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A Preface to Democratic Theory
... Pada era ini juga lahir ide pentingnya membuat kekuasaan tetap tersebar dan tidak terkonsentrasi pada segelintir pihak yang berpotensi memicu munculnya elite yang mendominasi jalannya pemerintahan dan kehidupan sosial. Untuk mendorong agar kekuasaan tetap tersebar, diperlukan liberalisasi dalam kontestasi politik dan inklusi dalam partisipasi politik (Dahl 1956(Dahl , 1971(Dahl , 1989. ...
... Dari perkembangan berbagai teori demokrasi terdapat satu benang merah bahwa demokrasi adalah soal distribusi kekuasaan (power sharing atau power dispersion). Roberth Dahl (1956Dahl ( , 1971Dahl ( , 1989 menekankan bahwa demokrasi merupakan soal bagaimana kekuasaan harus disebar secara luas pada pelbagai macam kelompok kepentingan, yang tujuannya agar tidak satu kelompok pun bisa mengklaim sebagai yang paling mewakili rakyat secara keseluruhan. Kenneth Bollen (1980, 1986) memaknai demokrasi adalah kondisi jika kekuasaan politik elite berhasil dibatasi sementara kekuatan non-elite diperluas. ...
... Kebebasan dari kemiskinan, kekerasan dan penindasan merupakan prasyarat dari kebebasan politik manusia. Robert Dahl (1956Dahl ( , 1971Dahl ( , 1989) menekankan dua proses yang dibutuhkan untuk demokratisasi yaitu liberalisasi dalam kontestasi politik dan inklusi dalam partisipasi politik. Selain itu Kenneth Bollen (1980, 1986, melihat bahwa dua aspek penting untuk menilai kondisi demokrasi adalah (1) Kebebasan politik (political liberty) mengacu pada kebebasan individu dan kelompok untuk mendukung atau menentang kebijakan pemerintah. ...
IDI sebagai instrumen pengukuran demokrasi yang berbasis fakta saat ini masih berfokus pada penghitungan di tingkat provinsi yang kemudian dihitung secara agregat untuk tingkat nasional. Pengukuran yang mencakup perilaku demokrasi di tingkat nasional itu sendiri masih belum dilakukan. Di samping itu, aspek pengukuran IDI masih terbatas pada dimensi politik (kebebasan sipil, hak-hak politik, dan lembaga demokrasi). Pada negara-negara pascaotoritarianisme seperti Indonesia, perlu untuk melihat demokrasi dalam kerangka konseptual yang lebih luas termasuk dimensi ekonomi. Aspek lain yang juga perlu disesuaikan adalah metode pembobotan pada tiap dan antar indikator; setelah sepuluh tahun terjadi banyak perubahan karakter dari substansi yang diukur. Kajian ini diharapkan dapat menawarkan perspektif baru dalam mengukur kualitas demokrasi Indonesia dengan menggunakan pendekatan demonopolisasi pada tiga ranah: politik, ekonomi, dan sosial.
... Il apparaît que l'UE exerce sa puissance principalement par la norme, mais sans volonté réelle RFA-Israël (1949-1956 RFA-Israël (1949-1956 RFA-Israël (1949-1956 ...
... Il apparaît que l'UE exerce sa puissance principalement par la norme, mais sans volonté réelle RFA-Israël (1949-1956 RFA-Israël (1949-1956 RFA-Israël (1949-1956 ...
... Il apparaît que l'UE exerce sa puissance principalement par la norme, mais sans volonté réelle RFA-Israël (1949-1956 RFA-Israël (1949-1956 RFA-Israël (1949-1956 ...
Nous mettons en exergue dans cette thèse le concept de système européen en politique étrangère (SEPE) comme outil pertinent afin d’analyser la politique étrangère européenne telle qu’elle fonctionne, et non pas telle qu’elle devrait fonctionner. Le SEPE – composé des politiques étrangères des États membres et de l’action extérieure de l’UE – met en valeur le dynamisme de la gouvernance européenne, issu des interactions entre ses différents agents et leur utilisation des normes européennes. A travers le SEPE, nous démontrons que la politique étrangère commune face à la solution de deux États s’explique par les usages que fait l’UE3 – la France, l’Allemagne et le Royaume-Uni – de l’UE en politique étrangère. Ces usages sont au nombre de trois : fonctionnel, réaliste et normatif. Nous montrons que l’adoption puis la promotion de la solution de deux Etats résultent de la manière dont ils se saisissent de l’UE afin de répondre à un contexte international difficile, de la Déclaration de Copenhague de 1973 au vote à l’Assemblée générale des Nations unies de 2012 concernant le statut de la Palestine. Le déploiement et test de divers outils de politique étrangère, tels que la position d’envoyé spécial en 1996, illustrent l’usage fonctionnel de l’UE. Les usages normatif et réaliste de l’UE envers les Palestiniens rendent compte de l’adoption de normes financières et politiques très contraignantes, reflétant les intérêts communs de l’UE3. Ces mêmes usages leur permettent de promouvoir la reconnaissance de l’Etat d’Israël, et d’autre part, de privilégier leurs intérêts stratégiques avec Israël au niveau bilatéral grâce à l’expression d’un linkage politique au niveau communautaire.
... A few years later, Hofstadter further enriched this discussion, recognizing that the "paranoid style", which was centered on the obsession with a great conspiracy, was a recurring trait in American political tradition, from the People's Party to Senator McCarthy and Barry Goldwater (Hosftadter 1964). Many authoritative scholars, such as Robert Dahl (1956), Daniel Bell (1955), William Kornhauser (1959) and Seymour M. Lipset (1960), contributed to the progressive expansion of the notion of populism, following a trajectory that was similar to that indicated by Hofstadter. For example, Dahl outlined a theoretical model of "populist democracy" as opposed to "Madisonian democracy" (Dahl 1956). ...
... Many authoritative scholars, such as Robert Dahl (1956), Daniel Bell (1955), William Kornhauser (1959) and Seymour M. Lipset (1960), contributed to the progressive expansion of the notion of populism, following a trajectory that was similar to that indicated by Hofstadter. For example, Dahl outlined a theoretical model of "populist democracy" as opposed to "Madisonian democracy" (Dahl 1956). In clearer terms, however, Bell and Lipset, always more or less explicitly adopting McCarthyism as a paradigm, understood populism as a threat to pluralism and as a phenomenon that had many elements in common with the right-wing authoritarian movements that had given rise to the fascist regimes (Bell 1955). ...
