowie mit Blick auf die Alltagserfahrungen der Teilnehmenden verankert. Die Einbürgerungsfeiern spiegeln damit einerseits eine generelle Entwicklung zu liberaleren und zugleich stärker kulturalisierten Bestimmungen von Zugehörigkeit wider, die sowohl die öffentlichen Debatten der letzten Jahrzehnte als auch die Anpassung des deutschen Staatsangehörigkeitsrechts geprägt haben. Andererseits finden die Feiern mit der symbolischen Arbeit an den Codes eine eigenständige rituelle Antwort auf die Ambivalenzen, die durch diese Debatten und neuen gesetzlichen Regelungen hervorgebracht wurden.
... In the U.K., where these include a citizenship test on life in Britain, a language requirement and a ceremonial oath to pledge allegiance to the crown, citizenship is not a neutral legal institution that confers rights and duties, but it is also a symbolic one that delivers a conceptualisation of what it means to be British. In his comparative work on France and Germany, Brubaker (1994) highlights how citizenship is about national identity and argues that immigration has triggered public discussions over citizenship acquisition policies, which are about what it means to belong to the nation-state, not about what and who gains from citizenship acquisition; 'it is a politics of identity, not a politics of interest ' (1994, 182). Survey data confirm that the loyalty and affection for nations remain unchallenged by other forms of community, such as a global or a European one (Heath and Roberts 2008;Smith and Jarkko 1998). ...
Empirical work has documented the socio-economic characteristics
of immigrants who naturalise and the effects of naturalisation on
labour market outcomes. Political engagement and national
identity are, however, salient but understudied dimensions of
citizenship. Using two waves of the U.K. Household Longitudinal
Study, I investigate immigrants’ national identification and
political engagement before and after naturalisation. I find that
before naturalisation those who acquire citizenship are more likely
to identify as British, be familiar with the British political system
and are less interested in politics compared to those who do not.
I also find that after naturalisation, the importance of new citizens
give to their British identity is higher than before, but their
interest in politics is lower. I argue that citizenship retains its role
as a marker of national identity for immigrants and that the
negative association between naturalisation and interest in politics
for immigrants is compatible with the low political engagement of
the British-born population. I suggest that the further decline in
interest in politics following naturalisation may be explained by
immigrants’ disillusionment with a political narrative that fails to
include them. I reflect on the implications of my findings for the
conceptualisation of citizenship, for policy, and for future research.
... Historically, scholars have noted that Germany has divided ethnic German nations (in-group) with non-German foreigners (out-group) through Wilhelmine concepts; citizenship legislation; and immigration policies. The Wilhelmine concept relates to the principle of jus sanguinis -"right of blood" -originating in Wilhelmine times, which has been traditionally applied to German citizenship from 1913 (Brubaker 1998). This is a privilege given to people on the basis of ancestry, thereby excluding all others. ...
This research contributes to existing but nascent literature examining the relationship between ‘religious identity’ and refugee ‘integration’. It does so by exploring the nature and implications of discursive representations of Syrian refugees on Syrian ‘religious minority’ refugees (Christian, Druze, Ismaili, Alawite, and atheist) in Berlin, Germany. Drawing on 11 months of fieldwork and analyses of three German newspapers and magazines, the results of this study are four-fold: first, that the ‘minority’ label is a malleable construct influenced by historical, social and political factors; second, that (mis)assumptions of Syrian refugee identities, needs and experiences are often homogenous, Orientalist, and political in nature; third, that such (mis)assumptions inform and shape different forms of what Fiddian-Qasmiyeh (2016c) refers to as “refugee-refugee relationality”, at times characterised by religious prejudices; and fourth, that such (mis)assumptions about Syrian refugees are increasingly shaped by secularised biases of some institutional actors, which directly influence the experiences of ‘religious minority’ refugees in refugee-host contexts. These findings suggest that there is a need to: be er understand the ‘minority’ label as it pertains to ‘religious identity’ and how it can be (mis)used in different contexts by different actors; examine the dynamics of refugee-refugee relationality, including those related to religious prejudices; and to rethink processes of ‘integration’ and the ways in which secular values and assumptions can shape and inform refugee experiences throughout such processes. In light of these findings, this research posits a challenge to rethink the desirability of ‘integration’ altogether, both as a process and outcome of refugee-refugee and refugee-host relations. It further calls for a need to explore the varied complexities, multiplicities, and contradictions of refugee ‘religious identities’ in contexts of religious diversity. Specifically, it asserts the importance of recognising and understanding how ‘religious minority’ refugees can (re)negotiate, contest, and narrate their identities, needs, and experiences in relation to both refugees and hosts. Such understanding can, in turn, enable appropriate, meaningful, and effective responses to refugees.
