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Report of the Chilean National Commission on Truth and Reconciliation.
... In 1973, the nation experienced a coup d'état that resulted in a military dictatorship led by General Augusto Pinochet until 1990. During Pinochet's rule, security forces waged "a covert war of extermination against the Chilean left" and committed thousands of human rights abuses including murders, disappearances, and torture (Ensalaco, 2000, p. 20; also see Berryman, 1993). Since then, however, Chile has often been regarded as Latin America's "poster child" for development. ...
Protests erupted in many nations around the world in 2019 and 2020, some peaceful and some violent. The police response to these protests varied widely, from calm and restrained in some places to violent and repressive in others. Variations in the police response to these events are reminiscent of David Bayley’s groundbreaking comparative research on the links between policing and democracy and the fundamental role of police in shaping “the reality of freedom.” Drawing on Bayley’s scholarship, this paper examines the police response to protests in Hong Kong, Portland, and Santiago in 2019 and 2020. In all three settings, people have constitutional rights to freedom of speech and assembly. Yet when people took to the streets to challenge their governments and exercise these rights, the police response provided a useful gauge of the reality of freedom.
... In so far as the coup may not have been successful without ITT's intervention, here we have yet another example of the indispensability of capital to this brutal and totalitarian regime. The Chilean Truth and Reconciliation Commission estimated that no less than 20,000 government opponents or suspected opponents were killed or 'disappeared' by regime (Berryman, 1993). But what did the executives at ITT care, for the corporation was well rewarded by the regime, recovering a total of $235 million lost revenue and assets from the military junta (Day, 1975)? ...
Drawing upon a wide range of sources of empirical evidence, historical analysis and theoretical argument, this book shows beyond any doubt that the private, profit-making, corporation is a habitual and routine offender. The book dissects the myth that the corporation can be a rational, responsible, 'citizen'. It shows how in its present form, the corporation is permitted, licensed and encouraged to systematically kill, maim and steal for profit. Corporations are constructed through law and politics in ways that impel them to cause harm to people and the environment. In other words, criminality is part of the DNA of the modern corporation. Therefore, the authors argue, the corporation cannot be easily reformed. The only feasible solution to this 'crime' problem is to abolish the legal and political privileges that enable the corporation to act with impunity.
... It would be more noble if they were to do that. There will be reconciliation only if there is justice (Berryman 1993 In pleading for "the opportunity to forgive" the speaker makes it clear that for her, forgiveness cannot be unilateral; rather it depends upon a quality of interaction between at least two parties. ...
Book reviewed:
Fraser Watts and Liz Gulliford (eds). Forgiveness in Context: Theology and Psychology in Creative Dialogue.
... It would be more noble if they were to do that. There will be reconciliation only if there is justice (Berryman 1993 In pleading for "the opportunity to forgive" the speaker makes it clear that for her, forgiveness cannot be unilateral; rather it depends upon a quality of interaction between at least two parties. ...
This article compares Enright's cognitive-developmental model of forgiveness (Enright et al., 1989, 1991, 1992, 1994) with a model of forgiveness based on communication between the wronged and the wrongdoer. While unilateral forgiveness is unconditional and is a process which happens wholly within the person who has suffered an injustice, negotiated forgiveness requires of the wrongdoer (1) confession; (2) ownership; and (3) repentance for their actions. Unilateral forgiveness is built upon the principle of identity; in contrast, negotiated forgiveness begins with, and extends Piaget's principle of ideal reciprocity. Enright's highest stage of forgiveness reasoning is one in which considerations of social context are transcended; in the model of negotiated forgiveness, such understanding of context is central. Whereas unilateral forgiveness is a wholly intraindividual phenomenon, negotiated forgiveness is quintessentially social and dynamic. Using the example of truth and reconciliation commissions, the article examines the implications for the relationship between justice and forgiveness, according to each model. Published (author's copy) Peer Reviewed Published (author's copy) Peer Reviewed
Indigenous Water Rights in Law and Regulation - by Elizabeth Jane Macpherson August 2019
Cambridge Core - Social and Cultural Anthropology - Indigenous Water Rights in Law and Regulation - by Elizabeth Jane Macpherson
En el presente artículo se yuxtapone “verdad” y memoria en el análisis del funcionamiento de la Comisión de la Verdad y la Reconciliación en Sudáfrica (1995-2001). Especialmente se exploran las “verdades” resultantes como producto de un proceso de redeinición de ciudadanía y nación (un proyecto político de construcción-reconstrucción nacional) con cierta particularidad que conviene tener presente para poder pensarlas a la luz de similares experiencias en América Latina.
