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Reluctant Host: Canada's Response to Immigrant Workers, 1896-1994
... Tout comme lors des décennies précédentes, les réseaux migratoires liant des milliers de comtés et villages britanniques aux destinations canadiennes ont joué le rôle de vecteurs de transferts de population. Et avec une plus grande ampleur que lors des décennies précédentes cependant, les campagnes spéciales de recrutement et les programmes commandités furent organisés de façon à cibler une plus grande portion de la population britannique (AVERY 1995). ...
... Quoiqu'au Canada la présence de ces ethnies européennes dans les marchés du travail et dans les gros centres urbains soit comparable, cette tendance apparaît moins accentuée : les vastes régions rurales de la Colombie-Britannique et des Prairies continueront, en effet, d'attirer d'importants contingents d'immigrants européens, souvent sous l'impulsion de campagnes de recrutement menées en Europe par les autorités canadiennes afin de coloniser et de peupler les provinces de l'Ouest (MACDONALD 1966;AVERY 1995) En outre, à cause de la Grande émigration transatlantique, des pays comme l'Italie, l'Ukraine, la Pologne et la Slovénie subirent les plus importantes baisses démographiques de leur histoire. Quant aux Juifs, qu'ils soient originaires de l'Empire austro-hongrois ou de la Russie tsariste, leur participation à la grande émigration transatlantique prit, pour ces populations souvent victimes de persécutions, des proportions presque « bibliques ». ...
... En même temps, ces études mettent indirectement en relief l'importance de la grande migration transatlantique et de ses répercussions sociales et politiques. En effet, c'est en réponse à l'énorme volume des flots migratoires, et surtout à leur diversité ethnoculturelle et linguistique, que dans des pays de destination (tel le Canada et les États-Unis), des fortes pressions nativistes poussèrent les autorités à décréter des politiques restrictionnistes et exclusivistes qui resteront en vigueur jusqu'aux années 1960 (HIGHAM 1973;AVERY 1995). De même, c'est suite à la Grande migration transatlantique que plusieurs pays d'exode verront la nécessité de prendre des mesures aptes à gérer l'émigration de leurs citoyens, donnant ainsi lieu à ce que Nancy Green et François Weil ont appelé « les politiques du départ ». ...
... Consequently, as a counter-measure, Canada has hoped to attract skilled professionals from other countries to realize brain-gain. Foreign-trained professionals are seen as assets to the Canadian economy, as they come with post-secondary education and extensive work experience (Avery, 1995). Canada will benefit from utilizing these human resources because immigrants bring the skills and innovative ideas that help to fuel economic growth and productivity. ...
... Canadian professionals moving to the US can be traced to the 1950s. Avery (1995) stated that, between 1950 and 1960, 10 percent of Canadian professionals, most of these newly graduated nurses, engineers, architects, physicians and surgeons, moved south. In fact, about 27 percent of all immigrant professionals moving to the US during that time came from Canada. ...
... Consequently, Canada hoped to attract skilled immigrant professionals from other countries through immigration policies to realize brain-gain. Internationally trained professionals are perceived as assets to the Canadian economy, since they bring postsecondary educations and extensive professional work experience (Avery, 1995). ...
... Issue 41.1 / 2020 95 e argument that settler women had built the mod ern west was reflected by the increasingly xenophobic suffrage language as the federal government brought eastern, central, and southern European immigrants to farm prairie land and work in the expanding industrial and resource sectors (Avery 1995;Avery 1979). Anti Asian racism was deeply encoded in provincial law and Japanese, Chinese, and South Asian men were disen franchised at all three levels of government by 1906. ...
... While nonBritish and nonEnglish speaking European men were "nonpreferred" immigrants, they were enfranchised after meeting residency require ments (Dua 2007;Gouto 2007;McDonald 1996;Price 20078;Roy 2003;Stanley 2011). Western new women made political citizenship claims by emphasiz ing the unfairness of withholding enfranchisement from educated, literate, and respectable women while allowing "foreignborn" men-oppositionally posi tioned as uneducated, illiterate, and intemperate-to vote (Avery 1995;Valverde 2008;Valverde 2000). Alice Ashworth Townley argued that it was unjust to deny the vote to settler women of British background who had "stood by" their men to build homes in "a new land" while enfranchising those she described as "freshcoming, ignorant foreigners" (Townley 1911). ...
Canadian historians have underplayed the extent to which theproject of suffrage and first wave feminism was transnational in scope. The suffrage movement in British Columbia provides a good example of the global interconnections of the movement. While BC suffragists were relatively uninterested in pan-Canadian campaigns they explicitly situated provincial suffrage within three transnational relationships: the ‘frontier’ myth of the Western United States, radical direct action by suffragettes in the United Kingdom, and the rise of modern China. By the second decade of the 20thcentury, increasingly confident women’s suffrage societies hosted international visits and contributed to global print culture, both of which consolidated a sense of being part of a modern, international and unstoppable movement. BC suffragists were attuned to American suffrage campaigns in California, Oregon and Washington, which granted female suffrage after referenda and situated political rights for settler women in the context of Western progress narratives. The emphasis on progress and modernity intersected with growing connections to non-Western countries, complicating racialized arguments for settler women’s rights to vote. BC suffragists were particularly impressed by the role of feminism in Chinese political reform and came to understand Chinese women as symbolizing modernity, progress, and equality. Finally, the militant direct action in the British suffrage movement played a critical role in how BC suffragists imagined the role of tactical political violence. They were in close contact with the militant WSPU, hosted debates on the meaning of direct action, and argued that suffragettes were heroes fighting for a just cause. They pragmatically used media fascination with suffragette violence for political purposes by reserving the possibility that unmet demands for political equality might lead to Canadian conflict in the future.
