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After Hegemony: Cooperation and Discord in the World Political Economy
... Kindleberger (1973) [18] argue that "hegemony creates an open world and its decline leads to closure and finally instability". However Keohane (1984) [16] argues that "despite the relative decline of the US, economic stability has endured because of the strength of the institutions the US has created". Relevant to this study from Keohane (1984) [16] argument is the fact that though the rise of China as economic power house and China-US clash in Africa reflects the fall of the US as a hegemony that does not mean closure and instability as portrayed by Kindleberger (1973) [18] and Gilpin (1981) [15] . ...
... Kindleberger (1973) [18] argue that "hegemony creates an open world and its decline leads to closure and finally instability". However Keohane (1984) [16] argues that "despite the relative decline of the US, economic stability has endured because of the strength of the institutions the US has created". Relevant to this study from Keohane (1984) [16] argument is the fact that though the rise of China as economic power house and China-US clash in Africa reflects the fall of the US as a hegemony that does not mean closure and instability as portrayed by Kindleberger (1973) [18] and Gilpin (1981) [15] . ...
... However Keohane (1984) [16] argues that "despite the relative decline of the US, economic stability has endured because of the strength of the institutions the US has created". Relevant to this study from Keohane (1984) [16] argument is the fact that though the rise of China as economic power house and China-US clash in Africa reflects the fall of the US as a hegemony that does not mean closure and instability as portrayed by Kindleberger (1973) [18] and Gilpin (1981) [15] . ...
... Após a euforia inicial as críticas à teoria waltziana começaram a aparecer. Primeiro vieram os liberal-institucionalistas (KEOHANE;NYE, 2001;KEOHANE, 2005) argumentando que os efeitos da chamada "interdependência complexa" mitigariam um dos mais importantes princípios da doutrina realista: a busca estatal pela sobrevivência. Em um mundo no qual os laços econômicos se tornavam cada vez mais fortes a tendência seria a política de poder se tornar cada vez mais rara, ou ao menos mais custosa. ...
... Após a euforia inicial as críticas à teoria waltziana começaram a aparecer. Primeiro vieram os liberal-institucionalistas (KEOHANE;NYE, 2001;KEOHANE, 2005) argumentando que os efeitos da chamada "interdependência complexa" mitigariam um dos mais importantes princípios da doutrina realista: a busca estatal pela sobrevivência. Em um mundo no qual os laços econômicos se tornavam cada vez mais fortes a tendência seria a política de poder se tornar cada vez mais rara, ou ao menos mais custosa. ...
... This could be viewed as a reorientation of the focus of the Accord away from serving the profession of engineering, towards serving engineering education -which has thrived in the modern research university. The shift is summarized by one interviewee: This is an expected development from interest-based theorists who predict that alongside intrinsic interests for regime participation, the reputation of being seen as a regime member also grows in importance (Keohane, 2005). Cognitivists view such a shift more critically, harking back to the central institutional idea that technical reasons may be outstripped by legitimacy reasons (Meyer & Rowan, 1977) -and so countries wishing to demonstrate the legitimacy of their engineering education would seek Accord status from a logic of appropriateness (March & Olsen, 2004) -following norms for what an accrediting body like ours does in a situation like this. ...
... At the global level, I focus on power dynamics between professional bodies across countries, adding to the study of transnational study of professions (Faulconbridge & Muzio, 2012). Here, the power-focused strand of regime theory highlights the influence of hegemons in shaping the norms, rules and discourses of other regime members (Keohane, 1980(Keohane, , 2005. This in turn shapes the policies and practices of professional bodies with less power in the international arena. ...
Professional education operates in a tension between its two key institutional homes-universities and professional bodies. Curriculum governance-the structures and processes for making decisions about the curriculum-is embedded in higher education but influenced by professional accreditation. This multiple paper thesis explores the implications of a worldwide shift in engineering towards outcomes-based accreditation. The study is framed by a comparative case study methodology, and empirical data is drawn from 78 interviews across the United Kingdom, Australia, Singapore, and South Africa. All four countries are signatory to the Washington Accord, a mutual recognition agreement that has been influential in helping to spread outcomes-based accreditation. This study is theoretically grounded in Bernstein's pedagogic device, from the sociology of education, and regime theory, from international relations. At a global level, the key findings are that the Washington Accord has evolved into an explicit regime that shapes the behaviour of its 20+ signatories, as well as countries thinking about applying. From a power perspective, the regime disproportionately benefits its founding members, while newer signatories are scrutinized iii before being admitted. From a cognitivist perspective, the regime is under threat from a subtle shift in its purpose, from mobility to quality assurance. Drawing on the pedagogic device, the thesis finds meaningful differences across countries in the structure of the 'recontextualizing field'-comprised of the official field which sets accreditation policy, and the pedagogic field which interprets and implements the policy. Four archetypes, based on the four countries, are shown to explain some of the differences in uptake of outcomes-based accreditation. Within the 'field of reproduction', curriculum governance structures are shown to differ according to the type of university. Research-intensive universities are less invested in accreditation, more decentralized, and centrally control the curriculum less. Teaching-intensive universities depend on accreditation for legitimacy and invest more in a centralized approach to curriculum governance. Overall, this study highlights the importance of power differences between old and new signatories, between research-intensive and teaching-intensive universities, and between central faculties and their departments. These tensions represent an important area of research within professional education at large.
... It would therefore be premature to collapse the notion of hierarchy into material hegemony or empire alone, and assume that Bourdieu's concern for hierarchy would preclude associating it with more diffuse forms of ordering. That such material ordering can be more diffuse than hegemony is also implied by much of IR theory: Order can co-exist with dispersed distributions of power without the involvement of state-hegemons, as inferred by posthegemonic versions of liberal institutionalism ( Keohane 1984 ;Keohane and Nye 2012 ), multipolar, structural iterations of realism ( Waltz 1979 ;Layne 1993 ), and more diffuse constructivist or English school scenarios for nonhegemonic international orders ( Kupchan 2012 ;Womack 2014 ;Acharya 2018 ;Buzan and Schouenborg 2018 ). The realist hegemonic-order perspective captures only a very limited range within a much broader universe of configurations. ...
This paper extends a Bourdieusian practice-based approach to a novel understanding of international orders as “Anarchic Meta-Fields” (AMFs). It first explores the metatheoretical advantages inherent in Field Theory's expansion toward questions of order, considering the position of Bourdieu at the intersection of Weberian, Durkheimian, and Marxist social theory. It then increases the analytical breadth of preceding “imperial” and “hegemonic” applications of Bourdieu's framework through two disaggregations—of order and realist notions of hegemony, and realist and neo-Gramscian forms of the same. In a first, Hobbesian turn, the international social space is subsequently conceptualized as an “AMF” created by outward rather than inward projections of power and practice by state nobilities; variations within this global AMF are identified as “subfields”. The openness of Bourdieu's framework is then argued to allow for the widest range of international orders based on specific configurations of multidimensionally defined capital, and varying forms of doxic practice. The framework is illustrated through an application to the Cold War order as a composite social space, consisting of the global AMF itself, and four distinct, yet heteronomous subfields. The paper concludes with a proposed conceptual and empirical research agenda.