... These two principles show right away how multiple nationality can arise: a child that was born in the United States to a Dutch father and a German mother is entitled to the American, German, and Dutch nationalities. 11 From the 1990s on, a third major way of acquiring a new nationality has been added to these: migrants who have lived and worked somewhere for more than five or sometimes seven or ten years can acquire the nationality of the country in which they live, work, and pay tax, sometimes after taking so-called naturalisation tests. 12 This is the so-called jus nexi principle. ...
... There is a growing literature on the development of immigrant integration policies (Brubaker, 1992;Brubaker, 2001;Favell, 1998;Fleras and Elliot, 2002;Goodman, 2010;Goodman, 2014;Howard, 2009;Janoski, 2010;Joppke, 2017;Koopmans et al., 2012;Koopmans et al., 2005;Lopez, 2000), but this work tends to either focus on immigration and integration policy in general terms or on single case studies of countries such as Australia or Canada. It is worth taking a closer look at multiculturalism because its requirement that governments support and accommodate cultural difference is particularly controversial. ...
Debates over multiculturalism are increasingly partisan. The rise of the far right is forcing centre-right parties into difficult decisions over how to hold on to nationalist voters while appealing to moderates. Left parties face similar dilemmas when balancing the pressures of pro-multicultural voters against those opposed to immigration. What do these debates mean for the future of multiculturalism? Using a new, annualized version of the Multiculturalism Policy Index, this article argues that partisan consensus is important to the development of multiculturalism. It demonstrates that support from centre-right parties plays a key role in the adoption of multiculturalism policies.
... Soysal rejects arguments that seek to understand the experience of guest workers as beneficiaries of the extension of the territorial reach of citizenship, which now includes denizens as well as citizens by augmenting the criteria for based upon nationality with the additional criteria of residency. Such perspectives contend Soysal (1994;139), 'remain within the confines of the nationstate model' (Brubaker 1992). Instead, what is happening to guest workers reflects a more profound transformation in the institution of citizenship, both in its institutional logic and in the way it is legitimized. ...
This thesis attempts to connect important dots in the migration research by linking education and migration, i.e., in the context of 'migration of knowledge workers', with that of transnationality, i.e. which the study considers as, 'the well-being capabilities to establish socioeconomic linkages beyond national borders'. The thesis analyses this link in a multidisciplinary framework attempting to capture the developments beyond the national boundaries (the study calls this phenomenon as transnational content), which should be appropriately treated in the national developmental calculations. It talks about the need to incorporate transnational approach into the strategy of socioeconomic and political development in the country, to position the 21 st century knowledge as a transnational good that would facilitate further knowledge creation, network and circulation. The study argues that the developmental policies of a country must necessarily incorporate aspects of the transnational content, which calls for an analysis that would integrate perspectives from various disciplines. The migrant knowledge workers (both as temporary workers and as diaspora) linkages with that of the development of source country are one of the important transnational developments that are needed to be captured in its entire form. This calls for perspectives on the diaspora-development nexus that are addressed in a multidisciplinary framework. In order to address the vast canvas in its totality, the study took good-life aspirations of the individuals as the starting point of analysis and emphasised that these aspirations transcend national borders due to the globalization process and advancements in science, technology, information and communications. In this context, it becomes the democratic intent of the sovereign countries to offer the best combinations of good-life opportunities to its citizens, for which, it has to look beyond territorial configurations of the nation-state.
... The present studies provide a first step in integrating representations of citizenship(Andreouli, Kadianaki, & Xenitidou, 2017;Reijerse et al., 2013) into a multidimensional framework for acculturation research(Schwartz et al., 2015;Schwartz, Unger, Zamboanga, & Szapocznik, 2010). Going beyond the classic conceptualization of ethnic, cultural and civic conceptions of citizenship (e.g.,Brubaker, 1992;Howard, 2009;Joppke, 2010;Koopmans et al., 2005;Kymlicka, 2001), we demonstrated that different conceptions of citizenship can be combined into more complex configurations, so that neoliberal criteria of evaluation (i.e., citizenship deservingness) may depend on communitarian criteria of evaluation (i.e., attachment to the host nation). The robustness of our results across two national contexts differing substantially in terms of integration and citizenship policies-Switzerland and Belgium-corroborates the contention that neoliberal communitarianism is asserting itself across Europe(Davies, 2012;Schinkel & Van Houdt, 2010;Van Houdt et al., 2011).Acculturation research has shown that immigrants' high degree of heritage culture maintenance elicits different reactions depending on the life domain at stake (Arends-Toth & Van de Vijver, ...