... Racialized immigrants from southern and eastern europe, as well as Jews and the Irish, were deemed mentally and physically weak but able to assimilate with proper education and moral upbringing (Avery, 1995). The negative representation of these specific immigrant groups changed in the socio-political and economic milieu of the second half of the twentieth century. ...
... The negative representation of these specific immigrant groups changed in the socio-political and economic milieu of the second half of the twentieth century. At that time, these immigrants slowly and successfully penetrated social institutions, acquiring power, prestige, and privileges previously attributed only to the white Protestant middle class (Avery, 1995;Brodkin, 2007). ...
By examining the role of the Canadian press in framing health and social issues
of immigrants, the authors highlight the issues of power and social injustice in which immigrant
health is constructed and handled by Canada’s health policies. Critical discourse analysis
of 273 articles from 10!major Canadian dailies over one decade showed that pre-existing
racializing discourses, which treat the immigrant body both as a disease breeder and an irresponsible
health fraudster, continue to materialize in contemporary Canadian press coverage.
A more balanced and fair media coverage of immigrant health will require
deracialization of immigrant health issues as well as the transformation of the Canadian
press toward greater inclusivity.
Les auteurs examinent la manière dont la presse canadienne représente les
immigrants en ce qui a trait à la santé et des questions sociales connexes. Ce faisant, ils
soulignent les enjeux de pouvoir et d’injustice sociale relatifs aux politiques canadiennes
et la manière dont celles-ci encadrent et gèrent la santé des immigrants. Une analyse de
discours critique de 273 articles parus sur une décennie dans dix quotidiens canadiens
majeurs montre que des discours raciaux continuent de paraître dans la presse
canadienne contemporaine. Pour atteindre une couverture plus juste et équilibrée de la
santé des immigrants, il faudrait déracialiser les questions de santé des immigrants et
transformer la presse canadienne afin qu’elle devienne plus inclusive.
... Schneider claimed that he heard from charity groups that Germans "try to get thrown in jail in order to attain their own deportation" (Wagner 1998). Although some European immigrants wanted to be deported, DIC officials often exaggerated the numbers involved (Avery 1995;National Archive of Canada 1940a). Mitic and Leblanc note that most deportees fought against their deportation (LeBlanc and Duivenvoorden 1988). ...
... Prior to WW II, the Nazis displaced over 400,000 refugees, most of which were Jewish. The number of European Jews Canada admitted was under 4,000 (Avery 1995). Prime Minister King and important members of the Canadian government believed that Jewish immigration threatened national unity. ...
This article examines the repatriation of German nationals from Canada between the two World Wars. After World War I, Germans
living in Canada were suspicious; this sentiment lingered into the 1930s. During the 1920s, deportations from Canada allowed
the government to rid themselves of unwanted residents. During the Great Depression, poor, unemployed immigrants became redundant
which encouraged the deportation process. Unfortunately, deportations punished the unlucky and needy; many had experienced
hardships in Canada, a country that was unwilling to aid immigrants.
Cet article porte sur le rapatriement de ressortissants allemands à partir du Canada entre les deux guerres mondiales. Après
la Première Guerre mondiale, les Allemands vivant au Canada étaient tenus pour suspects, et ce sentiment a persisté jusque
les années 1930. Pendant les années 1920, les expulsions ont permis au gouvernement canadien de se débarrasser de résidents
non désirés. Pendant la Crise de 1929, les immigrants qui étaient pauvres et sans emploi sont devenus surnuméraires; cette
situation a favorisé le processus d’expulsion. Malheureusement, les expulsions ont puni les malchanceux et les indigents;
plusieurs ont éprouvé des difficultés au Canada, un pays réticent à venir en aide aux immigrants.
KeywordsImmigration-Deportation-Repatriation-Newcomer-Public charge-Germany
Mots clésimmigration-expulsion-rapatriement-nouvel arrivant-fardeau pour l’État-Allemagne
... In chapter 3, "The Involvement of Nurses in the Eugenics Program in Alberta, 1920-1940, " Diana Mansell investigates the first decades of the twentieth century as years in which the Canadian government actively recruited immigrants from Britain, Europe, and the United States in order to support the settlements in the newly founded provinces of western Canada. 119 As McLaren and other scholars have shown, the resulting immigration movement included fairly large numbers of non-English-speaking individuals arriving from eastern European countries. With increasing numbers of eastern European immigrants arriving (from the Ukraine, Russia, and Poland), the white Anglo-Saxon classes in Canada became increasingly concerned about what they saw as a process of the "multiplication of inferior populations. ...
This volume examines an important historical problem, namely, how governments, progressive groups, and professional associations were co-opted by the ideologies and fashionable scientific claims of contemporary eugenicists. It links the troubled eugenics history in western Canada to further developments on the international stage and examines the manifold legacies of eugenics—for example, its inhumane diagnostic and treatment thrust in psychiatry and medicine, the widespread and enduring conceptual undertones in official legal texts and government policies, and the detrimental consequences for patients and asylum inmates, who had been forcefully sterilized or whose partnerships and marriages were prohibited by professional caregivers and sometimes even family members—through more recent movements for compensation by its victims in Canada and abroad. This book represents an important and essential endeavour that examines several related topics in the history of eugenics together with the history of mental health and psychiatric developments in an international format that allows for comparisons between detailed case studies from several Canadian provinces, US states, and European countries spanning the first half of the twentieth century. Methodologically, it represents a collection of international case studies on eugenics that in themselves consider the social discourses, government policies, and long-term consequences of eugenics, as well as its ensuing cultural influences and profound legacies. This book thereby aims at providing a historical and likewise critical analysis of eugenics in western Canada through the assembled detailed case studies.