... Bull argues that Institutions exist to facilitate compliance with rules by formulating, communicating, administering, enforcing, interpreting, legitimating, and adapting them. Keohane (1984) underscores the significance of regimes and international organisations, stating that the cooperative behaviour they foster 'require that the actions of separate individuals or institutions-which are not in preexistent harmony-be brought into conformity with one another through a process of policy coordination' (p.51). Compliance behaviour, or what is but the same thing, cooperative behaviour, is therefore the kernel of international relations. ...
The paper sheds light on the widespread security challenges in the Sahel region of Africa. Such threats and insecurity have manifested in the form of terrorism, insurgency, environmental challenges, climate change, etc. These are asymmetric in nature, with the tendency for spilling into other regions of Africa. Responding to these insecurity challenges require multilateral agreements and concerted efforts at regional and continental levels. The paper affirms that such arrangements have implications for multilateral diplomacy as there is the need to manage the efforts of international partners and power blocs in the region. If such diplomacies are conducted appropriately, it could signal an era of positive security change in the Sahel region. It could also usher in a regime of development and economic prosperity. On the other hand, if efforts by the AU are not properly managed, it could portend a Sahel region dotted with unchecked interests by superpower brokers, a 'cosmetic' cessation of security challenges and a region riddled with poor economic development indices and other drivers of insecurity.
... According to this framework, security issues cannot be separated from economic and political issues, and cooperation among states is necessary to address common problems (Keohane & Nye, 1977;Nye, 2004). Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye are among the scholars who have contributed to the development of the theory of complex interdependence (Keohane, 1984;Nye, 2004).In the context of the ECOWAS protocol on free movement, a complex interdependence perspective would suggest that Nigeria's economic and political interests are intertwined with those of other member states, and that cooperation and collaboration are necessary to address common challenges (Keohane & Nye, 1977;Nye, 2004) ...
Ensuring the safety and security of countries is a priority for governments worldwide. As a member of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), Nigeria has supported the integration and movement of goods, people, and services through the adoption of the Protocol on Free Movement (PFM). However, the unrestricted movement of people across porous borders can pose security threats, particularly with the trafficking of small arms and light weapons (SALW). This paper examines the potential security threats that could arise from the protocol on free movement of people and goods and highlights the importance of collaboration with other countries to achieve safe and secure borders. The study utilized a desk research method that relied heavily on secondary data to analyze relevant materials. The findings indicate that while the protocol enhances economic integration and financial stability, organized transnational criminal networks have taken advantage of free movement to perpetuate various forms of crime such as human trafficking, arms trafficking, and terrorism. The paper argues that regional integration is crucial but must be balanced with the need to maintain National Security in Nigeria. To address the challenges posed by free movement, the paper recommends that the Nigerian government needs to be strategic while endorsing international treaties to reflect the national interest of securing the Country. Strategies should be developed to monitor porous borders to check the illegal flow of arms, and efforts should be made to mop up illegal arms through the speedy establishment of the National Commission for the coordination and control of the proliferation of small Arms and Light Weapon (NATCOM) bill awaiting assent from the president. Additionally, intelligence sharing should be enhanced to promote regional integration while maintaining national security.
... According to this framework, security issues cannot be separated from economic and political issues, and cooperation among states is necessary to address common problems (Keohane & Nye, 1977;Nye, 2004). Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye are among the scholars who have contributed to the development of the theory of complex interdependence (Keohane, 1984;Nye, 2004).In the context of the ECOWAS protocol on free movement, a complex interdependence perspective would suggest that Nigeria's economic and political interests are intertwined with those of other member states, and that cooperation and collaboration are necessary to address common challenges (Keohane & Nye, 1977;Nye, 2004) ...
Ensuring the safety and security of countries is a priority for governments worldwide. As a member of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), Nigeria has supported the integration and movement of goods, people, and services through the adoption of the Protocol on Free Movement (PFM). However, the unrestricted movement of people across porous borders can pose security threats, particularly with the trafficking of small arms and light weapons (SALW). This paper examines the potential security threats that could arise from the protocol on free movement of people and goods and highlights the importance of collaboration with other countries to achieve safe and secure borders. The study utilized a desk research method that relied heavily on secondary data to analyze relevant materials. The findings indicate that while the protocol enhances economic integration and financial stability, organized transnational criminal networks have taken advantage of free movement to perpetuate various forms of crime such as human trafficking, arms trafficking, and terrorism. The paper argues that regional integration is crucial but must be balanced with the need to maintain National Security in Nigeria. To address the challenges posed by free movement, the paper recommends that the Nigerian government needs to be strategic while endorsing international treaties to reflect the national interest of securing the Country. Strategies should be developed to monitor porous borders to check the illegal flow of arms, and efforts should be made to mop up illegal arms through the speedy establishment of the National Commission for the coordination and control of the proliferation of small Arms and Light Weapon (NATCOM) bill awaiting assent from the president. Additionally, intelligence sharing should be enhanced to promote regional integration while maintaining national security.
... Since individuals, departments, and agencies are designed for specialization, each intrinsically operates on the basis of bounded rationality and cannot possibly sense the systemic interactions lurking in other sectors. Without divergent perspectives, they are individually bound to satisfice with suboptimal outcomes (Keohane 1984). Only universities have the inherent diversity of perspectives necessary to swarm effectively. ...
Complex adaptive challenges, like the intervention in Afghanistan, defy traditional government-centric, control-oriented, sector-based strategies. Rather, complexity theory advocates for deep sensitivity to local conditions, systemic interactions, and non-linear effects. Yet, the national security and foreign policy systems are not structured to adequately appreciate these aspects nor promote intergovernmental (local, state, federal) cooperation. Consequently, a situation similar to “international anarchy”—no authority above the level of the state—exists across the interagency and with respect especially to intergovernmental, multilateral, and civilian partners. Integrated statecraft in the context of strategic competition requires achieving political effects through the actions of multiple executive entities, with allies and—when appropriate—commercial partners all acting towards a common purpose. In recognizing the condition of “anarchy,” insights from regime theory in the International Relations literature provides a viable approach for overcoming collective action challenges in the US national security bureaucracy. New regimes of behavior built on shared appreciation and trust can lead to ever increasing horizontal inter-governmental integration at all levels of action without change to statutory role, resourcing, or authorities. Professional Military Education (PME) and civilian universities are put forth as viable regime structures for complex challenges due to their multidisciplinary specializations, existing infrastructure, and intersections between the policy and civilian sectors.KeywordsRegime theoryStatecraftComplexity theoryInternational anarchyAfghanistanUnited Sates
... Arguably this possibility, i.e. a world co-managed by more than three great powers sharing illiberal values, is the last thing a liberal hegemon such as the United States would want to see especially when its power and prestige are in decline. Generally speaking, when the multipolar-congruent mix is based on a superficial likeness, unlike what Robert Keohane (1984) hoped for, an extended liberal international order "after hegemony," such an international order is susceptible to challenge from a rising power or group of revisionist states. ...