This article proposes a “genealogical” rereading of the concept of “populism”. Following the idea of “genealogical” analysis that was suggested by Michel Foucault, the aim is to show the “political” logic of the reinvention of the concept of “populism”, which was carried out between the 1950s and 1960s by the social sciences in the United States. First, this contribution reconstructs the history of the concept, identifying five different phases: (1) Russian populism of the late nineteenth century; (2) the Popular Party in the United States; (3) the Perón and Vargas regimes in Argentina and Brazil, respectively; (4) the reformulation carried out by the social sciences in the 1950s and 1960s; and (5) the subsequent extension of the concept to Western Europe. It is argued that the decisive turning point took place in the 1950s when the social sciences “grouped” the traits of heterogeneous movements into a single theoretical category.
... Se busca con ello establecer un conjunto de metas ideales que deben ser satisfechas al máximo por un régimen determinado para calificar de democrático. En contraste, el enfoque minimalista consiste en observar una sola clase de fenómenos, común a todos los Estados, naciones y organizaciones que comúnmente los científicos políticos llaman democráticos, para examinarlos y descubrir las condiciones necesarias y suficientes para que una organización política pueda ser llamada democrática (Dahl R. A., 2006(Dahl R. A., [1956). Para intentar marcar la diferencia entre la definición maximizante o normativa de democracia, de un lado, y la mínima o descriptiva, Dahl acuñó el término "poliarquía." ...
... Se busca con ello establecer un conjunto de metas ideales que deben ser satisfechas al máximo por un régimen determinado para calificar de democrático. En contraste, el enfoque minimalista consiste en observar una sola clase de fenómenos, común a todos los Estados, naciones y organizaciones que comúnmente los científicos políticos llaman democráticos, para examinarlos y descubrir las condiciones necesarias y suficientes para que una organización política pueda ser llamada democrática (Dahl R. A., 2006(Dahl R. A., [1956). Para intentar marcar la diferencia entre la definición maximizante o normativa de democracia, de un lado, y la mínima o descriptiva, Dahl acuñó el término "poliarquía." ...
Sin duda alguna, una investigación en torno al desencanto de la democracia resulta, no solo oportuna, sino pertinente, debido a que se han vuelto cotidianas las contravenciones e inconsistencias flagrantes sobre sus principios básicos; también son noticia diaria las manifestaciones públicas con las que las poblaciones a lo largo del planeta intentan exigir el respeto a este sistema político, percibido globalmente como el más acertado.
No obstante, un análisis en torno a la democracia entraña también dificultades, relacionadas, por una parte, con el gran número de temas importantes estrechamente asociados a ella, y por otra, con recabar información estadística relativamente objetiva, sobre cómo se percibe la presencia de sus principios y valores a nivel nacional.
Consecuentemente, y con respecto al discurrir democrático en los años recientes en Colombia, centramos el análisis en torno a seis temas: a) encanto vs desencanto b) desigualdades socioeconómicas c) conflicto armado d) personalismos políticos e) corrupción y f) la protesta social. Los criterios para su selección y el orden en que los presentamos responden a que iniciamos este análisis preguntándonos si el desencanto en torno a la democracia en Colombia proviene de un encantamiento previo o si más bien es la extensión de un desencantamiento constante en la historia de este país. Seguidamente, ofrecemos algunos datos y reflexiones sobre el contexto de desigualdad socioeconómica que en Colombia ha sido de muy larga duración y con implicaciones en otras esferas, como la política; de allí, que se relacione estrechamente con nuestro tercer tema, el conflicto armado, del cual las desigualdades fueron causa y han sido consecuencia. Luego, el tema de los personalismos políticos, en el caso del expresidente Álvaro Uribe, responde al papel fundamental que jugó no solo en términos del escalamiento de esta guerra interna, sino también de lo funcional que dicha guerra le resultó a su forma particular de gobierno y a sus políticas y a la influencia que aun mantiene en el gobierno. La creciente presencia del fenómeno de la corrupción en diversos ámbitos de la realidad colombiana, y con profundas consecuencias políticas, es el tema que antecede a nuestro tema final, las recientes movilizaciones populares especialmente porque, aunque se iniciaron debido a un incidente de corrupción en una de las Universidades colombianas, han terminado recogiendo una gran variedad de demandas sobre los principales problemas que agobian a la población colombiana.
En términos de la información estadística, acudimos a varias bases de datos: V-Dem (2020), porque ofrece las series de tiempo más largas, aunque su información es recabada solamente por expertos en el tema; el ‘Barómetro de las Américas - LAPOP’ (2018) pues, a partir de una muestra representativa a nivel nacional de 1.663 personas, abordó con mayor precisión una serie de variables nuestro particular interés, como las relacionadas con los personalismos políticos y la protesta social. Además, ya contamos también con algunos resultados de la versión 2020, aunque todavía no haya acceso a las bases de datos; y también acudimos a la ‘Encuesta de Cultura Política y Ciudadana’ (2019) del Departamento Nacional de Estadística (DANE), que ofrece la base de datos más reciente y que, además de indagar por la satisfacción con la democracia y los procesos electorales, entre varios otros, tomó información de una muestra nacional de 31.813 personas representativas de todos los estratos socioeconómicos de la población urbana y rural. A lo largo del análisis, y en algunos casos, también pusimos de presente algunas dificultades importantes que conlleva tanto la toma, como la interpretación de los datos estadísticos de un tema tan complejo.
... Madisonian democracy is depicted as a government set up to prevent tyrannies of the majority (Dahl 1956). It does that through a complex process of dividing up and checking political power to place limits upon the ability of a majority to suppress the rights of a minority. ...
The United States at least since World War II was recognized as the most importantdemocratic state in the world. Both by way of it internal governance and foreign policy actions,the US stood as the leader and champion of global democracy, often acting in ways to encouragedemocratization and democracy building. America was able to do that because of its economic,military, and diplomatic supremacy in the world. Yet in the last two decades several factors bothinternal to US politics and across the globe have made it increasingly difficult for the US to serve as arole model for democracy. This Article looks at some of these factors and discusses the consequencesregarding why the fragile state of American democracy should matter across the world.
... In a survey, it is impossible to distinguish intense and stable opinions from weak and fickle ones. Already in the 20 th Century, Dahl (1956) questioned precisely what would happen if the minority preferred their own alternative much more passionately than the majority preferred the opposite alternative. Eventually, there is another challenge related to the sequence of questions (and overdetermination) as Schuman and Presser (1981) already pointed out many years ago. ...