Immigrant naturalization is a rite of passage, making assimilationist attitudes particularly pronounced among host nationals. Three experimental studies investigate whether heritage culture maintenance violates expectations that citizenship should be deserved by
proving strong attachment to the host nation (i.e., neoliberal communitarianism). Study 1 (N = 293) demonstrates that naturalization applicants’ high degree of heritage culture maintenance impairs application evaluations. Perceived attachment to the host nation and citizenship deservingness mediated this effect. Study 2 (N = 220) replicates results across two national contexts and reveals that heritage culture maintenance impairs evaluations only among naturalization applicants from devalued countries. Study 3 (N = 117) manipulates attachment to the host nation and shows that perceived citizenship deservingness mediates the negative effects of naturalization applicants’ low attachment to the host nation on application evaluations. Overall, assimilationist attitudes among host nationals are best explained by the combination of neoliberal and communitarian criteria of evaluation
... After the 1990s, however, scholars have treated citizenship and state-society relations in multiple ways. Two contrary views have become prominent: Brubaker's (1992) Weberian social closure approach that considers citizenship as a top status and Soysal's (1994) post-Marshallian focus on the changes about citizenship under globalization. In other words, modern citizenship that was initially described as membership to a political community, namely the nation of the state in the post-Westphalian order, was challenged by the critiques of the Marshallian vision. ...
In the last two decades, the concept of ecological citizenship has become a recurrent theme in both popular and academic discussions. Discussions around the prospects of, and limitations to, ecological citizenship have mostly focused on the idea of political agency and the civic responsibility of individuals in relation to their environments, with an emphasis on environmental justice and sustainability. However, the current scholarship has yet to adequately characterize its conceptual bases and empirical applications from an information perspective. Therefore, this paper provides an overview of citizenship studies and infrastructure studies for developing more nuanced understanding(s) of epistemological models for ecological citizenship in our networked world. Drawing on the literature on information infrastructure, this paper then proposes a conceptual framework to understand ecological citizenship as constituted both discursively and techno-materially through neoliberal, anthropocentric informational infrastructures.
... Patrzy on na unarodowienie nie z perspektywy uprzywilejowanej elity, ale klas i grup podporządkowanych, dostrzega w całej wyrazistości władzę i przemoc, jakie unarodowienie za sobą pociąga. Wydaje się zatem całkiem współczesnym badaczom nacjonalizmu i etniczności okresu najnowszego (brubaker, 1992Malašević, 2013;E. Weber, 1976;Wimmer, 2002Wimmer, , 2019. ...
A document of open thought: Józef Obrębski’s studies on the Polesie region and debates on ethnic groups and nationality relations in Polish ethnology and sociology
This article attempts to reconstruct and examine the concept of the ethnic diversity and nationalization process found in the writings of the Polish anthropologist and sociologist Józef Obrębski (1905-1967). It will be argued that Obrębski view on ethnic diversity and the nationalization allowed him not only to conceive of a highly original idea of nation-building process but also maintain a critical distance from the two forms of reflection and practice – “investigative modalities” – influential in the field of ethnic and national studies in prewar as well as in postwar Poland: “ethnogeography” and the “sociology of nation”. In the same time this text aims at underscoring usefulness of Obrębski ideas for contemporary analysis. Close reading of Obrębski works provides us with fresh tools for the ethnographic processual examination of the nationalization policies. It draws special attention to the process of nationalization of local populations, highlighting various and contradictory consequences of nationalization process: integration and homogenisation on the one hand and exclusions of minorities and class hierarchization of people on the other.
Dokument myśli otwartej. Studia poleskie Józefa Obrębskiego a rozważania o grupach etnicznych i stosunkach narodowościowych w polskiej etnologii i socjologii
Celem artykułu jest omówienie koncepcji grup etnicznych i procesów unaradawiania wyłaniających się z prac Józefa Obrębskiego. W szczególności chodzi o wykazanie, że swoimi badaniami na Polesiu Obrębski wniósł niezwykle oryginalny wkład w badania stosunków etnicznych i narodowościowych, podając jednocześnie w wątpliwość niektóre założenia tkwiące u podstaw dwu modalności dociekań obecnych w polskich badaniach nad etnicznością i kwestiami narodowymi: czyli etnogeografii oraz socjologii narodu. Jednocześnie tekst służy ukazaniu aktualności propozycji teoretycznych i metodologicznych Obrębskiego w badaniach stosunków etnicznych i narodowościowych. Lektura pism Obrębskiego dostarcza perspektywy umożliwiającej nie tylko krytykę nacjonalizmu metodologicznego ale również daje podstawy do procesualnej, etnograficznej - uwzględniającej mikrostrukturalny wymiar władzy - analizy zjawisk etnicznych i stosunków narodowościowych. Otwiera to możliwość badania różnych niekiedy odmiennych i sprzecznych ze sobą efektów procesów unaradawiania, zarówno integracji i wyrównywania szans jak też konfliktów i wykluczenia społecznego.