... It is important to note that the Be Nice campaign sanitizes additional histories of Canadian nation-building by erasing or reframing the oppression and exploitation of non-Indigenous racialized groups in/by Canada as well. For example, the campaign offers images of a recent "Refugees Welcome" sign but says nothing of the 15,000 Chinese labourers imported during the 1880s to build the Canada Pacific Railway, nor the subsequent establishment of the Chinese Head Tax (Avery 1995). Likewise, the video includes a short clip of Romeo Dallaire, former Force Commander of the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda, but says nothing of the imperial violence of the Somalia Affair in 1993, when two Canadian humanitarian soldiers beat a Somali teenager to death (Razack 2004), nor Canada's combat role during the war in Afghanistan (Klassen and Albo 2013). ...
In this article, I make the case for—and begin the task of—examining the role of nation branding in the philanthropic sector. Using a series of cases drawn from Canadian organized philanthropy, I explore the ideological work that philanthropic nation branding does, as well as the social and political implications of this phenomenon. I bring critical theories of nation and national identity together with Marxian-inspired theories of capitalism—particularly those that foreground the racial and colonial dimensions of capital accumulation—to illuminate the nationally embedded contradictions at the core of organized philanthropy in Canada. Specifically, I focus on how racialized and colonial discourses of the nation are mobilized in philanthropic nation branding in ways that elevate and legitimize organized philanthropy as a contradiction-free mechanism for addressing racial and colonial inequities in Canada. In doing so, philanthropic nation branding obscures the explicitly racial and colonial processes of accumulation that produce the philanthropic wealth powering much of the sector, thereby reinforcing an ahistorical Canadian nation brand. Through this analysis, I illustrate the importance of centering race and national identity in critical work on the political economy of philanthropy, organizational branding, and the ethics of philanthropy as a social policy mechanism in Canada, as well as other national contexts.
... Canada's Immigration Act of 1910.Avery (1995) andSolberg (1987) ...
The experiences of Latin American countries are not fully incorporated into current debates concerning the age of mass migration, even though 13 million Europeans migrated to the region between 1870 and 1930. This survey draws together different aspects of the Latin America immigration experience. Its main objective is to rethink the role of European migration to the region, addressing several major questions in the economics of migration: whether immigrants were positively selected from their sending countries, how immigrants assimilated into the host economies, the role of immigration policies, and the long‐run effects of immigration. Immigrants came from the economically backward areas of southern and eastern Europe, yet their adjustment to the host labour markets in Latin America seems to have been successful. The possibility of rapid social upgrading made Latin America attractive for European immigrants. Migrants were positively selected from origin according to literacy. The most revealing aspect of new research is showing the positive long‐run effects that European immigrants had in Latin American countries. The political economy of immigration policies deserves new research, particularly for Brazil and Cuba. The case of Argentina shows a more complex scenario than the classic representation of landowners constantly supporting an open‐door policy.
... The permeability and rigidity of borders are nowhere better illustrated than in the global policy issue that is at the forefront of most national government agendas today: the claims for (Avery 1995;Abu-Laban 1998;Li 2001Li , 2003Stasiulis and Bakan 2005). ...
Recent developments in Canada, the United States, and beyond continue to test librarians’ resolve
and to redefine how we view ourselves and engage with communities. Drawing on examples
from both Canada and the United States and deploying the concept of “border” as an
analytical trope, we seek to probe and unsettle the geographic, professional, and ideological interfaces
that librarians constantly negotiate. In a world where data know no borders but indigenous
and other bodies are constrained by them, how do we respond to the “Calls to Action” of
Canada’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission, to the violent displacement of millions of Syrians,
to the resurgence of divisive politics and racist rhetorics, or to the surrender to data? Using
the Trump election as a launching point, we explore key drivers for change in LIS in instances
when politics spill into our professional purview.
... Strongly opposed to labour immigration at the end of the nineteenth century and throughout the first half of the twentieth century (Iacovetta et al. 1996;Avery 1995;Gouter 2007), by the 1960s, Canadian trade unions had developed a more positive attitude towards immigration. In fact, the post-1962 focus on skilled labour and the selection process that was based on the match between job vacancies and applicants' skills were deemed beneficial to both labour and employers (Green and Green 2004;Simmons and Keohane 1992). ...
In the last two decades, temporary worker programs have experienced an unprecedented expansion as instruments of what is defined as the migration management approach. Various migrant rights activists have voiced concerns about the treatment of temporary migrants in these programs and taken initiative to advance their rights. For some migrant rights advocates, it is the temporary nature of migration that is primarily responsible for the rights deficit. Yet, other migrant rights activists accept the temporariness of labour migration while trying to ensure that migrants receive legal protections for their work rights and that these protections are enforced. Trade unions are among the actors who try to protect and advance temporary migrants’ labour rights, but their role in supporting or challenging the principles of temporary migration governance has been neglected in the scholarly literature. The article addresses this gap by highlighting the divergent position of Canadian and Spanish Unions on temporariness of this type of migration. As the article argues, the difference is related to the following four factors: (1) the degree to which the unions in question are institutionally embedded in immigration policy-making, (2) the social environment (that is, discourses on temporariness advanced by other unions and grassroots organizations), (3) the degree of protectionism unions express vis-à-vis new immigrant flows and (4) whether regulated temporary migration is contrasted with permanent or unauthorized migration.
... The dynamics governing temporary migration programs can be seen in the context of Canada's problematic immigration history. Immigration policies have been highly racialized and serve to both construct and reproduce dominant notions of race (Avery 1995). The creation of the immigrant as "other" leads to systematic labour market discrimination (e.g., Calliste 1987). ...