DILECTINGS (Digital Literature Educational Competences for Teachers: Intercultural Inclusive Good Practices) is a European Key Action 2 Project that explores digital literature teaching. Digital literature—literature intended as authentic materials with cultural value—is an engaging and interactive narrative form delivered via digital media, that encompasses the language of books, films, web pages, radio, among others. This paper aims to present a preliminary questionnaire to explore the needs of primary and secondary teachers in terms of digital literature literacy and literature digital reading. This article will show the questionnaire design process to carry out a proper needs analysis.
... Amsden (1997) maintained that, after the Nigerian independence in 1960, many bilateral and multilateral donor partners have responded to the development needs of the country by way of intervening in developmental programmes and projects. Anam, (2014) argued that, the micro-project programmes (MPP6) as a poverty alleviation strategy initiative has raised people's productivity and creativity and enhanced entrepreneurship and technological advancement. In addition, it plays a very crucial role in securing economic and social progress and improving income distribution in Cross River State (Becker, 2008). ...
The study examined the role of selected international donor agencies in the development of Delta and Edo States. Since the colonial era, some policies and programmes within national development plans have been formulated to address the peculiarities of the region; minority status, agitations and perceived marginalization of the people of the Niger Delta, while the general objective of the study was to examined the role of selected international donor agencies in the development of the Niger Delta Region with a focus on Delta and Edo States. The study adopted the ex-post facto research design. Data were acquired by administering questionnaire among the residents of study area using random sampling method and descriptive statistics was used to explain the frequencies of variables being expressed in percentages The findings of the study revealed that identified corruption and bad governance, political and ethnic interest in developmental projects, climatic factors, poor infrastructural foundations and the expanding insecurity as critical developmental challenges affecting the survival of projects and programmes in the oil producing states. Some recommendations were made: International donor agencies should intensify more effort to formulate policies and programmes to address developmental challenges in Delta and Edo States; International donor agencies should design programme to broaden the knowledge of leaders in the states; Delta and Edo states government should give the international donor agencies free hand to work and execute projects in the states; execution and citing of project should not be based on political influence, donor interest, but driven out of the crucial needs of the people.
... They reshuffle power balances, mechanisms of political representation and political cultures. Perhaps most profoundly, territorial changes redefine the local demos and establish a new point of reference for the "local citizenship" (Dahl 1956;Andrew & Goldsmith 1998;Bauböck 2003). ...
... This suggests a decision to issue a disruptive policy may be easier to make in an authoritarian regime. From another perspective, democratic governments tend to promote citizen freedoms and choices (e.g., [55]), while authoritarian governments limit them (e.g., [56]). This, again, indicates that authoritarian regimes may be more likely to limit citizens' choices by issuing a SAHO than democratic regimes. ...
COVID-19 has sickened and killed millions of people globally. Conventional non-pharmaceutical interventions, particularly stay-at-home orders (SAHOs), though effective for limiting the spread of disease have significantly disrupted social and economic systems. The effects also have been dramatic in Africa, where many states are already vulnerable due to their developmental status. This study is designed to test hypotheses derived from the public health policymaking literature regarding the roles played by medical and political factors as well as social, economic, and external factors in African countries’ issuance of SAHOs in response to the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic. Using event history analysis, this study analyzed these five common factors related to public health policy to determine their impact on African states’ varying decisions regarding the issuance of SAHOs. The results of this analysis suggest that medical factors significantly influenced decisions as did factors external to the states, while the role of political factors was limited. Social and economic factors played no discernible role. Overall, this study suggests how African leaders prioritized competing factors in the early stages of a public health crisis.
... Los principios de la democracia se fundamentan en la igualdad como uno de los pilares transversales que deben regir los diferentes aspectos de la sociedad (Dahl, 1956). En el Perú, las poblaciones indígenas conforman uno de los sectores históricamente subrepresentados y en situación de vulnerabilidad. ...
La democracia inclusiva se ve afectada en contextos donde proliferan barreras estructurales que limitan el acceso a la participación y representación de grupos en particular, en este caso: mujeres indígenas. Desde la interseccionalidad, la participación efectiva en los diversos ámbitos de representación se encuentra expuesta a obstáculos como las desigualdades socioeconómicas, discriminación y acoso que condicionan el desarrollo político de la mujer indígena.
A partir del análisis de la I Encuesta Nacional a Candidaturas Congresales en 2020, se busca mostrar el estado de participación de las mujeres peruanas, considerando que las identidades étnicas pueden significar barreras adicionales para ejercer plenamente sus derechos políticos en procesos electorales, en donde una de cada tres candidatas mujeres de este estudio se autoidentificó como indígena.
... Os resultados aqui encontrados podem incidir mais luz sobre essa questão. Àqueles se opõem aos requisitos mínimos de democracia liberal (DAHL, 2006;WELZEL 2013;SILVA, 2021) são chamados de autoritários, seguindo Moreno (2019). Para essa avaliação são utilizados dados do Lapop. ...
Resumo: O objetivo principal é contrapor duas técnicas de extração de fatores. A análise fatorial confirmatória é confrontada frente à análise dos componentes principais. Inspirado em um trabalho que comparara as técnicas (FABRIGAR et al., 1999), fez-se uso de bancos de dados de 2018/2019 para contrastar as duas técnicas na construção de fatores de opinião pública para o Brasil. As questões avaliadas referem-se a dimensão de apoio ao regime democrático e a economia, em ambos os métodos foram encontrados dois fatores. As diferenças encontradas, apontam para desempenho melhor do PCA quando se leva em consideração os autovalores, já o AFC sai-se melhor quando observado a controversa estatística RMSR. Conclui-se ressaltando a complementariedade das técnicas, bem como o fato de que o processo de extrair fatores, quando tem objetivos acadêmicos, não pode prescindir de teoria bem elaborada.
... Through elections, voters choose among politicians or parties that represent their interests. This system of governance resembles the market in many ways, with the voter as the customer and the politicians as the entrepreneurs "selling" packages of political goods (Dahl, 1956;Macpherson, 1979). ...
The aim of the article is to discuss how and to what extent co-creation
has the capacity to strengthen democratic legitimacy. By distinguishing between output-based and input-based co-creation, and by discussing types of legitimacy in relation to deliberative, participatory, and representative conceptions of democracy, the article points to potentials and pitfalls inherent in the idea of co-creation. Four examples from Denmark and Norway are used to illustrate the argument. In conclusion, the article points to main challenges associated with co-creation which deserves more research—particularly inequality of individual resources and the clash with
the party-political system.