... Teorie głównego nurtu w stosunkach międzynarodowych -realizm, liberalizm oraz konstruktywizm -różnie postrzegają ideę współpracy (patrz np. axelrod, 1984;Fearon, 1998;Harrison, 1983;Jervis, 1978;Keohane, 1984;Kydd, 2000;oye, 1986). Jak jednak utrzymuje Robert o. Keohane, najczęściej używaną definicją tego pojęcia jest ta, która stwierdza, że współpraca ma miejsce wtedy, gdy "aktorzy dostosowują swoje zachowania do faktycznych bądź antycypowanych preferencji partnera poprzez proces koordynacji swojej polityki" (Keohane, 1984, s. 51). ...
W postzimowojennych stosunkach międzynarodowych partnerstwa strategiczne przypominają wyłaniającą się, odrębną kategorię analityczną i polityczną, której rosnące wykorzystanie jako narzędzia polityki zagranicznej, widoczne zarówno w dyskursie politycznym, jak i akademickim, skutkuje niezaprzeczalnym znaczeniem dla zrozumienia dynamiki współczesnej współpracy strategicznej między państwami a organizacjami międzynarodowymi. Jednocześnie idea partnerstw strategicznych pozostała niedostatecznie steoretyzowana i często przysłonięta przez teorię sojuszu. Odnosząc się do tej wyraźnej luki w literaturze IR / FPA, niniejsza książka przedstawia oryginalne przedsięwzięcie mające na celu teoretyczne i empiryczne przetestowanie analitycznego modelu partnerstw strategicznych jako nowej formy ugruntowanej współpracy międzynarodowej w czasie globalnej współzależności i turbulencji.
Główne zalety książki:
• jest pionierskim oraz wszechstronnym badaniem teorii i polityki „partnerstw strategicznych”;
• analizie treści zostało poddanych ponad 250 manifestów polityki zagranicznej, stąd znaczna ilość pierwotnych danych została pozyskana z tekstów - przede wszystkim te dotyczące celów strategicznych aktorów oraz wyrazistych zagadnień polityki zagranicznej;
• uzyskany obszerny zbiór innych pierwotnych danych jakościowych i ilościowych gromadzonych i generowanych w toku badań może być również przydatny do dalszych studiów IR / FPA, które koncentrują się na roli międzynarodowej, władzy, znaczeniu strategicznym, interakcjach w polityce zagranicznej (spotkaniach) itp.
• zastosowane nowoczesne podejście metodologiczne łączy nowatorską, wspomaganą komputerowo jakościową analizę treści (Atlas.ti) i analizę ilościową (SPSS) z klasycznymi metodami badawczymi w ramach paradygmatu metod mieszanych;
• książka oferuje prawdziwie międzynarodowe perspektywy, ponieważ przeanalizowano czternaście reprezentatywnych studiów przypadku partnerstw strategicznych z czterech regionów świata;
• książka ta oferuje wgląd w „przemysł” partnerstw strategicznych zarówno głównych, jak i mniejszych podmiotów międzynarodowych (od USA, Chin i Rosji po Ukrainę i Gruzję, by wymienić tylko kilka), a także cztery wpływowe organizacje międzynarodowe i ponadnarodowe (UE, NATO, ASEAN i Wspólnota Andyjska).
• opracowany model analityczny partnerstw strategicznych sprawia, że wyniki tego wspólnego projektu badawczego i publikacji mają bardzo autentyczne znaczenie praktyczne, ponieważ oferują zarówno teoretycznie uzasadniony, jak i empirycznie możliwy do przetestowania „model idealny” współczesnych partnerstw strategicznych między państwami i organizacjami międzynarodowymi.
... As a result, every state does not respond to a higher authority due to the anarchic structure of the international system. Therefore, this brings us to another neoclassical realist, Robert Gilpin (1981), and the institutional liberal, Robert Keohane (1984); besides emphasizing the importance of material power, consider the will of a powerful state as a precondition for playing the hegemonic role. In this view, it is impossible to apply the concept of hegemony to any state that enjoys material preponderance. ...
Historically, hegemony has been a vital aim and feature of political units and international systems. The search for hegemony is crucial for the achievement of survival and then domination. In the context of international relations, hegemony refers to the dominant position of a particular state or group of states in the global system. The relationship between subaltern states and the hegemon has changed in proportion to their power. For this reason, the cyclical and actor behaviors of the international system that existed in the past and the current structure also contain similar and different aspects in terms of hegemony. This study aims first to discuss the conceptual framework concerning hegemony and the decline of hegemony. This discussion will study the fall of hegemony from a neo-Gramscian perspective. In this research work, we assumed that hegemony's emergence, survival, and decline are not only based on material elements, but non-material components also play a prominent role. In this sense, we analyzed the fall of liberal hegemony from three aspects: i)the weakness of the hegemon's ideology, iii) divergence among the hegemon's allies, and iii) material and non-material warfare. In conclusion, the fall of hegemony can highlight the importance of understanding the material and conceptual dimensions of power and the need to analyze the dynamics of conflict and cooperation in the global system.
... Aún dentro de los parámetros del estatocentrismo, el predominio de lo estratégico y lo militar y el positivismo metodológico, el liberalismo incorporaría diversas aproximaciones teóricas desde las últimas décadas de la Guerra Fría, enfatizando los elementos cooperativos en las relaciones internacionales y las prácticas de la seguridad colectiva. En esta línea, tal como argumenta Karlos Pérez de Armiño, se encaminaría desde los planteamientos tradicionales del liberalismo kantiano hasta los planteamientos del "liberalismo económico o comercial" y la argumentación clásica en torno a las bondades de la globalización y la expansión del libre mercado como fundamentos de la "paz liberal", el "liberalismo republicano o político" que cristalizarían en las tesis de la paz democrática de Michel Doyle (1983) y el supuesto histórico de que las democracias no se hacen la guerra entre sí o las teorías del "institucionismo liberal" promovido por autores como Robert Keohane (1984) y Robert Axelrod (1984), a cuyo juicio las instituciones internacionales si bien no pueden superar la anarquía del sistema internacional sí pueden contribuir a su estabilidad y mitigar el conflicto. ...
La nueva agenda internacional, la mayor complejidad en las
interacciones y el cosmos más heterogéneo de actores son determinantes en las nuevas aristas semánticas de la seguridad y los
debates y prismas que han ido emergiendo desde la teoría de las
Relaciones Internacionales. Desde estas premisas el objetivo de
estas páginas se concreta en el análisis de las conexiones entre
el protagonismo que desde medios académicos y político-institucionales norteamericanos se confirió a los imperativos sobre
la seguridad, los diseños y discursos hegemónicos de Estados Unidos tras la Guerra Fría y, finalmente, como estos debates y
diseños políticos desde Estados Unidos se trasladaron al ámbito
de sus relaciones con Latinoamérica. El artículo muestra cómo
han cambiado las prioridades y los mecanismos clave de la
política de seguridad de EE.UU. en Latinoamérica desde el
final de la Guerra Fría y hasta 2022. Se concluye que, a pesar
de la transformación de los enfoques de varias administraciones estadounidenses hacia esta región, Washington trataba de lograr el mismo objetivo: imponer su hegemonía.