This article aims to build both community and scholarly knowledge of skills, aspirations, needs, and characteristics of the international newcomer adult population in Edmonton. It highlights the Canadian Language Benchmarks (CLB) test scores, socio-demographic profiles, as well as goals and plans among adult immigrants and refugee clients of the Language Assessment, Referral, and Counselling Centre (LARCC) in Edmonton, Alberta. LARCC includes both provincially and federally funded programs. It provides immigrants and refugees with a recognized assessment of their current level of English language proficiency; knowledge of local options and resources for relevant English language and occupational training; and helps newcomers explore their educational and career goals/opportunities.
This article is largely practical rather than theoretical, presenting a practitioners’ perspective into how to better enhance the benefits of immigration for immigrants, in particular, and for the larger society as a whole. As such, following an empirical discussion, we conclude with recommendations based on concrete knowledge of language skill development challenges at different competency levels, and the labour market advantages of language proficiency. Likewise, we suggest concrete ways to better address the language, occupational skills, and integration opportunities afforded by having such a diverse new population arriving in Alberta.
Résumé:
Cet article a pour l’objectif d’augmenter les connaissances dans les milieux communautaires et académiques au sujet des habilités, des espoirs, des besoins, et des caractéristiques de la population de nouveaux arrivants adultes à Edmonton. Il met en évidence les résultats des tests d’anglais, selon les Niveaux de Compétences Linguistiques Canadiens (NCLC), les caractéristiques sociodémographiques, ainsi que les objectifs personnels parmi les immigrants adultes et réfugiés, qui sont les clients du Centre d’évaluation linguistique, d'orientation, et de conseil (LARCC) à Edmonton. LARCC comprend deux programmes, financés par la province d’une part et par le gouvernement fédéral de l’autre part. Ces programmes fournissent aux clients une évaluation reconnue de leur niveau actuel de maîtrise de l’anglais. Les clients apprennent aussi, au besoin, les possibilités et les ressources locales pertinentes à une formation professionnelle, ou reliée à leur métier cible. Ils peuvent bénéficier de l’aide pour mieux explorer leurs buts éducatifs et professionnels.
Cet article se veut pratique plutôt que théorique. Il présente le point de vue des agents qualifiés dans le secteur sur la façon de mieux valoriser les avantages de l’immigration pour les immigrants, en particulier, et pour la société dans son ensemble. En tant que tel, nous présentons une discussion empirique, suivie de recommandations fondées sur une connaissance concrète des défis de l’acquisition de langue à différents niveaux de compétences, et les grands avantages au marché du travail d’une bonne maîtrise de la langue. De même, nous proposons des moyens concrèts pour mieux apprécier les possibilités d’échange et d’intégration conférées par l’arrivée de tant de diverses langues, habiletés, et perspectives au sol albertain.
... The government was not even required to publish Orders in Council until the late 1930s. 2 DonaldAvery (1995) presents a similar case for the impact of pre-1930 immigration on unskilled labour. See also M.J.Piva (1979) on the condition of urban workers and CeciliaDanysk (1995) on impacts for rural workers. ...
An examination of the historical development of key institutional features of Canada's immigration policy can provide a basis for interpreting recent policy changes.The history of Canada's immigration policy has been defined by an ongoing battle between proponents of using immigration for long term (eco-nomic growth and demographic) goals and proponents of using it for short-term (current labour market) goals. In the past, a concern with the "absorptive capacity" of the economy has affected immigration levels, with alternating pe-riods of large inflows targeted at specific economic goals and periods of drastic cutbacks in numbers during economic downturns. By abandoning the concept of absorptive capacity, as traditionally defined, Canada's current immigration policy is dramatically different from historical norms. This is signalled most clearly by the failure to cut back the number of immigrants during the labour market difficulties of the 1990s. Current policy appears to be based on the idea that immigration generates economic growth and thus represents a victory for the proponents of the long term view of immigration policy. Unfortunately, the government provides little evidence to support the claim that long term growth benefits offset short term costs in a poor labour market. Questions, therefore, remain about why the shift in policy has occurred.
... According to Avery (1995), the concepts of identification and categorization of people according to their ethnic affiliation in Canada have been in place for years. The focus of the practice was on the origin of people and their ethnic affiliation. ...
This article provides an overview of the theoretical and policy background on Construction of ethnic identity,
exclusion and social well-being among New Canadian migrants. The article searches for the historical patterns
of immigration policies and ideologies determined who should and should not be admitted to Canada as preferred
immigrants .This study begins with the era of racial classification and categorization and goes until the era of
multiculturalism, employment equity, and affirmative action acts of 1986. The research demonstrates that past
historical practices pertained to social exclusion of groups based on ethnic identity, have paved ways to
discriminatory policies that continue to affected progress of racialized immigrants socially, psychologically and
economically to the present time. The article will also evaluate what has changed in these immigration policies
throughout the history of resettlement and integration of migrants in Canada.
... War include Avery (1995), Luciuk (2001), Melnycky (1991), andWaiser (1995). ...
This essay examines Canada's internment of enemy aliens during the First World War. The internment of thousands of aliens, who had been invited to Canada short years before as immigrants, was not grounded in international law or xenophobia. Instead, the decision by the Borden Cabinet to intern enemy aliens was rooted in an imperialist understanding of Canada and the associated understanding of individuals as subjects of a sovereign. Internment forced the articulation of these important categories and, as a result, the decision casts light on broader notions of "belonging" in pre-war Canada.