... A participação e envolvimento de uma miríade de agentes na formulação da Política Pública constitui-se como uma componente de destaque no paradigma da governação (Kooiman, 2002;Rhodes, 1996), por oposição ao paradigma do governo. Stoker (1998) (Dahl, 1956), nomeadamente dos governos locais (Michels & De Graaf, 2010). As práticas participativas apoiam a materialização dos direitos e competências de cidadania dos indivíduos, podendo ser entendidas por um prisma de justiça social. ...
A construção de instrumentos de política educativa local (Cartas Educativas e Planos Estratégicos Educativos Municipais) tem sido reforçada com a participação de atores da comunidade educativa, em várias etapas do processo. Apenas deste modo é possível construir documentos orientadores da política e planeamento educativos, com significado para a comunidade local, validados e apropriados por esta. Contudo, a pandemia Covid-19, por via das restrições à circulação e reunião de pessoas, colocou severos constrangimentos à condução dos processos de participação como até então tinham sido realizados. Assente em experiências empíricas de formulação de instrumentos de política educativa local, o artigo narra a transição dos processos de participação para os palcos digitais, explorando as oportunidades e desafios decorrentes desta alteração forçada pelo contexto pandémico. Inevitavelmente, serão abordadas as novas prioridades da política educativa que adquirem um novo papel na visão do que deve ser a escola e a Educação, consequentemente alterando os próprios contributos dos agentes nos processos de participação.
... Os resultados aqui encontrados podem incidir mais luz sobre essa questão. Àqueles se opõem aos requisitos mínimos de democracia liberal (DAHL, 2006;WELZEL 2013;SILVA, 2021) são chamados de autoritários, seguindo Moreno (2019). Para essa avaliação são utilizados dados do Lapop. ...
Aceito para publicação. Essa versão é a segunda enviada. Pré-print
script e análises = https://github.com/gregorioCPcG/FatorialCADECS_2021
RESUMO O objetivo principal é contrapor duas técnicas de extração de fatores. A análise fatorial confirmatória é confrontada frente à análise dos componentes principais. Inspirado em um trabalho que comparara as técnicas (FABRIGAR et al., 1999), fez-se uso de bancos de dados de 2018/2019 para contrastar as duas técnicas na construção de fatores de opinião pública para o Brasil. As questões avaliadas referem-se a dimensão de apoio ao regime democrático e a economia, em ambos os métodos foram encontrados dois fatores. As diferenças encontradas, apontam para desempenho melhor do PCA quando se leva em consideração os autovalores, já o AFC sai-se melhor quando observado a controversa estatística RMSR. Conclui-se ressaltando a complementariedade das técnicas, bem como o fato de que o processo de extrair fatores, quando tem objetivos acadêmicos, não pode prescindir de teoria bem elaborada.
... In particular, the five criteria for an ideal democratic process outlined by Dahl (1989)-effective participation, voting equality at the decisive stage, enlightened understanding of the problems, control of the agenda, and inclusiveness-are useful to determine whether DMS contributes to increase political equality within the demos. Dahl (1956Dahl ( , 1989Dahl ( , 2006 defines the concept of political equality in both substantive and procedural terms, allowing us to gauge whether a DDI satisfies norms and values that go beyond the norm of efficiency. Dahl's (1989) first criterion-the effective participation of citizens in the decisionmaking process-rests upon the notion that citizens must have an adequate and equal opportunity to participate in decisions that affect their well-being and interests (p. ...
The more digital democracy applications lower the costs of political participation, allowing ordinary citizens to propose their own policy initiatives, the more they increase the burden of decision for the very same citizens, who are required to debate and vote on many issues. Drawing from this paradox, this article considers how the designers and administrators of six popular decision-making software (DMS) have introduced software features and norms of use whose function is to reduce the aggregate burden of decision for participants in digital democracy initiatives (DDIs). Building upon Andrew Feenberg’s definition of the design code of technology as a technical stabilization of social demands, this article considers how different DMS stabilize the democratic interventions of a plurality of actors, affecting political equality along two axes of the democratic process: the relationship between the exchange of opinions and the synthesis of opinion and the relationship between agenda setting and voting. This article concludes that the design code of digital democracy software reflects an ongoing tension between the need of governing actors to make the democratic process manageable and the pressure of social actors to make it more equal and inclusive.
... Another place to find the centrality nodal point is in the pluralist school of democratic theory, whose authors (Dahl, 1956;Parsons, 1959;Truman, 1951) articulated the state as the key guarantor of political freedoms that mediates and adjudicates between the demands of multiple groups in society (Held, 2006). In pluralist models, the state is articulated as a system of checks and balances between the strictly separate branches of government and the bureaucracy. ...
The article brings Laclau and Mouffe's discourse theory into the empirical context of contemporary Russia to analyse the complex relationships between the state and alternative media. In contrast to the mainstream narrative that paints the picture of a strong authoritarian state with a grip over democratic liberties and civil society, we suggest a more nuanced perspective on the subject that focuses on the struggle over the articulation of the identity of the state. Through an ethnography (combined with interviews and textual analysis) of three Russian alternative media outlets-Avtonom, Discours and DOXA-this article demonstrates how they critique the hegemonic state discourse, how they evade it through their practices, and how they perform counter-hegemonic alternatives. Even if their resistance is severely countered by the state, their practices are seen to de-naturalise the nodal points of centrality and unity which constitute the hegemonic state discourse. As these practices contain alternative articulations of the state discourse, the importance of alternative media for rethinking the state (and resisting it) should not be underestimated.
... A defence of democracy against populism is usually a defence of the liberal, parliamentary, competitive (see Strömbäck, 2005) and elitist (see Schumpeter, 1942;Baker, 2002) democracy we live in in most Western European countries. A defence of populism, however, is often at heart a critique of the workings of liberal democracy and is usually accompanied by a plea for a more radical or agonistic (Laclau and Mouffe, 1985), deliberative (see Strömbäck, 2005) or even populist democracy (see Dahl, 2006). ...