... org/polity/PTfig03.htm). 13 For a brilliant discussion of transition from autocratic 'hegemony' in the global system, see Keohane (1984). ...
... Second, the political pillar that addresses the role of domestic interests, on the one hand, and the institutionalized relations among EU members, on the other (Putnam, 1988;Eichengreen and Frieden, 2001). In addition, the analysis is carried out considering the notion of policy regimes as the appropriate collective action mechanism (Keohane, 1984). It must be added that an international monetary regime which includes several countries can be considered an international public good (Kindleberger, 1986;Chin, 2021). ...
After the fall of the Bretton Woods system, the EU initiated an original path towards monetary integration which led to the establishment of the European monetary system (EMS) in the 1980s and the economic monetary union (EMU) in the 1990s. This path was an alternative to the floating exchange rate regime which many other countries decided to follow. Adopting a political economy approach, in this paper we reconstruct the main phases of this process, from the 1970s up until today, arguing that they cannot be explained only in terms of costs and benefits of alternative exchange rate configuration, but should consider political as well as economic factors—both domestic and international ones—and the interaction between European monetary and real integration. Ultimately, the predominance of political factors led to an underestimation of the economic difficulties generated by the coexistence of irrevocable exchange rates and full capital mobility. We suggest that new policy instruments and institutional changes are needed to make the common currency workable in the long run. The mandatory path should be towards a more deeply integrated Europe. Such integration is essential to enable the European monetary union to confront with future challenges.
... As the literature on international regimes convincingly argued, they sometimes acquire a life of their own (Krasner, 1983). There might be, as Robert Keohane (1984) argued long ago, cooperation after US hegemony. ...
Economic statecraft rested at the core of the Trump administration’s foreign relations; it weaponized it and securitized it¾a departure from longstanding US practice. This article looks at the ups and downs of US hegemony in the last five decades, focusing on the US use of economic statecraft as a political power resource, with special reference to the case of Latin America. It is divided into four sections: the first focuses on economic statecraft as an academic field, making the case for what I call “thick” economic statecraft; the second reviews the political and power dimensions of US economic statecraft, whereas the third deals with the evolution, since the 1970s, of the paradigmatic instance of US economic statecraft: trade policy (broadly defined) in three distinct phases 1971-1989, 1990-2000, and 2001-2016. Finally, I summarize the argument and make some considerations about the implications Trump’s presidency might have for the Biden administration’s attempts to reinvigorate US hegemony.
... Despite deep interdependence in technological value chains that developed over the decades of globalisation since late in the twentieth century, states can be expected to seek to benefit from such interdependence while mitigating vulnerabilities to competitors and indeed seeking to exploit competitor vulnerabilities. Such actions are consistent with interdependence theory (Keohane 1982(Keohane , 1984; Keohane/Nye 2021) but became more overtly weaponised during the tumultuous years of the Donald Trump presidency of the US. Trump sought instinctive disruption rather than international cooperation and rhetorically raised the strategic option of the US decoupling from China, which at its most extreme would have led the dismantling of the international system on which globalisation had been built. ...
In the circumstances of the overgrowing tensions within the Eastern Neighborhood
countries and the war on the Eastern flank of the European Union (EU), the focus on searching for possible economic partnership is moving to Central Asia. After dozens of years of oblivion, the region found itself as the arena of competition among global leaders but also as a battleground for regional leaders – Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan. The paper starts with the assumption that a key reason for the poorly-designed external economic strategy lies in neglecting the place and role of economic sovereignty as a key driver of regional development. A comparative analysis of the regionalisms offered by the European Union (EU) and the Eurasian
Economic Union (EAEU) demonstrates that leadership is most effectively exercised with a view to recognising equality in geo-economic positions and respecting sovereign decision-making rights. In this paper, it is argued that underestimating economic sovereignty of five developing economies in Eurasia for multinational corporations (MNCs) would be fatal in the context of hyper-competition between the European Union (EU), Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) for the regional leadership on the emerging markets.
... Doprowadziło to do doprecyzowania terminu w postaci współzależności jako podatności (vulnerability interdependence). Tak ujmowana umożliwiała ona rozstrzyganie kwestii, jak szybko, sprawnie i jakim kosztem może sobie poradzić dane państwo ze zmianami wywołanymi w jego ekonomii przez podmiot zewnętrzny (Keohane, 1984). Alternatywnie można te dwa typy współzależności rozróżnić, wskazując, że o ile wrażliwość oznacza koszty zerwania relacji pomiędzy dwoma współzależnymi podmiotami, o tyle podatność oznacza koszty utrzymywania tej relacji. ...
DEFINICJA POJĘCIA: rozdział prezentuje znaczenia pojęć "współzależność" i "globalizacja" w perspektywie rozmaitych obszarów nauk społecznych, a także ich wzajemnych relacji.
ANALIZA HISTORYCZNA POJĘCIA: w tekście przedstawione zostało pogłębianie się współzależności ekonomicznych, politycznych i kulturowych na przestrzeni dziejów, które doprowadziło do stanu obecnego. Globalizację wiąże się z procesami, które nastąpiły w XX wieku, jednak jej korzeni należy szukać znacznie wcześniej. PROBLEMOWE UJĘCIE POJĘCIA: w kolejnej części rozdziału zaprezentowano wybór teorii oraz przedmiotów aktualnych badań nad tematem, podejmowanych m.in. w naukach o stosunkach międzynarodowych i polityce, ekonomii, socjologii, kulturoznawstwie.
REFLEKSJA SYSTEMATYCZNA Z WNIOSKAMI I REKOMENDACJAMI: tekst kończy się zaprezentowaniem trzech możliwych scenariuszy rozwoju procesów globalizacyjnych i światowej współzależności.
... If political tensions arise between the two countries, the negative impact of political conflict may limit cross-border digital trade in the form of conflicting rules, concentrated in the form of digital trade barriers inhibiting the broad and intensive marginal expansion of digital exports by firms in the home country (Zhou & Chen, 2020;Zhou & Yao, 2021;Tong & Fan, 2022). Rational choice institutionalism views bilateral political relations as substantive institutional arrangements between states that help reduce the costs and uncertainties of firms' cross-border transactions and build bridges to deepen economic cooperation between the two countries and guide economic activities in both countries (North, 1990;Keohane, 2005; Zhang & Jiang, 2012). The specific path of action is shown in Figure 1. ...
How to use diplomacy to promote bilateral digital services trade in the context of politicization of trade issues is a key issue for developing countries to seize digital opportunities to develop their productivity. This paper empirically tests the role of partner diplomacy in promoting the development of inter-country trade in services. The study finds that: (1) the scale of bilateral services trade between China and the host country increases by approximately 13% for each partner level increase in diplomatic relations, and this boosting effect remains robust after considering model changes, changes in explanatory variables and endogeneity issues. (2) The mechanism test finds that the promotion effect of partner diplomacy on bilateral services trade is essentially a trade cost-cutting effect, which is achieved in four forms: trade negotiations, high-level visits, treaty signing and platform building.