This article explores the multifaceted argument for Scottish independence, emphasizing Scotlandʹs historical context, cultural identity, and the potential benefits of rejoining the European Union (EU). It begins with a historical overview, tracing Scotlandʹs deep roots in independence and its eventual union with England in 1707, which, despite economic benefits, subordinated Scottish interests to those of England. The article argues that Scotlandʹs distinct identity and ongoing desire for autonomy justify a renewed push for independence. Reuniting with Europe is presented as a key advantage, offering Scotland access to the EUʹs single market, financial support, and a platform for political influence. Additionally, independence would empower Scotland to harness its renewable energy resources, develop tailored economic policies, and uphold its tradition of social justice. However, the article also acknowledges the unique challenges Scotland faces, particularly in formulating citizenship policies amidst the legacy of English imperialism. Ultimately, the article posits that despite these challenges, independence offers Scotland a path to realizing its full potential as a sovereign nation committed to democracy, equality, and cooperation.
In this paper, we explore the bases of Mexican national identity construction and use an array of conceptions of nationhood to study contemporary attitudes towards foreigners’ sociopolitical rights in Mexico. Rarely is the study of national identity connected with immigration policy preferences in general, and even less so outside advanced countries. We explore the content of Mexicanness and use this content to understand public opinion preferences towards the integration of diverse groups of foreigners in Mexico. We employ 2016 survey data and a survey experiment and find the persistence of xenophobic attitudes towards the Chinese community in Mexico. We also show that civic conceptions of nationhood cannot counter contemporary anti-Chinese sentiment, in great part because the civic belonging of the Chinese was defined on racial terms. Lastly, we show that these processes of national identity construction, based on the marginalization of certain groups, are persistent and shape todays’ attitudes and preferences towards the incorporation of different groups of foreigners. It remains to be explored whether material interests associated with the recent Chinese “going out” policy may be able to counter deep-seated anti-Chinismo
This chapter reviews the current efforts to rethink the state in the context of current migration policies. It throws a bridge between disconnected bodies of works and outlines the main characteristics of the transnational migration state (TMS). It sets out its two iterations, the transnational emigration state (TES) and the transnational immigration state (TIS), that is the institutions and public policies dedicated to the management of immigration and emigration flows. From that perspective, the prime function of the transnational state is to encourage or filter trans-border flows according to its own best interests. The emergence of new forms of governance and regulation, such as neo-management techniques and partnerships between public and private multi-scalar sectors, has redefined the scales for state activity, blurring the boundaries between levels of governance. In order to grasp the dynamics at stake, it outlines a conceptual toolbox meant to shed light on the institutional, spatial and cognitive dimensions of the TMS.
This chapter extends a bridge between the sociology of morality and the sociology of migration. A sociology of the morality of migration examines both the moral underpinnings that shape our analytic conceptions of borders, policies, and immigrants, and the social constructions of morality that shape immigration debates. I lay out three conceptual domains that would benefit from an integrated theory of morality and migration: the morality of borders, the morality of immigration policy, and the morality of immigrants. I conclude by offering directions for future studies in three realms: (1) examining structures, resources, and power as constitutive of the moral constructs of migration; (2) analyzing socio-historically patterned complexes of meaning and how they matter for processes and consequences of migration; and (3) examining how moral judgment, action, and discourse are evoked in the day-to-day lives of migrants and their stakeholders.
Nationalism emerged at the end of the eighteenth century as a doctrine which rendered a decisive influence on the maturation of modern order, modern politics and state-governance. Hence, nationalism can be used to explain the process of nation-building of sovereign nations. Because nationalism explains the transformation of an existing state. In contrast, Miroslav Hroch uses the term national movement instead of nationalism to explain the nation-building processes of small nations. In this study, the last phase of the nation-building process in Tsaristruled Azerbaijan is going to be discussed by using Hroch’s A, B, C model of oppressed nations. In this context, I am going to discuss Mehmet Emin Resulzade’s national ideal (mefkure) and his debate of Azerbaijanism. Resulzadeh, has provided to contain political demand for the purpose of independence within the framework of the national ideal of the national movement. For this reason, Resulzadeh’s thought and nationalism have been shaped as Azerbaijan centred. This study argues that the process of nationalism can only be explained by Horch’s A, B, C model, considering
the fact that Tsarist-ruled Azerbaijan had no state or national existence before the respective national movement which took place under the Tsarist rule.