Bringing together discourse theory, populism studies and media studies, this article provides a theorization of how politics, academia and media come together and influence each other, and how meanings travel across these different spheres, become transformed, reinforced or don’t get through at all. ‘Populism’ serves at the same time as a key concept and as an example to study a hegemonic struggle where media, politics and academia play a role. As a starting point, the visions of democracy that can be found in academic literature on populism are discussed. This paper then moves towards the media sphere and looks at how academics intervene in mainstream media. For this working paper I analyzed articles mentioning ‘populism’ in Belgian quality newspapers, building on the assessment of the academic field of populism research. How do these academic visions translate into the discourse of populism in (Belgian) newspapers? How is academic knowledge discussed by journalists? Which role do academics take up in the public debate?
... O autor argumenta que devem existir certas características da organização social capazes de tornar as poliarquias democráticas factíveis (Dahl,1989). Na sua visão, as principais características da organização social dos países que se encaixariam na definição de poliarquia são: altos níveis de renda; expansão constante de renda; altos índices de urbanização; pequena população rural; alta percentagem de indivíduos detentores do grau universitário; economia orientada predominantemente para o mercado; indicadores de bem-estar geral, tais como alta expectativa de vida e baixos índices de mortalidade infantil (Dahl, 1989). Uma sociedade que dispõe de tais características, poderia ser definida então, como uma sociedade na qual o poder e influência estariam bem distribuídos. ...
... Populism is a topic of long-standing interest (Adorno et al., 1950) and often but not always (Issac, 2012, p. 863) viewed as a potential threat to liberal democracy, contributing to the rise of RWAP (Norris & Inglehart, 2019, p. 3;Rockman, 2019;see Cizmar et al., 2014;Dahl, 1956Dahl, , 1971). According to Mudde and Kaltwasser (2017, p. 6), populism is a "thin-centered ideology" (unlike more intellectually developed ideologies such as socialism, liberalism, and fascism) . . . ...
The rise of right-wing authoritarianism and populism (RWAP) challenges modern democratic governance and the legitimacy of a career-service, nonpartisan, merit-based public administration—hallmarks of modern democratic institutions. Using citizen survey data collected for the first two years of the Trump presidency, this study finds that some core features of RWAP are negatively related to confidence in public administration. Generally speaking, the populist tendency appears to be a significant source of negative affect toward public administration.
... Por tanto, para este modelo la participación ampliada de la ciudadanía no tiene importancia, más por el contrario implicaría un peligro para la estabilidad del sistema político democrático. En esta orientación, R. Dahl (1956) considera que en una teoría moderna de democracia, la igualdad política no debe ser entendida como la igualdad de control y poder político entre los diferentes grupos constitutivos de la sociedad, sino la igualdad política para él se refiere a la existencia del derecho al sufragio universal, con su sanción o incentivo a través de la competencia electoral por los votos de los ciudadanos. Por ello, él sostiene que cuanto mayor sea el número de ciudadanos que participen en el proceso electoral el régimen o el gobierno será más representativo, reduciendo así la participación política de la ciudadanía, únicamente, al uso del derecho de voto. ...
... "A central aim of his study is to distinguish between mass tendencies and pluralistic tendencies in modern society, and to show how pluralism, but not mass conditions, supports liberal democracy" and along with this "a second aim of his study is to show how variations in the character of the individual"s social relations influence his receptivity or resistance to the appeals of totalitarianism" (Kornhauser, 1977, p. 15). Robert A. Dahl introduces the term "populist democracy" where government guarantees political equality and absolute sovereignty of the majority (Dahl, 2006). Ernesto Laclau in his book Politics and Ideology in Marxist Theory: Capitalism, Fascism and Populism develops a new theoretical approach to study populism. ...
Democracy is often equated with voting, an assumption shared by many defenders, reformers, and critics of liberal democracy. This article explores the origins of the idea of the centrality of voting in democracy, arguing that current thinking about liberal democracy is heavily influenced by a nearly forgotten tradition of plebiscitary democracy. Originally conceived with a reverence for personalist leadership, this tradition sought to tame democracy. The article outlines three key stages in the development of the plebiscitary theory of voting. In the 19th century, the Bonapartist regime in France embraced the expansion of suffrage as a means to solidify monarchical power through popular acclamations. In the interwar period, thinkers such as Max Weber and Carl Schmitt, reflecting on the American and French mass voting experiences, developed a plebiscitary interpretation of voting and suggested a normative justification for a synthesis of democracy and monarchy. Later, plebiscitary theory influenced political science and its techniques for measuring democracy, notably through Joseph Schumpeter’s minimalist view, which, as argued here, was shaped by plebiscitarian intuitions. The focus on elections and plebiscites is unlikely to revive democracy; instead, it may pave the way for powerful monarchical leaders who claim to rely on popular will.
Undoubtedly, election is the cardinal defining characteristic of a democracy since the legitimacy of democratic governments anchors heavily on the contest of elections, which must be free, fair, and regular. Notably, the conduct of elections in Nigeria often suffers from a number of organizational and administrative shortcomings which in turn affects the nature, degree of transparency of the electoral process and its eventual outcomes. This paper focused on Nigeria’s 2023 elections using a historical and descriptive investigative approach, with pertinent data drawn from documentary sources and analysed within the context of democratic theory. Obviously, though there was intensive preparation by INEC and a significant improvement in the conduct of the elections, especially with implementation of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and INEC Result Viewing (IReV) portal, the outcome of the polls was a dashed hope for Nigerians. The election was marred by electoral violence, voters’ suppression, ethnic politics, low voter turnout and insufficient technology. Lessons from the election indicate that guaranteeing electoral credibility requires concerted and determined effort, since technology alone cannot ensure it. Accordingly, the paper recommended, among other things, a thorough evaluation of the 2023 elections by INEC to identify operational flaws and remedy them effectively to restore citizens’ dashed hopes; unbundling of the commission and some of its responsibilities delegated to other institutions; undertaking continuous reforms towards conducting credible and acceptable elections founded on democratic principles and aimed at achieving electoral integrity and satisfying the expectations of electorates in future elections. Keywords: Citizens’ participation, democratic governance, electoral norms, periodic elections
Research shows that political parties are not equally responsive to the general public opinion and to their party voters’ preferences. This study aims to explore this discrepancy in the context of politicians’ perceptions of public opinion, recognising that the knowledge that politicians possess about public opinion is an important route for political representation. Are politicians better at perceiving the public opinion or their party voters’ opinion? Departing from the approach of examining only one type of perception, this research investigates why some politicians have a more national-oriented pattern of perception, while others adopt a party-oriented pattern. Drawing on the literature on party responsiveness, this study develops and tests hypotheses regarding the role of party characteristics. Using survey data survey data from Belgium and Germany, the analysis reveals that, overall, party characteristics have a limited impact on MPs’ perceptions of public opinion. However, a notable exception is intra-party democracy, which increases of politicians’ propensity to better perceive the opinions of their own party voters compared to those of the general public.