... Trust is another key ingredient of a security community and can be distinguished into two variants, trust of the strategic kind and trust based upon emotional bonds shared between actors (Rathbun, 2011, Booth andWheeler, 2008). The former, which is typical of the kind of trust privileged by rational-materialist studies of international institutions (Keohane, 1984), comes after cooperation, as impressions of reliability are gradually formed through collaboration over time. The emotive form of trust, however, precedes cooperation and is based upon a shared moral and emotive disposition, allowing members to empathise and identify with one another. ...
The establishment of the African Peace and Security Architecture ( APSA ) marked a fundamental reassessment of the African Union’s ( AU ) approach to security management. Many studies, however, view APSA through the lens of Eurocentric theories that neglect the agency of African actors. In contrast, this article examines how APSA ’s design was influenced by collectively-held emotions – defined as moral judgements, based on present expectations and past experiences – amongst African policymakers. Emotional expressions can stabilise security communities by emphasising enmity towards outsiders and amity between insiders, while demanding remorse from individual or sub-groups of members that commit moral trespasses. However, this article theorises that inward-facing shame, when collectively felt by a community as a whole, can fundamentally alter its norms, valued behaviours and identity. This is illustrated by the APSA case study, which highlights the influence of inward-directed shame amongst African leaders over their reactions to humanitarian catastrophes in the 1990s, as well as outward-directed exasperation at the apathy of the international community. In addition to improving understanding of APSA ’s establishment and design, this facilitates theory-building based upon African realities, thus making a valuable contribution to the growing field of International Relations scholarship concerned with emotions.
... How institutions become similar and hence lead to further integration among entities is seen important (Iroulo and Lenz, 2022). Conversely, neoliberal approaches often view regionalism as a result of mutual benefit from the transborder economic exchanges shaped by both state and non-state actors (Keohane, 1984). ...
This is the presentation of our recently published paper.
... Some more general statements on the central propositions of the HST were made by Robert Keohane who argues that order in world politics is typically created by a single dominant power and that this order is constituted by the formation of regimes and the provision of public goods. Another assumption is that the maintenance of this order requires a continued hegemony which implies cooperation between the participating states within the system (Keohane, 1984). ...
Relying on the analytical utility and fecundity of the bureaucratic model of politics, this chapter analyses the foreign policymaking and implementation in the past 60 years of Nigeria’s existence as an independent state. It specifically discusses how the behaviour of the bureaucrats and elite informs foreign policy output/decisions in Nigeria. It argues that an analyst interested in understanding the dynamics and output of a state’s external interaction should rather focus on understanding how the behaviour of key players whose expertise, roles or sheer political power and interests exert preponderant influence on foreign policy decisions. Within the context of Nigeria, it suggests focusing on the behaviour and preferences of certain class of bureaucrats working in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs, the National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies, the Presidential Advisory Council on International Relations and the Nigerian in Diaspora Commission to apprehend the realities and content of the country’s foreign policy outcome. Finally, the chapter identified the inherent challenges and policy action plans for stimulating effective foreign policymaking in Nigeria.KeywordsBureaucratic modelForeign policyNigeriaBureaucratsOutput
... Some more general statements on the central propositions of the HST were made by Robert Keohane who argues that order in world politics is typically created by a single dominant power and that this order is constituted by the formation of regimes and the provision of public goods. Another assumption is that the maintenance of this order requires a continued hegemony which implies cooperation between the participating states within the system (Keohane, 1984). ...
If there is a country from Africa that the world had so much hope on to be among the developed nations of the world, it is Nigeria with its crude oil, natural gas, and numerous natural resources and agricultural potentials. This chapter identifies challenges that have hindered physical and economic development of Nigeria and consequently denied its rightful position among the comity of nations. Thus, Nigeria’s ability to develop economically at a faster, robust rate has been undermined by many but not limited to structural issues like inadequate infrastructure, insecurity, obstacles to investment, corruption, and limited foreign exchange capacity as well as incompetent and shortsighted leadership. It is against this backdrop that we are wont to ask the question: to what extent has Nigeria deployed her foreign policy to achieving economic development, and how can foreign policy be used to address pressing economic problems in the country?
... La nivel metodologic, lucrarea este un rezultat al analizei literaturii de specialitate care se încadrează în domeniile istoriei (Koc 2018), relațiilor internaționale (Keohane 1984) (Nye și Keohane 2009) (Meiser 2011) și geopoliticii (Balog 2009) (Ancuț și Dănilă 2009) (Buțiu 2009) (Cioculescu 2009a). O atenție specială a fost acordată relațiilor economice și instituțiilor internaționale deoarece, așa cum am menționat anterior, reprezintă elemente cheie ale teoriei neoliberale. ...
Regiunea Extinsă a Mării Negre (REMN) reprezintă un construct geopolitic complex. Pe de o parte, spațiul are un potențial imens în ceea ce privește extracția de materii prime, facilitând în același timp schimburile comerciale dintre actorii din zonă. Pe de altă parte, în cadrul acestui areal geografic, ne confruntăm cu o serie de conflicte înghețate cauzate atât de actori statali, cât și de actori nonstatali. În acest context, evoluțiile geopolitice regionale reprezintă chestiuni de interes pentru statul român și Republica Turcia, țări care au numeroase țeluri comune energetice, comerciale și de securitate. Din acest motiv, studiul pornește de la premisa că raporturile româno-turce din REMN pot fi privite din perspectiva teoriei neoliberale a relațiilor internaționale. Pentru a asigura o analiză cuprinzătoare asupra subiectului, au fost incluse în articol o scurtă istorie a dinamicii politice dintre celor două state, precum și o prezentare a aspectelor geopolitice ale arealului geografic menționat anterior.
... Over the years, the Bank has had to make changes and adapt to transformations in Africa and in the international system, and has consistently provided support to its members. Figure The creation and transformation of the African Development Bank over the years fits into the ongoing debate by scholars of global governance about the need for countries to form and be part of international organizations (Krasner, 1982;Keohane, 1984;Allee and Scalera, 2012;Rey and Barkdull, 2005). The rational choice theory explains that States establish international organizations to achieve strategic goals and overcome collective weaknesses and the anarchic environment in which they operate (Abbott, 1993, pp. ...
Coronavirus disease (COVID-19) is a global pandemic for which the world
was unprepared and that brought hardship to individuals, households,
nations and the entire world. The period of emergency has seen companies
closed, movement restricted except for essential services and many protocols
to be observed in public places. The present paper assesses the effects of the
pandemic on household welfare and its indirect consequences, especially
on food systems in Nigeria. It uses data from the Nigeria COVID-19
National Longitudinal Phone Survey and reviews COVID-19 reports. Data
were analysed using both qualitative and quantitative methods. The key
findings of the study are: total incomes of households were substantially
affected by COVID-19, which affected their ability to access basic needs.
The main livelihood activities sampled households engaged in were:
agriculture, hunting and fishing (48.7 per cent); professional, financial and
legal activities (22.2 per cent); buying and selling goods (18.3 per cent); and
personal services, education and health (15.3 per cent). Loss of employment
due to COVID-19-related issues, the inability of enterprises to implement
COVID-19 preventive protocols and policy measures implemented to
contain the spread of the virus affected the food system. Farmers modified
their farming activities and plans either by reducing areas planted, planting
early-ripening crops or delaying the planting of some crops. The pandemic
affected education by hampering learning opportunities for school-age
children. It increased food insecurity by reducing household consumption.