Mass-mediated narratives are a crucial source to make sense of migration. Many scholars have studied the frames, themes and language of the media, especially in news about migrant and refugee arrivals. However, research comparing old and new media in different countries and journalistic sub-genres (refugee arrivals, debates on non-citizens’ rights, terror attacks) and engaging with both frames and narratives was missing. This study is based on six national reports, systematising and comparing their findings. In particular, the focus is on the distribution of narratives and frames on migration in the various sub-genres and on the ingredients, actors, circumstances, strategies, and infrastructure of narrative success. The analysis is based on 2792 news stories and 1768 social media messages with the highest engagement published during the peak coverage of 17 migration-related events and uses content, discourse, and frame analysis. In addition, we collected 53 semi-structured interviews among journalists and other people involved in the events. Frames and narratives were fairly similar across countries and their resemblance is even greater in the case of terror attacks. Nevertheless, each sub-genre is characterised by a specific structure of opportunities that allows or hinders the advancement of different narratives, in a hierarchical context where not all stories and storytellers enjoy the same chances. Differences between countries are more a question of degree than substance and may be traced back, with caution, to longer-term conversations about the nation’s identity and belonging.
National identity is widely used to explain anti‐immigrant attitudes and thus the appeal for right‐wing (populist) parties. Yet, consensus on how to capture national identity is lacking. This article identifies ideal‐typical patterns of national boundary making across 42 countries and more than 25 years beyond the ethnic–civic dichotomy and addresses the multidimensionality of national identity. Using latent class analysis and cluster analysis, four ideal‐typical conceptions of nationhood are identified and shown to be differently related to national attachment, national pride, and national chauvinism. Overall, the results close the methodological–empirical gap between classical approaches and recent inductive approaches to national identity and demonstrate that national identity is a cross‐cultural phenomenon with distinct types.
(Supplementary Material available via: https://osf.io/cq5dk/)
In research on national identity, scholars have developed a wide variety of approaches to measure and better understand this ubiquitous yet complex concept. To date, most of these approaches have been theory-driven, while only a very few have been data-driven. In this article, we aim to contribute to the latter by introducing a new data-driven method that has not been applied yet—that of non-linear principal component analysis (NLPCA). In contrast to other commonly used methods such as factor analysis, NLPCA distinguishes itself by making relatively few assumptions about the data and by allowing for greater flexibility when discovering underlying dimensions of such a complex concept as national identity. Drawing on the 2013 ISSP National Identity module, our analysis focuses on the case of Germany, also taking into account Western and Eastern Germany. Running an NLPCA, we find four dimensions that cover the multidimensionality of national identity: nationalistic attitudes, national pride and attachment, cosmopolitan beliefs, and membership criteria defining national belonging. This article contributes to the empirical debate on measuring national identity by suggesting a new and flexible methodological approach that better grasps the concept’s complexity and which we believe can move empirical research on national identity forward in and beyond Germany.
Tulisan ini sejatinya mencoba untuk dapat memberikan pemahaman serta analisis terhadap dinamika hukum kewarganegaraan. Mengigat masih belumbanyaknya literatur Indonesia berkaitan dengan hukum kewarganegaraan yang membahas terkait dengan pengaturan kewarganegaraan dari berbagai negara. Tulisan ini secara spesifik memberikan penjelasan terkait dengan pengaturan hukum kewarganegaraan Chile. Negara Chile dipilih karena memberikan rezim kewarganegaraan yang dapat dianalisis dalam lingkup hukum kewarganegaraan. Melalui pendekatan yuridis normatif berdasarkan pada kaidah hukum dalam hukum positif terhadap pegaturan kewarganegaraan Chile, maka diperoleh hasil bahwa: Pertama, perkembangan terhadap pengaturan kewarganegaraan Chile dapat dilihat berdasarkan rezim pengaturan hukum. Kedua, keterkaitan studi hukum kewarganegaraan terhadap perkembangan pengaturan kewarganegaraan Chile sangat dapat dilihat berdasarkan beberapa aspek penting dalam hukum kewarganegaraan.
This chapter emphasises that mobility within the European Union (EU) can and likely to transform the perceptions of young citizens about their national citizenship. Most importantly, the original focus group evidence with young and highly educated citizens suggests that EU mobility reinforces the significance of inclusive national frames for notions of citizenship and turn some of the banal aspects of the dimensions of national citizenship more tangible. By comparison, stayers are likely to take it for granted that local and national policies dominate their everyday lives, transposing this knowledge to make sense of EU politics—in the one-off cases it was deemed as relevant. The chapter thus cautions against adopting overly progressive anticipations for the characteristics of mobile national citizenship.