The article attempts to answer whether, and if so, to what extent, the withdrawal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the European Union (the so-called Brexit) impacted the British model of democracy. The starting point for the analysis is the famous classification of Arend Lijphart, who distinguished two main models of democracy – Westminster and consensus – identifying the United Kingdom as a prime example of the first of them. Using the method of institutional and legal analysis and the historical method, the author tries to prove the thesis that Brexit has shaken the foundations of the majoritarian democracy in the United Kingdom. However, the transformations of this model are not a new phenomenon, as they are part of the trend of changes occurring in this country, at least since the end of the 1990s. The article also proves the thesis that the serious political and systemic tensions to which Brexit – for very different reasons – led can be treated as temporary, as there is little indication that these tensions would permanently undermine the foundations of the Westminster model of democracy in the United Kingdom.
Growing up in China while educated in Japan and the US, the author has in the past few decades both witnessed and actively participated in the historical process of legal transformations in contemporary China. Through a series of academic contributions, as well as meetings, activities and memberships with policymakers and practitioners, the author has spared no effort in applying his theoretical scholarship to real, concrete practices. He has made significant contributions to the building of a rule-of-law system in China, with great social influences. The publishing of this book is to share with English-speaking readers his insights, experiences, and practices related to the institutional undertaking of building the rule of law in China. It offers a legal perspective on some of the cutting-edge issues in our society at large (e.g. risk and uncertainty, AI network, the COVID-19 pandemic, and big data).
This chapter makes a case for applying a masculinities lens to understand multiple forms of violence in conflict and nonconflict settings. It discusses how violence is tied to inequalities, marginalization, patriarchal and other power structures, masculinities, and young men’s identities. It further examines how those dynamics shape the differential impact of conflict on females versus males and individuals of other gender identities. Further, it brings an intersectional understanding of how ethnicity, social class, and masculinities interact in conflict and high-violence settings, addressing the cases of Brazil and the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo.
The “property question” is the constitutional question of whether a society’s basic resources are to be publicly or privately owned—that is, whether these basic resources are to be available to private owners, perhaps subject to tax and regulation, or are instead to be retained in joint public ownership and managed by democratic processes. James Madison’s approach represents a case in which prior holdings are taken for granted, and the property question itself is kept off of the political agenda. By contrast, John Rawls’s approach abstracts from any actual pattern of holdings, while putting the property question on the political agenda, but at a particular place. This paper compares and contrasts the two approaches. Two unpublished lectures by Rawls—one of them directed at Madison—are included as an appendix.
As part of the local government, the Participatory Budget of Lisbon is a tool of engagement and democratic citizenship of the Municipality, with almost 13 years of history and 11 editions. From this perspective, it is important to assess how it is framed in the public administration, what are its main characteristics, how it has innovated, how can its mechanisms fight the exclusion and what are the main weaknesses of the process in terms of sustainability. To this end, a theoretical framework was developed in the first two chapters with the aim of, in first, identifying the dimensions, principles, implications, and weaknesses of the participation concept, into which the notion of inclusion is than added, and, in second, characterizing participatory budgets in general, with special focus on their actors and on their sustainability as a process developed by the local administration, in order to enter the Participatory Budget of Lisbon’s case. After the initial framework, the project continues with the presentation of its methodological plan, the presentation of the results and its discussion, concluding that the process has several weaknesses in terms of sustainability and exclusion of actors who are normally underrepresented, and finally pointing out some ways to strengthen its levels sustainability and inclusion.
The USA has a complex political system prone to “divided government”, which has become highly polarized in recent years. The reasons for this extend further and deeper than party diversification or rising populism. This book provides an original contribution encompassing the US polity and its overall development. The author explores how the US constitution has predisposed branches and levels of government to multiple forms of separation of power and constituency; and how developments in democratic and federal government over time have fostered more competition, diffusion, and decoupling, despite earlier trends to more cross-branch and cross-level cooperation. The book thus addresses a multifaceted inquiry, interrogating and conceptualizing the connections between institutions, ideas, and political development, while exploring the interlinkage between the institutional parameters of multidimensional division of powers, constitutional political ideas and their contestation, and the limitation of the state in the US federal democratic system.
Tensions of American Federal Democracy uses an original analytical framework combined with comparative perspectives – including those of other modern federal democracies – to explore the jigsaw puzzle that is the state of American federal democracy.
Cette thèse porte sur l’évolution de la participation électorale des habitants des quartiers populaires depuis 1999. En France, après les émeutes de 2005, ces quartiers ont été marqués par une forte hausse de l’inscription et de la participation lors de l’élection présidentielle de 2007. Pourtant ils cumulent les caractéristiques susceptibles d’éloigner leurs habitants du vote. C’est ce paradoxe que la thèse cherche à expliquer. Pour y parvenir, elle croise plusieurs champs théoriques (sociologie urbaine, sociologie/géographie électorale, action publique) dans une perspective comparative, analysant ces évolutions électorales dans les périphéries marginalisées de Paris, Madrid et Birmingham. L’hypothèse centrale est celle d’une inclusion politique croissante des habitants des quartiers populaires français. La méthodologie est mixte, croisant analyse de données agrégées resituant le contexte, données de sondage, entretiens avec des habitants des quartiers marginalisés, observations de bureaux de vote en région parisienne et analyse des politiques d’incitation au vote. Les résultats montrent qu’il n’y a pas de fatalité à la non-participation des périphéries urbaines marginalisées. Enfin dans les trois pays les dispositifs d’incitation au vote influencent de façon très inégale l’évolution des comportements politiques. Les politiques publiques généralistes inspirées par la tradition républicaine se révèlent être plus mobilisatrices que les actions ciblées menées au Royaume Uni à destination de groupes sociaux ou de quartiers particuliers.
Transitional Justice (TJ) focuses on the processes of dealing with the legacy of large-scale past abuses (in the aftermath of traumatic experiences such as war or authoritarianism) with the aim of fostering domestic justice and creating the basis for a sustainable peace. TJ however also entails the problem of how a torn society may be able to become a self-determining member of a just international order. This paper presents a minimal conception of TJ, which departs from Rawls' conception of normative stability of the international order, which suggests disentangling the two goals of fostering democracy within torn societies and TJ itself. The scope of TJ is therefore limited to enabling these societies to create minimal internal conditions for joining a just international order on equal footing. This paper makes an original contribution to two different debates, namely normative research on TJ, and post-Rawlsian literature in general. First, it provides a new direction for normative theorizing about TJ which takes both its domestic and international dimensions seriously into consideration. Second, it extends Rawls' political liberal outlook to an area where it is not usually understood to apply.