It led to the closure of family businesses and increased the costs of businesses
that remained open. It also resulted in increased household poverty
levels. In conclusion, the COVID-19 pandemic has had very challenging
socioeconomic and livelihood consequences for many households. The
resulting policy message centres on the need to provide food and cash
assistance to households, especially the vulnerable, and to enforce measures
that will help to curb the virus.
... Over the years, the Bank has had to make changes and adapt to transformations in Africa and in the international system, and has consistently provided support to its members. Figure The creation and transformation of the African Development Bank over the years fits into the ongoing debate by scholars of global governance about the need for countries to form and be part of international organizations (Krasner, 1982;Keohane, 1984;Allee and Scalera, 2012;Rey and Barkdull, 2005). The rational choice theory explains that States establish international organizations to achieve strategic goals and overcome collective weaknesses and the anarchic environment in which they operate (Abbott, 1993, pp. ...
Effects of coronavirus disease on tourism business and employment in eight selected operators in Victoria Falls, Zimbabwe
International order and revisionism are key concepts in international affairs. This chapter reviews the theoretical state of the art and builds on its insights and shortcomings. First, it conceptualizes revisionism as a dependent variable and formulates revisionist ideal types. Second, the chapter compares the assumptions of grand theories of international relations—neorealism, institutionalism, constructivism—on international order and revisionism and refutes them as too statist. Third, it discusses where neorealist research can and must be amended to increase its explanatory value.
This study seeks to contribute to the thesis that China is directing its efforts toward the construction of a set of institutions that are presented as an alternative interstate subsystem to the one that emerged in the second postwar period. In this research, we made progress in locating the main elements from which we prefigure one of the features of that project. This is the strategy that, based on the cooperation scheme implemented by China through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the Global Development Initiative (GDI) ¹ and the Global Security Initiative (GSI), ² manifests itself in a kind of “early emulation” of the North American hegemonic strategy of the second postwar period. “Emulation” of the United States (US) is synthesized in a double process: first, in the way in which China is currently articulating an institutional framework under the intensification of the present systemic chaos, that is, in a previous or “early” moment with respect to that in which we could consider the clear rise of a new hegemonic power. This framework operates under the logic of a political dialog that allows trade agreements and promotes a development strategy based on structural change. Second, in a similar way to the multilateral consensus that underpinned the US project based on the promotion of “development” from the north to the south and with a fundamental role for cooperation and aid, China today deploys a similar argument promoting the scope of “a community of shared future” ³ with its strategic partners and to which more and more states look to join, where the GDI and the GSI are fundamental axes.
This first commentary is part of a larger study which the author is doing at Abo Akademi, on minority communities and the right to development, using case examples from various societies. It presents an intriguing view from an outside commentator on some aspects of Native politics in Canada. In this paper, the author attempts to discuss how a marginalized people are exploiting a historical moment of national crisis to overcome repressed status. In Canada this end is being achieved by the emerging movement for Native rights.
This engaging overview covers the key theories of equivalence, solution types, purpose, scientific approaches, uncertainty, automation, and cultural translation. Fully revised, this third edition adds coverage of Russian and Ukrainian theories, examples from Chinese, advances in machine translation, and research on translators’ cognitive processes. Readers are encouraged to explore the various theories and consider their strengths, weaknesses, and implications for translation practice. The book concludes with a survey of the way translation is used as a model in postmodern cultural studies and sociologies, extending its scope beyond traditional Western notions.
Die Internationale Politische Ökonomie erweitert die Perspektive der Vergleichenden Politischen Ökonomie insofern sie transnationale wirtschaftliche Beziehungen sowie Außenwirtschaftspolitik und internationale Wirtschaftsinstitutionen einbezieht. Kap. 5 skizziert die Etablierung der IPÖ als Subdisziplin in den 1970er Jahren und verweist auf die anschließende Ausdifferenzierung der Theorieentwicklung. Das Kapitel unterscheidet grob zwischen vier Strängen: 1) Theorien, die in direkter Anlehnung an die Großtheorien der Internationalen Beziehungen entwickelt wurden; 2) Theorien, die in verschiedenen Formen auf Karl Marx zurückgehen und als generische Theorien der Politischen Ökonomie bezeichnet werden können; 3) Theorien, die Vergleichende und Internationale Politische Ökonomie und damit unterschiedliche Analyseebenen zusammenführen; und 4) Theorien, deren Ursprung vor allem in den Geisteswissenschaften liegt und dann auf Fragen der Internationalen Politischen Ökonomie angewendet wurden.
This chapter states that energy governance has become increasingly discussed in academia and global politics as countries continue to combat energy insecurity set against the background of a climate crisis and global economic turbulence. Her chapter seeks to add to the discourse by uncovering the drivers that merit a global energy governance (GEG) system and therefore the objectives that a unitary regime should meet. These drivers, including global energy insecurity, market failure in a liberalised energy market, and the increasingly volatile relationship between politics and energy, have pointed to the necessary mechanisms, dialogues, rules, and collaborations that effective GEG should establish. Beyond that, this chapter explores the existing fragmented ecosystem of various regimes that try, yet largely fall short of meeting these objectives. By assessing selected significant energy and related institutions, we can learn from the deficiencies and opportunities of these organisations and, therefore, characteristics that should be incorporated or mitigated in an idealised integrated GEG system. While it may be established that no coherent GEG exists today, this chapter concludes optimistically by pointing out how we are now witnessing game-changing normative factors that may enable a unitary regime in the near future.
This book analyzes the politics of global governance by looking at how global policymaking actually works. It provides a comprehensive theoretical and methodological framework which is systematically applied to the study of three global policies drawn from recent UN activities: the adoption of the Sustainable Development Goals in 2015, the institutionalization of the Human Rights Council from 2005 onwards, and the ongoing promotion of the protection of civilians in peace operations. By unpacking the practices and the values that have prevailed in these three cases, the authors demonstrate how global policymaking forms a patchwork pervaded by improvisation and social conflict. They also show how global governance embodies a particular vision of the common good at the expense of alternative perspectives. The book will appeal to students and scholars of global governance, international organizations and global policy studies.