Cet article examine l'internement canadien de sujets d'un pays ennemi au cours de la Premiëre Guerre mondiale. L'internement de milliers d'ètrangers ennemis, qui avaient ètè invitès à immigrer au Canada quelques annèes auparavant, n'ètait pas inspirè par des lois internationales ou une xènophobie. Cette dècision du gouvernement Borden d'interner les sujets d'un pays ennemi se fondait plutÙt sur une comprèhension impèrialiste du Canada et une comprèhension connexe des particuliers en tant que sujets. L'internement a forcè l'identification de ces catègories importantes, faisant mieux ressortir des notions plus vastes d'appartenance dans le Canada de l'avant-guerre.
... The Bolshevik revolution increased anti-"enemy alien" measures and there were calls for the deportation of all "enemy aliens." The " Red Scare " turned the focus of discrimination and hostility onto Russians, Finns and Ukrainians (Avery 1975Avery , 1995). A 1919 Order-in-Council (PC 1203) prohibited the immigration of Germans, Austrians, Hungarians, Bulgarians and Turks, and another (PC 1204) banned Doukhobours, Hutterites and Mennonites. ...
... As noted by Simmons (1998: 93), Canadian leaders and most Canadian 1 Race/ethnicity was not the only basis for immigrant selection, and thus inclusion/exclusion in Canadian society. As pointed out by Avery (1995), other bases included gender, sexual orientation, health status, and political beliefs. citizens historically viewed Canada as "a new European and Christian nation in the Americas." ...
... 73 When demands for war provisions, conscription, and the entry of the United States into the war led to a shortage of labor for the war industries, policy was adjusted, the camps were emptied and the "enemy aliens" were put to work. 74 Similarly, controls on non-preferred immigrants were tightened during the economic downturn that accompanied the initial postwar period and loosened once the economy improved. When supplies of preferred British and American immigrants did not keep up with the demand for labor, the government acceded to the needs of industry and widened the gap for non-preferred Europeans through innovations such as the Railway Agreement. ...
Abstract Transformations in global capitalism increased rates of international migration at the turn of the twentieth century, a period also marked by the widespread popularity of scientific racism, integral nationalism, and vaunted notions of state sovereignty. This paper considers how the intersection of these factors influenced migration and citizenship policymaking in Canada and Germany. In both cases, migration was harnessed to further economic objectives while groups deemed a threat to national integration because of their putative racial or ethno-national characteristics were excluded. The resultant policies would come to define Canada and Germany’s approaches to the migration-membership dilemma for the much of the twentieth century.
... 31 To be clear, this was the supply as recorded in the census of 1931. The literature stresses that a large number of seasonal workers flowed through the Prairies during the 1920s, taking on various jobs in agriculture, lumber and resource extraction (Avery 1995;Danysk 1995). Some would not have remained in agriculture by the census date in 1931 so the data in the table undoubtedly understate the size of the agricultural labor force relative to the number of farmers in this period (Green and Green 2016). ...
Immediately following World War I, Canadian Prairie farmers adopted tractors more rapidly than did farmers on the U.S. Northern Great Plains. However, Canadian adoption rates lagged in the late 1920s. This change can be linked to a significant divergence in immigration policy; the US introduced restrictions while Canada returned to its prewar openness. The essentially homogeneous nature of this Plain on either side of the border sets up a natural experiment of the impact of immigration restrictions. We test the hypothesis using counties in the U.S. and Canada contiguous with the international boundary.
... Durante estos años se aprecia un discurso implícito de exclusión ante la llegada de población negra. La política de inmigración puede ser considerada ya en ese momento una política racialmente selectiva, aunque esta posición no tuviera un reflejo en la normativa (Avery, 1995)Baureiss, 1985). Como en el caso de otros países clásicos de inmigración, la idea de comunidad nacional se moduló a través de la construcción de diversas categorías de extranjeros articulando durante décadas las vías de selección para el desarrollo económico y el poblamiento y excluyendo a aquéllos considerados no aptos en términos raciales (Weil, 2001). ...
The aim of this article is to explore and analyze the main goals and the evolution of immigration policy in Canada since 1850 to nowadays. As a country of immigration the question of migration regulation and the admission of immigrants became a central issue in the national and the academic debate around the identity and the management of pluralism in Canada. Over the years, attitudes toward immigration and the development of immigration policies have evolved, reflecting economic, political, cultural and social issues in this country.
El propósito de este artículo es explorar y analizar los principales objetivos y la evolución de la política de inmigración en Canadá desde mediados del siglo XIX hasta la actualidad. Como un país de inmigración, la cuestión de la regulación migratoria y de los procesos selectivos en la admisión de inmigrantes se han convertido en elementos centrales del disputado debate académico y político en torno a la identidad y la gestión de la diferencia en Canadá. Sin embargo, como veremos, la política migratoria ha evolucionado a lo largo del tiempo por una combinación de intereses de naturaleza económica, cultural, social y política.
... Indeed, many contemporary migrants enter societies with long histories of immigration, for example, the United States and Canada. It is also the case that while the vast majority of the population in both the United States and Canada are descendants of immigrants, attitudes on immigration have often been ambivalent (Avery, 1995;Mills, 1994). Americans, for example may choose to be sentimental about their immigrant roots but this certainly has not prevented intense negative attitudes about particular groups of immigrants, in the past and present. ...
"This paper discusses several themes that are useful in organizing research on women, migration, and work, and consists of four parts. It begins with a review of types of migration systems and highlights the importance of specifying migration systems when examining women migrants and work. The main theoretical approaches in migration and labor are discussed in the second part of the paper. This is followed by a section on several dimensions critical for research on women migrants. In particular, it shows that the effects of gender, race and ethnicity, social class, cohort, and history should be explicitly considered because the migration and labor market experiences of women migrants profoundly differ from that of men. The paper concludes with a discussion of some research and policy implications."