Even before the invention of modern democracy, political theorists have warned about the dangers of ‘majoritarian tyrannies.’ While the concept has been perennially suspicious of serving as an antidemocratic stratagem, I propose to revalue it as an antipopulist tool of horizontal accountability among citizens (‘demos accountability’). Subverting the populist narrative of popular unity and virtue, it allows aggrieved minorities to call their majoritarian fellow citizens to account for the injustices they help to produce. Given its metaphorical quality, however, its rootedness in the image of the personal tyrant, the idea of majoritarian tyranny carries deep democratic ambiguities. To recognize these ambiguities, I argue, we need to resist the suggestive power of its animating metaphor and take the empirical complexities of its logical building blocks seriously: the exercise of tyranny, the exclusive targeting of minorities, and collective action by the majority. My stepwise analytical reconstruction of these three constitutive elements of majoritarian tyrannies reveals two metaphorical pitfalls that threaten the democratic fertility of the concept: its vilifying and its simplifying assumptions.
Electoral autocracies – regimes that adopt democratic institutions but subvert them to rule as dictatorships – have become the most widespread, resilient and malignant non-democracies today. They have consistently ruled over a third of the countries in the world, including geopolitically significant states like Russia, Turkey, Venezuela, Egypt, Indonesia, Nigeria and Pakistan. Challenging conventional wisdom, Popular Dictators shows that the success of electoral authoritarianism is not due to these regimes' superior capacity to repress, bribe, brainwash and manipulate their societies into submission, but is actually a product of their genuine popular appeal in countries experiencing deep political, economic and security crises. Promising efficient, strong-armed rule tempered by popular accountability, elected strongmen attract mass support in societies traumatized by turmoil, dysfunction and injustice, allowing them to rule through the ballot box. Popular Dictators argues that this crisis legitimation strategy makes electoral authoritarianism the most significant threat to global peace and democracy.
The article explores how the European populist radical right uses references to rights and freedoms in its political discourse. By relying on the findings of the existing research and applying the discourse-historical approach to electoral speeches by Marine Le Pen and Jarosław Kaczyński, the leaders of two very dissimilar EU PRR parties, the Rassemblement National and the Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, the article abductively develops a functional typology of references to rights and freedoms commonly used in discourses of European PRR parties: it suggests that PRR discourses in Europe feature references to the right to sovereignty, citizens' rights, social rights, and economic rights. Such references are used as a coherent discursive strategy to construct social actors following the PRR ideological core of nativism, authoritarianism, and populism. As the PRR identifies itself with the people, defined along nativist and populist lines, rights are always attributed to it. The PRR represents itself as the defender of the people and its rights, while the elites and the aliens are predicated to threaten the people and its rights. References to rights in PRR discourses intrinsically link the individual with the collective, which allows to construct and promote a populist model of ethnic democracy.
This article analyzes the quality of democracy in the state of Sinaloa. The objective is to provide an overview of the current status of the democratic dimensions in the state, and to analyze the performance of some democratic institutions and political actors. It detects the illiberal structures and practices that persist and permeate life in Sinaloa in political competition, electoral integrity, political and economic elites, and organized crime. The analysis and evidence presented show an unbalanced evolution among dimensions of democracy, along with a complex juxtaposition of democratic institutional and political changes. There is a permanence, and to some extent, entrenchment, of illiberal practices and structures that allow democratic advances only a limited influence, and that halt or decelerate democratic consolidation in the state. Este artículo analiza la calidad de la democracia en el estado de Sinaloa. El objetivo es proporcionar una visión del estado actual de las dimensiones democráticas en el estado y analizar el desempeño de algunas instituciones democráticas y actores políticos. Se identifican algunas de las estructuras y prácticas iliberales que persisten y penetran la vida del estado en competencia política, integridad electoral, élites políticas y económicas y crimen organizado. El análisis y la evidencia que se presentan muestran una evolución desequilibrada entre las dimensiones de la democracia y una compleja yuxtaposición de cambios institucionales y políticos. Permanecen, y hasta cierto punto se afianzan, las prácticas y estructuras iliberales que producen que los avances democráticos tengan un impacto solo gradual, y que frenan o desaceleran la consolidación de la democracia en el estado. 本文分析了锡那罗亚州的民主质量。本文目的是概述该州民主维度的当前状态，并分析一些民主制度和政治行动者的表现。本文发现了锡那罗亚州政治竞争、选举诚信、政治精英和经济精英、以及有组织犯罪中持续存在并渗透生活的非自由主义结构及实践。分析和证据显示，民主的不同维度出现不平衡的发展，伴随着民主制度变革和政治变革的复杂并列关系。非自由主义实践及结构存在持久性，并在一定程度上根植于该州，这让民主进步仅能发挥受限的影响，并且阻止或减速该州的民主巩固过程。
The article explores how the European populist radical right uses references to rights and freedoms in its political discourse. By relying on the findings of the existing research and applying the discourse-historical approach to electoral speeches by Marine Le Pen and Jarosław Kaczyński, the leaders of two very dissimilar EU PRR parties, the Rassemblement National and the Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, the article abductively develops a functional typology of references to rights and freedoms commonly used in discourses of European PRR parties: it suggests that PRR discourses in Europe feature references to the right to sovereignty, citizens’ rights, social rights, and economic rights. Such references are used as a coherent discursive strategy to construct social actors following the PRR ideological core of nativism, authoritarianism, and populism. As the PRR identifies itself with the people, defined along nativist and populist lines, rights are always attributed to it. The PRR represents itself as the defender of the people and its rights, while the elites and the aliens are predicated to threaten the people and its rights. References to rights in PRR discourses intrinsically link the individual with the collective, which allows to construct and promote a populist model of ethnic democracy.
How can governments implement foreign economic policies that are popular among political elites but unpopular among their voters? Studying international financial rescues, we argue that governments strategically frame policies in an attempt to minimize their expected political costs, which increases their ability to implement those policies successfully. We theorize that framing strategies allow governments to offer financial bailouts, and we test the resulting hypotheses using an integrative mixed‐methods approach. We trace the underlying causal mechanism of our argument with a typical case study of the U.S. bailout of Mexico during the 1995 peso crisis, test whether a credible threat of migration increases the likelihood of bailouts using an original data set of bailouts by 36 Organisation for Economic Co‐operation and Development (OECD) countries to 108 crisis countries over a span of 40 years and analyze a central assumption of our theory with a survey experiment on over 3,000 U.S. residents.