This chapter ties together and discusses the implications of the findings presented in previous chapters of the book, and also revisits the research questions. It explains how the civic habits and experiences of young people are connected to their digitally mediated lives in contemporary society. The author also discusses #NeverAgain, a social movement for strict gun control that arose after a school shooting in Parkland, Florida, as a recent example of digitally mediated civic engagement among young people. The author further presents the theoretical and educational contributions of the book, which include a new framework of civic identity in contemporary society, and recommendations for a reinvigoration of civic education to foster a greater sense of efficacy among young people. The chapter concludes with recommendations for future research, and reiterates the need for a reinvigoration of civic education, and for academics and adults to listen to the voices of young people.
This article offers a review of the literature on transnational labor regimes and statelessness to pursue further theoriza-tion from East and Southeast Asian contexts. The main focus is on how local norms (local sense of belonging, local moral code, and local hierarchies) are entangled with national-level citizenship regimes to legitimate the discrimination of certain people to be statelessness and secure low-wage migrant workers for the new global labor regime. First, traditional literature on citizenship and statelessness was reviewed; binary theoretical frameworks (including citizens/ excluding non-citizens) based on political recognition were indicated as the main limitations. Second, recent theories arguing for an intersection between national citizenship regimes and a new global labor regime were reviewed. Third, recent theories that illuminate the importance of local contexts in determining citizens' rights were reviewed based on formal exclusion and informal inclusion as well as formal inclusion and informal exclusion. Finally, it was concluded that further theorization is needed on how citizenship regimes and local norms intersect to produce statelessness, securing low-wage migrant workers for the global labor regime through the global assemblages approach. Through the paper, East and Southeast Asia were illuminated as potentially fruitful research sites for further theorization on the topic.
Drawing on existing literature on the subject, this chapter presents important characteristics of Algerian immigrants and French of Algerian origin (FAO) as described in various situational contexts. It contains arguments in favour of identifying FAOs with different categories—national, class, spatial, etc.—and contributes to current discussions on the integration of immigrants with the rest of French society in the broader historical and social context. The subjects discussed include the parallel functioning of two definitions of Frenchness (political—relating to citizenship—and ethnocultural) dating from the fear in the nineteenth century of ‘foreigners from the suburbs’; social and political relations in colonial Algeria; different periods of migration to France; and contemporary memories of the French–Algerian past, including the Algerian War. Attention is drawn to the durability of certain identifications, and to the fact that within these it is often only the entity to which a given category name is attributed that changes. It seems that lasting connections are also made among certain identifications in relationships; for example, immigrant identification may be connected with identifications with the following categories: poor people, those living far from city centres, those who threaten French values.
Written from a panEuropean perspective, this book examines the decision making processes in immigration and integration policies in Europe across decades, focusing on several key moments of Europe's postwar history. The analysis of factors taken into consideration by states in key moments of immigration policy (re)formulation shows that Europe is moving away from rational, economic arguments towards more political ones. This book contributes to the theoretical and practical debate regarding immigration and integration policies by arguing that-contrary to assumptions-immigration policy should on the growing antiimmigration sentiments as well as the securitisation and criminalisation of migration issues that are fuelled by rightwing politics.
The article discusses constitutional symbolism in the theory and practice of Russian constitutionalism, the problem of constitutional modernization in the context of the Russian state and legal tradition, the nature and legal forms of the constituent power, the constitutional status and the generative possibilities of the constituent power as constituents. The paper examines scientific approaches to understanding constitutional modernization in contemporary Russian jurisprudence, the meaning of constitutional symbolism and constitution as legal, political and moral communication in modern society. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the relationship between the constitutional process and the constitutional power from the standpoint of cognitive constitutionalism and historical rationality. The author has determined the problem zones of legal registration and implemetation of powers of the constituent power in the context of the Russian constitutional development. The study has been carried out on the basis of formal-legal, concrete historical and comparative legal methods of analysis, the method of constitutional design and legal hermeneutics. The author suggests the following conclusions: 1) It is necessary to rethink the range of subjects of the right to amend and revise the Constitution in the Russian constitutional law that reflects the constitutional tradition (in comparative and historical contexts) outlined in 18th-19th centuries rather than modern capabilities of the information society and e-government (e-ruling); 2) The importance and efficiency of democratic involvement increases and requires revision of the thesis that the head of state (in the history of Russia — the monarch, emperor, president) is the only authoritative and constitutionally significant “guardian” of the Constitution rigidity and the main political and legal route of its transformation and change; 3) Legal formalization and use of legal procedures of the constitutional will and expression of the will of citizens of the country in the process of elaboration, discussion, adoption and introduction of amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation (current), and in the future amount to the development and adoption of the draft new Constitution of the country; 4) In the context of Russia’s intent to join the 4th Industrial Revolution and the development of institutions of information society (including in the field of electoral procedures and the formation of information and digital constitutionalism), it is necessary to create a constitutional sector of the Internet supported by the State at the federal and regional levels for the use of information technologies and institutions of digital constitutionalism in the process of determining citizens’ opinion on opportunities, prospects, content of amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation, their nation-wide discussion in the Internat.