Supranationale Organisationen bezeichnen einen besonderen Typ von internationalen Regierungsorganisationen, der supra- also überstaatliche Entscheidungskompetenzen aufweist, die durch die Delegation von Entscheidungsbefugnissen an unabhängige Organe oder durch Mehrheitsentscheidungen ihrer Mitgliedstaaten vollzogen werden. In diesem Beitrag wird für jede der beiden Varianten eine supranationale Organisation näher vorgestellt. Zuerst wird die Europäische Union (EU) behandelt, die über unabhängige Organe verfügt. Sie ist die Organisation mit den weltweit umfassendsten supranationalen Befugnissen, die sich in verschiedenen Institutionen der EU spiegeln und sich auf unterschiedliche Politikfelder erstrecken. Daraufhin steht der Internationale Währungsfonds (IWF) im Mittelpunkt, der vor allem durch die Vergabe von Krediten unter bestimmten Auflagen, Einfluss auf die Politik von kreditnehmenden Staaten nehmen kann. Dazu wird in beiden Fällen zunächst die Entstehung der Organisationen skizziert; daraufhin werden der Aufbau, die Struktur und die Funktion der Organisationen erläutert und schließlich vermessen, inwiefern die Organisationen über supranationale Kompetenzen verfügen. Im Anschluss daran erfolgt eine theoretische Reflexion anhand von zwei Theorien, um zu zeigen, dass und wie sich beide Organisationen analysieren lassen und welche unterschiedlichen Erklärungen durch die theoretischen Ansätze geliefert werden. Abschließend werden beide Organisationen im Fazit miteinander verglichen.
Circular Confucian time, grounded in the traditional Chinese epistemological framework of relational thought, plays a central role in China’s international legal behavior. Western scholars have often characterized China’s international legal positions and normative claims as contradictory. However, China’s international legal behavior and international legal arguments may require a different interpretation, one informed by psychological and anthropological approaches, as well as an understanding of the significance of the Chinese epistemological framework and culture-based time orientation. The framework of relational thought puts the relationships among actors and their interests at the foreground of their perception and reception of social reality, while Confucian ethics builds upon the relational thought and prescribes that conflicting interests and contradictory positions should be reconciled over the course of time. In relational governance, Confucian time is consequently the dimension through which to reconcile differences among actors, including China, on the international plane. This process of reconciliation is intended to ultimately lead to the harmonization of relationships and in turn ensure compliance with international law.
The present text aims to present a methodological contribution to the problem of the accuracy of the analysis of the reaction of States in the face of situations of international disputes. To this end, after considering other methodologies for analyzing international relations, a description of a functional model of immediate application is presented. This model indicates the likely reactions of governments in the face of certain dispute situations, as a result of an analysis in which objective elements of power projection and the defense of national interests are associated with political, cultural and ideological variables that make up the cognitive and psychological formation of a country’s ruling elites and ultimately influence its decision-making process.
Der vorliegende Text soll einen methodologischen Beitrag zum Problem der Genauigkeit der Analyse der Reaktion von Staaten angesichts internationaler Streitsituationen leisten. Zu diesem Zweck wird nach Betrachtung anderer Methodologien zur Analyse internationaler Beziehungen eine Beschreibung eines funktionalen Modells der unmittelbaren Anwendung vorgestellt. Dieses Modell zeigt die wahrscheinlichen Reaktionen von Regierungen angesichts bestimmter Streitsituationen als Ergebnis einer Analyse, in der objektive Elemente der Machtprojektion und der Verteidigung nationaler Interessen mit politischen, kulturellen und ideologischen Variablen verbunden sind, die das kognitive und geistige Denken ausmachen psychologische Bildung der herrschenden Eliten eines Landes und beeinflussen letztlich dessen Entscheidungsprozesse.
As wildfires rage, pollution thickens, and species disappear, the world confronts environmental crisis with a set of global institutions in urgent need of reform. Yet, these institutions have proved frustratingly resistant to change. Introducing the concept of Temporal Focal Points, Manulak shows how change occurs in world politics. By re-envisioning the role of timing and temporality in social relations, his analysis presents a new approach to understanding transformative phases in international cooperation. We may now be entering such a phase, he argues, and global actors must be ready to realize the opportunities presented. Charting the often colorful and intensely political history of change in global environmental politics, this book sheds new light on the actors and institutions that shape humanity's response to planetary decline. It will be of interest to scholars and advanced students of international relations, international organization and environmental politics and history.
The so-called geoeconomic turn stands for the increased tendency of countries to use economic policy instruments to promote or defend national interests vis-à-vis trading partners or rival powers. Scholars note a similar shift in trade and investment policies of the European Union (“EU”). However, there are few studies that examine whether this proclaimed shift at the policy level is reflected in outcomes. Against this background, this chapter examines the EU’s ability to position itself as a defensive geoeconomic actor. Based on three exploratory case studies—investment screening, Most-Favoured Nations clauses in Free Trade Agreements (“FTAs”), and the EU’s (non-)response to China’s Belt and Road Initiative (“BRI”)—we find that the EU’s ability to act in line with its own geoeconomic ambitions varies across the policy initiatives studied. In particular, lack of alignment of individual EU Member States with a common EU policy stance serves as a possible challenge for implementing defensive geoeconomic policies. At the same time, we also find that that the EU’s own framing of what makes a policy initiative “geoeconomic” varies widely, and does not always correspond to the legal design or economic implications of a given initiative. These findings contribute to debates on the EU’s evolving relevance as a global actor and shed new light on recent conceptualizations of the geoeconomic turn.
This study aims to evaluate the success of the hegemonic stability theory within the framework of the Cold War era Security Council resolutions. In this direction, 725 resolutions of the Security Council between 1946 and 1991 have been examined and converted into numerical values in terms of content. It is seen that the decisions focused on a limited number of problems in the said period. The results show that the being of a single hegemonic power is not the main factor in providing stability. In addition, when looked at the post-Cold War period, it is possible to assert that the Security Council’s burden has increased. It is seen that the problems increase and diversify in the unipolar world, and international terrorism comes to the fore as the main actor. Hegemonic stability theory has not been successful in terms of international security. For international security, it is necessary to seek stability in a pluralistic structure, not in a single hegemonic power, because it does not seem possible to achieve success by ignoring national interests and the ethnicity and culture on which these national interests are built. Although the bipolar order offers a relatively stable security environment, the high threat perception prevents countries from revealing their potential for development.
An extensive size of literature has investigated the multifaceted dimensions of differentiated integration in Europe. Notwithstanding, we know little about the drivers and strategic underpinnings of differentiated integration in the high politics areas concerning national and international security, such as foreign policy, security and defence. What explains the variation in states’ foreign policy preferences of integration in multilateral security orders? In this article, we seek to explain this variation by putting forward a two-level argument. First, we claim that states adopt a genuine role player conception underpinned by a mixture of relative gains, absolute gains, and normative factors. Second, we propose a novel operational model to examine member states’ efforts for cooperation and integration in the security and defence domain based on their threat perceptions, level of ambitions, strategic partnerships, military spending, and troop deployments. To illustrate our argument, we employ a comparative case study design, examining four countries: Germany, France, Ireland and Romania. The article finds that the analysed countries play conspicuous roles in the Euro-Atlantic security order. France takes the role of an agile power-projector, Germany embraces the role of a global responsibility taker, Ireland plays the role of a peacekeeping neutral, and Romania of a small regional power.