Research shows that parties are not always responsive to their voters’ preferences. Our understanding about why and how parties sometimes intentionally cross their voters' preferences predominantly stems from theoretical accounts of party behaviour and observational studies that try to deduce considerations and strategies from party behaviour. This study aims to add novel, direct insights to this literature by interviewing nineteen party leaders and ministers in Belgium to see what argumentations they spontaneously come up with when asked to reflect on party decisions they intentionally took against the will of their voters. Reflecting on why and how they took these initiatives, we add to the literature on party responsiveness (identifying four reasons why parties ignore their voters’ preferences) and blame avoidance strategies (identifying the role of anticipated electoral sanctions and different strategies parties invoke to contain these potential losses). In short, the current study identifies the conditions under which parties deliberately pursue ideas that are not endorsed by their voters by means of in-depth interviews with key party decision-makers.
The notion of representative democracy has been an influential and relatively dominant understanding of democracy throughout the twentieth century. A growing body of scholarly literature has therefore emerged focusing on representative democracy, its institutions, and the following decision-making procedures: elections, voting, and the roles and functions of representatives. Given especially the functions of representative democracy, Jonathan R. Macey raises a crucial question of whether democracy should “serve either to legitimize or to check government”. This study aims to answer this question by examining both the concept of representation and the oft-cited definitions and understandings of representative democracy in the scholarly literature. This examination is undertaken with the perspective that democracy has two dimensions: normative and institutional dimensions. As a result of the examination, it has been revealed that while some oft-cited perspectives on the concept of representation and representative democracy regard democracy as a legitimizing factor, some regard that it has a checking function. While the legitimizing function of democracy stands as a more neutral attribution embedded in and can be shared by any understanding of (representative) democracy, the checking function has a liberal content with a normative quality.
El gran reto de la democracia moderna es la institucionalización de la participación. Desde la década de 1990, así lo han entendido distintos países latinoamericanos, que han llevado a cabo procesos constituyentes en los que la participación ocupa un papel esencial. Entre todos ellos, la Constitución colombiana de 1991 resulta pionera. Su constitucionalización de la participación marcó un camino que han seguido otros países de la región. Pero la participación es un derecho que depende de su desarrollo. En los treinta años transcurridos desde su aprobación este concepto se ha ido consolidando en Colombia a través de las leyes estatutarias de desarrollo y la jurisprudencia de la Corte Constitucional. Así se ha ido configurando un sistema participativo, complementario a la democracia representativa, donde el derecho de participación ocupa un papel fundamentalmente instrumental de refuerzo a la consecución de otros derechos fundamentales, de control y, en general, de fortalecimiento de la legitimidad de la democracia.
It is often assumed that checks and balances are effective in curbing corruption, in part because checks and balances are so often assumed to be synonymous with the separation of powers. We argue that checks and balances are only one of several potential manifestations of the separation of powers. We suggest that the apparent correlation between checks and balances and control of corruption is driven by a variety of conditions antecedent to both. Using examples from Western democracies, we demonstrate that the concept of checks and balances is by itself an empty vessel, made effective only by “hard” factors such as the balance of political forces and “soft” factors such as the adherence of elites to particular behavioral norms. This does not mean that checks and balances cannot be useful, but rather that our assumptions about their precise utility may be misinformed: the relationship between checks and balances and curbing corruption is at best indirect.
Introducción La historia de la organización de las sociedades se encuentra determinada en gran medida por su forma de comprender y dimensionar la justicia. Es una historia contingente y dinámica donde la evolución permanente no es excepción, sino característica constitutiva. Sin embargo, el inédito ritmo de las transformaciones presentes ha puesto de relieve la imposibilidad institucional de asumir la velocidad dinámica de los cambios. Hoy la palabra crisis ocupa un lugar central en la literatura especializada que intenta explicar todo orden preestablecido. El Estado se muestra incapaz de ofrecer soluciones y esto genera en la sociedad una sensación sistemática de ingobernabilidad, en donde pareciera que las democracias contemporáneas empiezan a dar cuenta del impacto de una realidad conectada y global. En la lógica de esta crisis, aparece un elemento que trasciende a todos los demás: la percepción de ilegitimidad institucional como resultado del decremento de la dimensión democrática. Este agotamiento obedece, entre otras cosas, a la deriva liberal del modelo democrático representativo que caracteriza a los Estados occidentales. El fortalecimiento de una determinada visión de los derechos humanos, el arraigo de una cultura garantista y defensiva del orden constitucional y la generalización progresiva del revisionismo judicial de la ley, son solo algunos ejemplos de esta tendencia que se percibe en detrimento del componente democrático y del principio de soberanía. En este capítulo se intenta mostrar la necesidad de recuperar la dimensión democrática del juez dentro del entramado (neo) constitucionalista vigente como premisa para aumentar su legitimación. Se propone comprender a la figura del juez desde la perspectiva de un agente activo que se asume como instrumento fundamental de interacción social y no como parte de una élite de intérpretes de la ley encerrados en sí mismos. Sobre esta perspectiva particular y las condiciones institucionales y materiales disponibles en el sistema contemporáneo para lograrlo, versará este trabajo. En este análisis se plantea la emergencia de una denominada "postsoberanía" como resultado de la fragmentación creciente del espacio público y su consecuencia directa en la incapacidad de una correcta separación de poderes. Esta fragmentación permite la
http://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/63958/1/zhao_yifeng_2009.pdf
Normative theories of democracy agree that public demand should be the main guide in policymaking. But positive theories and related empirical research disagree about the extent to which this holds true in reality. We address this debate with an empirical focus on climate change policy. Specifically, we are interested in whether observable variation in public demand for climate change mitigation can help explain variation in adopted national climate policies. Using our own data to approximate public demand, we estimate the responsiveness of policymakers to changes in public demand in six OECD countries from 1995 to 2010. We find that policymakers are responsive and react in predicted ways to variation in our opinion component of measured public demand, rather than to the mere salience of the climate issue. The effect of issue salience is strongest in combination with our opinion measure as this creates a scope for action. The results underscore the importance and usefulness of our concept and empirical measures for public demand, as well as of our disaggregated analysis of climate policy outputs in this area.
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