In 1911, the city of Edmonton passed a resolution against the settlement of Negroes (read as Blacks). Given the Canadian federal government’s mandate in immigration policy, the Edmonton resolution is only significant relative to the federal immigration acts of 1906 and 1910. This study, based on archival and other data sources, examines the influence of moral panic and governance in the resolution and immigration policy. The paper argues that state and non-state actors, outlined and pursued official and unofficial policies and practices to regulate the immigration of Blacks into Canada and offers a useful context for understanding Canadian immigration policy.
This article discusses the role of Nellie McLung in the suffrage movement of Manitoba and the impact of her activity as the ideological and political leader upon success of the movement in achieving the set goals. The author examines the peculiarities of ideological basis and realization of the suffrage agenda and strategy by female movement in the province anchored by Nellie McLung, as well as analyzes the reasons for success of suffrage movement in Manitoba. The assessment of the role of Nellie McLung in the activity of suffrage movement of Manitoba and consolidation of the ideas of maternal feminism within the Russian historiography has not been previously conducted. The author comes to the conclusion on importance of the role of Nellie McLung as the leader of suffrage movement, who was able not only to distribute the ideas of maternal feminism in the province, but also hold an active campaign aimed at achieving the goals of suffrage movement, turning public opinion towards the necessity for acquisition of electoral right by women.
This paper explores theapproach of Canada’slargestlabourcentral,theTradesand Labor Congress (TLC),to immigration from1933to 1939. This was a unique periodin Canada’s immigration history,asin1930the government responded to the onset oftheGreat Depression by closing the gatesto almost allimmigrationfor the first time sinceConfederation,andby1933 therewasno doubtthat the gates wouldremainclosedforsometime.Despite thisdramatic change,Canadianlabourleadersstood bytheirlongstanding views on immigration through to the end ofthe1930s. Althoughthe levelof concernaboutimmigration predictably declined, TLC leaders generallygainedconfidencethat theirestablishedviews had widespreadsupport.This confidenceencouragedunionists to poseas protectors ofimmigrantsagainsthardshipin Canada. Italsoassuredthem thatthey did nothavetodevoteasmuchenergyasinearlierperiodstoagitatingfor thedeportationofsomeimmigrants, ortotheir longtime favouritecause,restrictingimmigrationfromAsiaandsouthern andeasternEurope.Altogether, changes in
This article explores the historical, theoretical, and ideological background surrounding biased immigration patterns of immigrants to Canada. It discusses past eras of racial classification and categorization to uncover the practices used to exclude certain groups from white Canadian populations. These discriminatory policies continue to disadvantage these racialized immigrant populations to this very day.Finally, the study recommends that Canada needs a better understanding from the migrants’ perspectives on what they perceive as barriers, problems, or opportunities in order to develop an inclusive plans for migrant integration and equitable access to economic opportunity with a prospect of effective resettlement in Canada.
This article examines the rise of maternal feminism and the concept of motherhood in the Prairie West from 1900 to 1930. White, middle-class, British women (and male allies) adopted the rhetoric of moral reform, social decline, and Mothers of the Nation to argue that as mothers, their positions allowed them to contribute to the regeneration of the British race in Canada. Further, they justified their claims to political and social rights by referencing their maternal role, arguing that because they were the people responsible for regenerating the British-Canadian population, and providing care for these children, they ought to be awarded equality in the political arena as only mothers would know the best legislation for the well-being and development of children and, by extension, the nation. This conservative ideology of motherhood helped women gain support in the West, to integrate themselves in the public discourse of rights and responsibilities, and advocate for increased medical services in the rural areas of the Prairies. The Grain Grower’s Guide was an important platform for the female voice, and many maternal feminists and their opponents contributed their opinions to the publication, including an extensive campaign for heath and medical care for both mother and child in rural areas of the region. While maternal feminists gained significant success in their fight for medical and health services, these gains applied to a specific, narrow group of women. Women of color, of non-Protestant beliefs, and of the working class were not included in this group. This paper argues that the concept of motherhood became a political category of nation-building in the early 20th century promoted by the state, which maternal feminists employed to gain support from opponents of radical feminism and to advocate for advancements in both political and domestic spheres in the rural Prairie West.
Canada remains one of the world's leading immigration nations, accepting newcomers from more than 200 different countries. Indeed, by 2010, over 19 percent of its overall population of 34 million was foreign-born, with 34 ethnic groups being represented by at least 100,000 members each, most located in major urban centers. In addition, over 58 percent of newcomers now come from Asia, as this region has steadily replaced Europe and the United Kingdom as the major source of Canada's immigrant population. Indeed, today six of the top ten source countries are China, India, the Philippines, Pakistan, South Korea, and Sri Lanka (Canada 2010).
Keywords:
labor supply;
labor;
demography and population studies;
cultural diversity;
race;
ethnocentrism
This article offers some preliminary reflections on the importance that post-war women migrants (1945-1967) place, within their life/migration stories, on the material conditions and logistics of their move to Canada. Existing stories such as those available on the web site of the Canadian Museum of Immigration at Pier 21 were examined in order to identify factors that determine the weight given to these matters. The migrant's reason for sharing her story often plays a deciding role. The article concludes with an overview of the type of information women share regarding the material aspects of the migration process and suggests further avenues of study.
El libro se dedica al problema de la integración académica de los migrantes mexicanos en Canadá, a través del estudio de caso de la segunda generación en British Columbia. El problema de la integración académica cultural de los migrantes mexicanos de segunda generación en Canadá, yace en varios conceptos: migración, integración de los inmigrantes, elementos lingüísticos de la integración académica, adaptación lingüística, adquisición del lenguaje académico, connotación lingüística, educación intercultural o multicultural. Uno de los problemas de inmigración es la incorporación de los migrantes a la cultura y la sociedad del país receptor que puede llevarse a cabo de varias maneras: como sumisión, adaptación, asimilación o integración. La integración representa un proceso dirigido a conseguir la integral y gradual incorporación y participación de los inmigrantes en la vida económica, social y cultural del país de instalación, en un clima de respeto, aceptación recíproca y conservación de su cultura de origen.