This article explains why significant Thai-Western ‘both-ways’ migration pathways have evolved, grown and sustained over the last decades. It introduces a set of research contributions on transnational social relationships and cross-border connections between people that arise from the increasingly large-scale mobilities and migrations between Thailand and ‘the West’ – countries from Europe, North America and Australia. While Thai and Western people’s social relationships are usually studied as personal stories within a cross-border marriage migration perspective, we consider it necessary to see them as more than marriage migration. Specifically, we argue that the growing ‘both-ways’ Thai-Western migration pathways can only be understood by reference to three features of globalisation processes specific to Thailand: first, cross-border connections and social networks generated by massive West-to-Thailand tourist mobilities that incentivise Western men to see living permanently with a Thai partner as ‘realistic’; second, the radical transformations of Thai rural societies under conditions of economic development that produces ‘surplus’ mobile women; and third, the restrictive state immigration and citizenship regimes in the West and Thailand that leaves few pathways open for migration, other than by ‘marriage’. In sum, Thailand’s specific experience of globalisation is the explanatory backstory to the extraordinary prevalence of Thai-Western ‘both-ways’ migrations.
National identity definitions determine who belongs to the national ingroup (e.g., “us Germans”) versus the “foreign” outgroup prone to hostile outgroup bias. We conducted five studies in two countries investigating if viewing the ingroup’s national identity as fixed exacerbates the perceived divide between in‐ and outgroup and thus increases anti‐immigrant hostility, while a malleable view blurs the divide and reduces anti‐immigrant hostility. In a Prestudy (58 participants), an Implicit Theory of National Identity Scale was developed. In Studies 1 (154 participants) and 2 (390 participants), our scale predicted individuals’ prejudice and participation rates in a hypothetical referendum and a real petition against immigrants. In Studies 3 (225 participants) and 4 (225 participants), experimental evidence was obtained. Leading participants to believe that the definition of “a true compatriot” changes over time (rather than remaining the same) resulted in lower levels of prejudice and participation rates in an anti‐immigrant petition.
21. yüzyılın en önemli değişimlerinden biri, ulus devlete olan aidiyet duygusunda meydana gelen aşınma ve buna bağlı olarak küreselleşme sürecinin de etkisiyle vatandaşlık kavramında yaşanan değişimdir. Özellikle son yıllarda vatandaşlık olgusuna yapılan vurgu vatandaşlık kavramının klasik anlamının değişmesine ve çeşitli vatandaşlık tiplerinin ortaya çıkmasına sebep olmuştur. Bir toplumun ayakta kalabilmesi ve toplumda sağlıklı iletişim yollarının oluşabilmesi, her bireyin kendisini toplumun bir parçası olarak kabul etmesine bağlıdır. Devlet, genel olarak iktidarın kaynağı ve siyasal toplumun çatısı olarak düşünülmüştür. Günümüzde bir kişiyi bir devlete bağlayan uyrukluk bağına vatandaşlık, bir ülkeye uyrukluk bağı ile bağlı olan kişiye ise vatandaş denir. Vatandaşlık kavramının içerdiği haklar ve sorumluluklar toplumlardaki demokratik prensiplerden doğmuştur. Bu prensipler her birey için birtakım sorumluluklar ve haklar içerir. Vatandaşlık, toplumda yaşayan insanların davranış sınırlarını belirleyen önemli bir faktördür. Tarih boyunca vatandaşlık hem talep edilen bir haklar kategorisi, hem de devlet tarafından verilen statü ve kimlik niteliğinde yer almıştır. Ulus devletin somut görünümü olan vatandaşlık, aynı zamanda devlete, vatandaş olarak seçeceği grup ve toplulukları belirleme, vatandaşlığın koşullarını oluşturma yetkisi vermiştir. Vatandaşlık kavramına yüklenen anlamlar, sadece devlet tarafından belirlenmekle kalmayıp, bireylerin bu kavrama karşı bilgi ve ilgi düzeyleri ile kavramın algılanış biçimi ve gündelik hayatlarında vatandaşlık davranışlarını da ilgilendirmektedir. Bu süreçte vatandaşlık kavramı, ulus devletlerin geçirdiği aşamalarla yakından ilgili olarak aynı dinamiklerden etkilenerek gelişmiş ve değişmiştir. Bu çalışmanın amacı; değişimler ışığında ortaya çıkan yeni vatandaşlık kavramını tartışmaktır. Çalışmada literatür taramasından yararlanılmış, dünyada değişen vatandaşlık algısı ve küreselleşmenin ortaya çıkardığı yeni vatandaşlık anlayışı açıklanmaya çalışılmıştır. Anahtar Kelimeler: Vatandaşlık, Ulus-devlet, Küreselleşme
This chapter provides an account of the institutional arrangements defining belonging and citizenship at the national level of the Philippines, where the local level for this study, Sarangani Bay, is located. This is important because the institutional arrangements—or the ‘rules of the game’ which are in place—determine the boundary-making strategies pursued by an actor.