The process of globalization is an important phenomenon that causes changes in the way of life, thinking and behavior of human beings. Undoubtedly, this process of change has revealed the necessity of rethinking concepts and phenomena in social sciences and in the discipline of international relations. The main purpose of this study; “Has the process of globalization changed the phenomena of imperialism and hegemony, and if so, what is the extent of this change?” to analyze the problem. The basic assumption of the study; With the globalization process, the phenomena of imperialism and hegemony have undergone a large-scale structural change. The basis of this assumption is that the traditional state-centered perspective is insufficient to explain the phenomena of imperialism and hegemony due to the changes created by the globalization process. It can be said that especially non-state actors such as multinational companies are leading this change. Considering their annual budgets, number of employees, and most importantly, their effectiveness and decisive role in international relations, it can be predicted that in the medium and long term, imperial or hegemon structures may be multinational corporations rather than states. Multinational companies will make this structural transformation not alone, but together with developed countries with a possible foresight. In this context, it can be said that other non-state actors, especially multinational companies, will have a share as a new and powerful actor in shaping the phenomena of imperialism and hegemony that have been reduced to states.
The recent past has seen a rise in litigation seeking to hold specific private and public actors liable for their contribution to and impacts of climate change, with a relatively low success rate. This highlights the need for further research into the reasonable and just distribution of responsibility for mitigation and adaptation. This book unites renowned researchers from various disciplines to explore the challenges and opportunities of assigning responsibility and liability for climate change to specific actors. Thereby, the importance of interdisciplinary scientific dialogue on climate change is strengthened, and a new generation of jurists is to be provided with novel arguments for protecting our climate system. With contributions by Christoph Bezemek, Wei Cao, Marcelo de Araujo, Oliver Dörr, Mastawesha M. Engdaw, Daniel Ennöckl, Judith Fitz, Michael Hanemann, Monika Hinteregger, Birgit Hollaus, Gottfried Kirchengast, Verena Madner, Lukas Meyer, Lydia A. Omuko-Jung, Julia Pleiel, Mareike Rumpf, Oliver Ruppel, Kirsten Schmalenbach, Gerhard Schnedl, Eva Schulev-Steindl, Jaap Spier, Andrea K. Steiner, Karl Steininger, Erika Wagner, Julia Wallner and Ke Zhou.
Robert W. Cox’un Gramsci’den alarak uluslararası ilişkiler disiplinine uyarladığı “hegemonya” kavramı, uluslararası sistem içinde yer alan devletlerin yanında devlet dışı aktörlerin de yer aldığı, rızaya dayalı bir ilişki biçimi olarak tanımlanmaktadır. Cox’a göre hegemonya, yalnızca devletler arası ilişkiler ile anlaşılamaz; çünkü, hegemonya, devletlerin sosyal sınıfları ile bağlantı kurmasını sağlayan, uluslararası düzeyde bir üretim modeli üzerine kuruldur. Cox’un uygulamaya çalıştığı bu yaklaşım, sosyal güçler, devlet yapısı ve devlet dış politikası arasındaki ilişkiyi ortaya koymayı amaçlamaktadır. Robert W. Cox’un hegemonya kavramı çerçevesinde inşa etmiş olduğu kuram, yeni-Gramşiyan perspektifi etkileyen ve besleyen bir metedollojiye sahiptir. Bu metedoloji, bilhassa belirsizlik dönemlerinin adlandırılması ve gelecek ihtimaller hakkında düşünülmeyi kolaylaştıran olanaklara sahiptir. Bu çalışma, Robert W. Cox’un Gramsci’nin hegemonya kavramını uluslararası ilişkiler disiplinine katarken kullandığı metodlardan bahsederken, aynı zamanda uluslararası ilişkiler teorilerinin hegemonya görüşlerini de açıklamaktadır. Çalışmanın asıl açıklamaya çalıştığı sorunsal ise Cox’un hegemonya yaklaşımının günümüz uluslararası sistem içerisindeki geçerliliğidir.
Энергетический кризис, начавшийся в Европейском союзе осенью 2021 г. и обострившийся в марте 2022 г., в очередной раз продемонстрировал, насколько остро стоит проблема стабильного и доступного энергоснабжения. Имевшиеся в распоряжении ЕС механизмы кризисного реагирования не позволили ему оперативно ответить на ситуацию, хотя новый скачок цен на энергоресурсы был вызван, по сути, “старыми” причинами, знакомыми ему по событиям 1970-1980-х и середины 2000-х годов – дефицитом ресурсов и политической нестабильностью в регионе, откуда ведутся основные поставки. Новым стало то, что парадоксальным образом энергетическая политика ЕС, которая должна была не допустить кризиса или, как минимум, сгладить его, напротив, внесла свою лепту в усугубление положения. В этом контексте авторы прослеживают, какие движущие силы стоят за развитием энергетической политики стран – участниц евроинтеграции и, исходя из этого, поясняют, почему, имея хронический дефицит энергоресурсов, ЕС планомерно отказывался от долгосрочных контрактов с поставщиками и призывал страны-члены снижать долю атомной энергии, а в условиях постпандемийного роста спроса на энергоресурсы на мировых рынках и небывалого увеличения цен на них предпринял выглядящие нелогичными шаги: отказался от запуска построенного газопровода “Северный поток – 2”, был готов закупать дорогостоящий СПГ у альтернативных поставщиков и продолжать оплачивать развитие ненадежных и дорогостоящих возобновляемых источников энергии в условиях, когда цена газа на спотовых биржах достигала рекордных показателей. Для выявления движущих сил применяются основополагающие теории международных отношений (реализм, либерализм, социальный конструктивизм, неомарксизм), а также теории европейской интеграции (межправительственный подход, неофункционализм, институционализм, теория коммуникации), позволяющие взглянуть на процессы внутри интеграционного объединения и принять во внимание наднациональный фактор при принятии решений. Рациональный подход при определении движущих сил и их действий по достижению целей энергетической политики, предлагаемый реализмом и либерализмом, а также неофункционализмом и некоторыми другими теориями, не находит своего подтверждения в практических шагах, предпринимаемых ЕС в сфере энергетики в момент кризиса 2021-2022 гг. Теории, берущие за основу социальный подход – социальный конструктивизм, неомарксизм и др., – дают более логичное объяснение решений, принимаемых в ЕС.
This article argues that President Joe Biden follows in the footsteps of his predecessor, except for two fundamental differences. The first difference is the higher degree of explicitness - the new president makes it clear that China challenges Washington in its international leadership and in its model of international order. The second difference is that Biden intends to carry out his “hegemonic war” imprinting in it the liberal internationalist mark that had vanished with Donald Trump. To this end, we delve into the theoretical origins of the Biden order and how the new president is putting the centuries-old heritage into practice.
There is an emerging consensus that international intervention can secure peace by helping combatants resolve commitment problems following civil wars. But how do interveners accomplish this? Some suggest that intervention primarily works through military coercion, while others propose non-military instruments. We build on the existing literature to theorize that interveners commonly condition political, economic, and legal incentives on compliance with peace processes. Despite a rich literature on intervention, scholars have only started to test the underlying instruments. This article takes a critical step toward this end, examining peacekeeping missions led by the United Nations from 1989 to 2012. Contrary to conventional wisdom, we show military coercion is neither commonly used nor necessary to ensure peace. Missions that employ conditional incentives—on which we collect original data—are consistently correlated with a reduced risk of conflict recurrence, even when controlling for observed selection effects, and regardless of whether they are also authorized to use military coercion.
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