Según los resultados de las investigaciones llevadas a cabo en las escuelas preparatorias de la ciudad de Victoria, British Columbia, Canadá, el factor visible que impide la real integración del alumnado inmigrante en las escuelas canadienses, es la imposición implícita de la cultura dominante, la cual dicta “las reglas de comportamiento”, con las cuales se identifican los adolescentes: hablar sólo en inglés, no tocar los temas de su origen, su cultura o su religión, no mostrar los sentimientos de arraigo por el país de sus padres, mostrar orgullo por ser canadiense, no autoadscribirse a culturas diferentes, etc.
This article focused on the transition experiences of 20 successful Chinese immigrants, in particular their transition stories and how they accounted for their success (what facilitated and hindered their transition). An enhanced critical incident method was used for data analysis. Four major success categories emerged: having a positive attitude and personality, skills and resource development, education and work experience, and community and family support. There was less emphasis on hindering categories, but some problems were identified. There was specific information on the effectiveness of the employment counseling process from those who had participated in an employment counseling program.
In this paper we explore the effects of globalization on Canada’s economy and on the political and cultural identities of Canadians.
We begin the paper with a description of the economic, technological and social forces which lead to global integration (or “globalization”) and the removal or reduction of barriers erected by borders. We examine the extent to which these forces have influenced the economy of Canada in the last two decades and its interactions with the rest of the world. In particular, we investigate whether “globalization” is manifested by changes in the locus of control and/or extension of the geographical horizons of Canadian economic agents. We conclude that, while the foreign trade component in Canada’s GDP has increased significantly, much of the integration process has been regional, not global.
The degree of regional integration is especially pronounced in the sector of cultural products where US exports overwhelm Canadian consumption. This is a source of concern for Canadian politicians who fear that Canada is losing its distinct cultural identity. The response to this perceived threat was a complex regime of regulations and subsidies aimed at protecting domestic production of cultural goods and services. These measures, however, had a very limited impact. While production has shifted to an extent from the US to Canada and the gap in exports/imports of cultural products has declined, the contents of the products continue to reflect the tastes of the bigger US market.
The concept of glocalization is used to analyse the ways in which social actors construct meanings, identities and institutional forms within the sociological context of globalization, conceived in multidimensional terms. This article seeks to advance the sociological grasp of glocalization processes through a field-work-rooted study of particular migrant, culturally defined social groups: North American-based supporters of the Scottish football teams Celtic and Rangers. The authors examine four features of glocalization in regard to the migrant experience: the transplantation of the original local culture to a new context; subsequent intracultural identities and practices; intercultural identities and practices; and the potential for the reproduction of ‘glocal’ identities. Further, they consider projects of glocalization that are attendant upon each of these features. A model is developed that facilitates future comparative and critical investigation in regard to the glocalization projects of social groups that are defined variously by ethnicity, migration or popular culture.
Two American specialists, one on urban issues and the other on Ukraine, examine the changing character of migration into Kyiv, Ukraine?s capital and largest city, during the post-Soviet period. The analysis, based on field work, interviews, and local media sources, demonstrates the increasingly global character of immigration patterns, characterized by changes in points of origin of incoming migrants, percentage of legal versus illegal immigrants, the mix between temporary and permanent migration, motives for relocation, and mode of entry. Impacts of the new wave of immigration on Ukrainian tolerance for foreigners and on the operation of neighborhood schools in Kyiv are investigated.
This article explores the relationships between governments and selected voluntary organisations involved in British migration to Australia and Canada from the 1890s to the Second World War. Prior to the Great War, there was considerable ill feeling by Dominion governments, especially Australian, towards philanthropic organisations, which appeared to undermine official immigration schemes through their attempts to reclaim and transplant the unwanted. Although voluntary associations were later subsidised by the British government and came under the group nomination schemes of the 1922 Empire Settlement Act, they were still viewed with suspicion. Organisations focusing on 'salvation', 'redemption' and 'rescue' in their migration work, however, provide us with an alternative ideology to the idea of building up 'fit populations' in the Dominions, where the notion of 'fitness' was perceived in a number of ways, not least in terms of class.<br /
This article analyzes the ways in which Canadian and Australian immigration policies represent causes and consequences of neoliberal restructuring. Interrogating neoliberalism as a series of political-economic and moral changes derived from the marketization of societal and governmental arrangements, it illustrates how numerically-based ‘points systems’ have been employed as mechanisms for: gauging human capital; establishing indices of risk and undesirability; and promoting the ‘responsibilization’ of incoming migrants. In doing so the points systems' historical trajectory is traced through a variety of administrative reforms characteristic of neoliberal government and flexible accumulation. Ultimately, this article contends that as rational, technical and economically guided systems of enumeration and assessment, both governments' policies mirror, enhance and extend neoliberal arrangements and sensibilities. In providing ostensibly objective techniques of evaluation the points systems have assisted in injecting the ideal neoliberal citizens- who are, above all, flexible, cosmopolitan, entrepreneurial and autonomous- from abroad. Overall this paper contributes to studies of state restructuring by providing new insights into the links between the neglected domain of immigration control and emergent techniques of societal regulation and citizen-making.
This paper addresses the movement from Anglo-conformity as the principle articulating the notion of citizenship education to multiculturalism. It is a historical analysis that focuses on Manitoba education in relation to English speaking Canada. It calls attention to and attempts to explain the gap between educational aims and policies and actual classroom life. Given the intersubjective and relational character of identity formation, citizenship education often contributed to the developmentofforms of proto-multiculturalism that later gained political space. Furthermore, minorities often became Canadians in their own terms. The boundaries between private and public tended to become diffused in the school experience.