In this chapter we will examine the policies of a number of European countries regarding immigrant minority language instruction in primary and secondary education. The cross-national terminology for this type of instruction is subject to both variation and change, as reflected in designations like home language instruction, instruction in the native language and culture, instruction in immigrant languages or instruction in ethnic minority
languages. We will use the acronym IMLI (Immigrant Minority Language Instruction) when referring to this type of instruction in the countries under consideration. The decision to use the designation IMLI is motivated by a broad definition of potential target groups. Through intergenerational processes of language shift, the status of an immigrant minority language as the ‘native’ or home language can change. Moreover, in secondary education, both minority and majority pupils are often de jure (although seldom de facto)
admitted to IMLI (in the Netherlands, e.g., Turkish is a secondary school subject called ‘Turkish’ rather than ‘native language instruction’; see also the concept of Enseignement des Langues et Cultures d'Origine vs Enseignement des Langues Vivantes in the section on France).
This open access book explores how contemporary integration policies and practices are not just about migrants and minority groups becoming part of society but often also reflect deliberate attempts to undermine their inclusion or participation. This affects individual lives as well as social cohesion. The book highlights the variety of ways in which integration and disintegration are related to, and often depend on each other. By analysing how (dis)integration works within a wide range of legal and institutional settings, this book contributes to the literature on integration by considering (dis)integration as a highly stratified process. Through featuring a fertile combination of comparative policy analyses and ethnographic research based on original material from six European and two non-European countries, this book will be a great resource for students, academics and policy makers in migration and integration studies.
This dissertation is dedicated to understanding and evaluating the proliferation of integration requirements for third country nationals in EU Member States over the last two decades. It examines the relationship and potential tensions between the proclaimed commitment of EU states to the core liberal-democratic values of the EU and their actual integration laws and practices.
Based on a legal-philosophical inquiry, this investigation shows that integration requirements for TCNs as conditions for attaining increased rights (i.e. family migration, permanent residency and citizenship) in EU states are increasingly legally misunderstood, misused and predisposed to have counter- productive societal outcomes. In addition, it is demonstrated that integration requirements in EU countries reinforce problematic status hierarchies between citizens in terms of their status as equal citizens.
As a solution, the dissertation argues that EU states should install an institutional ‘firewall’ between, on the one hand, laws that regulate the residential rights and naturalization of refugees and family migrants and, on the other hand, public strategies and policy schemes that promote integration.
The management of ethnic diversity and its various forms of institutional articulation and implementation are increasingly taking place at the urban level. At the same time, urban scholars consider cities to be battlegrounds where competing groups contest the meaning and articulation of citizenship. In this article, I build on these insights to argue that competition over newcomer reception between different, linguistically divided political coalitions in the city of Brussels are mainly battles over establishing their own definition of citizenship and asserting their political influence. Building on an eighteen‐month ethnographic study in three reception offices (two Dutch‐speaking and one francophone) in Brussels, I analyse the different strategies these offices mobilize to recruit and retain newcomers. I argue that recruitment is a deliberate tool used to influence the political‐cultural demographics of the city and destabilize the linguistic power balance in Brussels. In this way, recruitment becomes a means to attract newcomers to the reception offices in the hope that they will develop a deep connection and loyalty to, and eventually identify politically with, the agency's respective political community. Theoretically, this article develops a perspective that regards the city as a field that becomes constituted in and through the contest between different urban institutions to ‘reel in’ newcomers. In this space, these institutions take up positions for and against each other and assemble strategies to influence the urban populations.
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