The “Dirty War,” officially called “The War against Subversion” by the Argentine military, was a campaign in the 1970s and early 1980s to eradicate extremist leftism and terrorism in that country. It mostly—though not fully—coincides with the period of military dictatorship that ruled Argentina from 1976 to 1983. The violence is often defended as the unfortunate and necessary steps taken by a regime beset by leftist attacks; it is said that the country was spiraling out of control, and a firm hand was necessary to stop leftist extremists from causing damage. However, by all accounts, the degree of state repression during that time was extreme, far outstripping the ostensible danger from terrorists. The best estimates, by newly discovered documents from within the regime itself, put the number of tortured and killed (“disappeared”) in Argentina’s Dirty War at 30,000 (Dinges 2004). In 1977, Amnesty International won the Nobel Prize for Peace for their exhaustive investigation of the abuses of the Argentine military regime. Their report concluded that the extreme measures taken by the state were in no way commensurate with the relatively limited threat posed by leftist terrorists (Amnesty International 1977). The question, then, is why were so many treated so harshly?
In post‐apartheid South Africa, testimony and personal narrative have opened a space for marginalised voices to emerge. At the same time, to testify is to occupy a position of vulnerability. This paper focuses on a series of self‐portraits by black HIV‐positive women and points to how their entry into the public sphere and the global art market has been conditioned by their social and economic marginality. These portraits have been read as ‘maps’, providing access to the truth of the subjects they represent. Such readings perpetuate rather than challenge the myth of the transparent, authentic African subject.
This article sets forth the interests and conflicts involved in the current Chilean law on statutory rape. Through a thorough investigation of the conceptualization, implementation, and current life of this legislation, the possible effects of the Chilean case on adolescents’ rights is investigated and evaluated. Examining the development of this law and its related policy, and if their consequences conflict with the Chilean Constitution or international and regional human rights conventions allows us to evaluate the merits, utility, and potential problems of such legislation. A detailed investigation of the social and legal data available, as well as the concrete liability implications reveals that the policy which implements the Chilean statutory rape provision is in violation with domestic and international human rights law.
Two methods, an immunofluorescence assay (IFA; with a Lawsonia intracellularis-specific monoclonal antibody) and fluorescent in-situ hybridization (FISH; with a specific oligonucleotide probe targeting 16S ribosomal RNA of the bacterium), were compared for their ability to detect L. intracellularis (the cause of porcine proliferative enteritis [PE]) in formalin-fixed samples of intestinal tissue. Of 69 intestinal samples with gross lesions of PE, 63 were positive by both FISH and IFA, but six were positive only by IFA. This indicated that the sensitivity of FISH was 91% that of IFA. However, both methods had a specificity of 100%. Fifty normal porcine intestines were negative by both tests. IFA was much less susceptible than FISH to the effects of autolysis. Thus, three of nine samples from pigs with PE were FISH-negative after being kept at 20 degrees C for 4 days, and seven were FISH negative after 2 weeks; after 4 weeks at this temperature, however, six of the nine samples were still IFA positive. After being kept at 4 degrees C for 12 weeks, the majority of samples (> or = 66%) were positive by both methods.
This thesis will examine the evolving behavior of the Chilean Catholic Church towards the military dictatorship in Chile. The period covered will span from September 11, 1973 until 1976. Initially, the Church pledged cooperation, but over the subsequent seven years it gradually adopted an increasingly confrontational stance in opposition to the regime and its abuses. The aim of this thesis will be to analyze the factors that caused the Church to realize this change.
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