In this article, written from the perspective of a policy maker rather than an academic researcher, I review the arguments that are made in favor of and in opposition to immigration. One means by which governments in many immigrant-receiving countries have attempted to finesse these debates in recent years is by emphasizing the skilled character of the immigrants chosen to fill national labor market needs. A consideration of some of the central issues facing policy makers is followed by a proposed list of issues that could be of mutual interest to policy practitioners and psychological researchers alike. The article concludes with a brief review of the articles in this volume, highlighting some of the findings that are likely to be of particular interest to the policy community.
Criminality is now one of the most frequently used provisions for deporting non-citizens from Canada. Individuals who are convicted of crimes outlined in current immigration policies can find themselves subject to deportation proceedings after they have served their sentences unless they are eligible to make an appeal and can do so successfully. This paper examines 177 reported immigration appeal hearings in Canada involving non-citizens who are ordered deported on the basis of criminality. Using documentary analysis along with basic statistics to analyze the appeal hearing decisions, I demonstrate how gender and racial ideologies shape the outcome of these decisions. Theories of moral regulation, social control and governmentality are employed to develop an understanding of the state's treatment of immigrants. That a significant number of immigrants in this study were not deported, but were granted stays with strict conditions highlights how deportation hearings are one mechanism for differentiating between ‘deserving’ and ‘undeserving’ immigrants. This study illustrates how, through the use of racial and gender ideologies, deportation practices are as much about differential exclusion as they are about enforced assimilation. Concerns around criminality rationalizes the ongoing regulation and surveillance of immigrants and the threat of deportation ensures their compliance.
The aim of this study is to understand how city factors explain racial and ethnic residential patterns in contemporary multiethnic cities. We examined residential patterns among 17 groups in 12 Canadian cities. The results suggest that we should be cautious in taking factors derived from literature based largely on European experiences at the beginning of the last century and applying them uniformly to different groups in Canadian multiethnic cities. Our results show that the residential segregation of different racial and ethnic groups is affected by different sets of city factors. In addition, most factors suggested in that literature do not relate to the segregation patterns among visible minority groups.
The paper represents an attempt to understand how, in a democratic and pluralistic state, it is possible to reconcile the
values of individual freedom with those granted to minority groups. In this perspective, the paper argues that, without questioning
the importance of differentiated cultural rights that allow cultural minorities to be on an equal footing with the mainstream
society, women’s rights cannot be ignored. Instead, rights for women are not exclusive of any particular culture or society,
being indeed one of the human rights common to all groups of people, those rights which attest to the existence of a bond
among individuals as members of the human community.
Objective:
In this article, we adopt a syndemic approach to immigrant tuberculosis (TB) in Canada as a way of challenging contemporary epidemiological models of infectious diseases that tend to racialize and medicalize the risk of infections in socio-economically disadvantage populations and obscure the role of social conditions in sustaining the unequal distribution of diseases in these populations.
Design:
A syndemic approach unravels social and biological connections which shape the distribution of infections over space and time and is useful in de-racializing and de-medicalizing these epidemiologic models. The socio-historic framework allows us to examine social factors which, refracted through medical science, were central to the development of TB control in Canada at the beginning of twentieth century.
Results:
We expose the ideological assumptions about race, immigration, and social status which underpin current policies designed to control TB within the immigrant population. We argue that TB control policies which divert the attention from structural health determinants perpetuate health and social inequities of racialized populations in Canada. Medical screening and surveillance is an ineffective control policy because the proportion of TB cases attributed to immigrants increased from 18 to 66% between 1970 and 2007.
Conclusion:
More effective TB control policies require shifting the focus from the individual disease carriers toward social inequities which underlie the problem of immigrant TB in Canada. In addition, de-racialization and de-medicalization of the contemporary epidemiological models of infectious diseases entail an in-depth exploration of how the categories of ethnicity, culture, and immigration status are played out in everyday health-related experiences of racialized groups.
El artículo aborda el análisis del Programa de Trabajadores Agrícolas Temporales entre
México y Canadá a través de los conceptos "campos sociales" y "campos de poder" para
entender la aparente contradicción entre la satisfacción abiertamente expresada por los
participantes en el programa y el alto grado de control, trabajo intensivo y bajos salarios
que muchos trabajadores padecen en Canadá. Solamente cuando observamos la manera
como los migrantes "tejen" diferentes campos de poder "el campo de relaciones sociales en
Canadá y el campo local formado por las relaciones en la comunidad en que viven"
podemos entender que al ir a trabajar a Canadá, lo que implica un rompimiento de los
lazos con sus familias y comunidades, los trabajadores migrantes pueden cumplir con las
expectativas morales y culturales de sus localidades.
For the last 40 years, migrant farm workers from the Caribbean and Mexico have been recruited to work temporarily on Canadian farms under the Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program (SAWP). In 2002, the pilot Foreign Worker Program (FWP) for low skilled migrant workers was initiated in the province of Quebec and under this program began the recruitment of Guatemalan migrant farm workers. Since the program's start, the number of Guatemalan migrants has nearly tripled and there seems to be a decline in the number of workers hired under the SAWP in Quebec. This paper examines the FWP's development, set-up, consequences and operation alongside the SAWP and shows how the Canadian state is expanding the number of flexibility and temporary worker programs. This paper draws attention to the neo-liberal context of migrant farm labour in Canada, pointing to the ways in which Canada's federal policies governing seasonal agricultural migrants and athe agricultural labour market are exploitative and racist.
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