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A behavioural investigation of preference in a newly designed New Zealand playground
Abstract and Figures
Playgrounds with spaces that attract children increase the likelihood children will
use them, the authors note, and playgrounds offer an opportunity for children
to experience the risks of outdoor play. The authors used natural observation to
study the children at play in a newly built New Zealand playground where such
an important kind of behavioral learning was possible. In five-minute intervals
over 615 minutes, they observed children of various ages and genders using the
playground equipment. They discovered that swinging, spinning, and climbing—
all at speeds and heights that made them risky—were the most popular activities
overall for children. They discuss the important implications of these and their
other findings for playground designers and for those worried about the decreasing
time children spend playing outdoors.
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... The total participant sample included n = 3676 children with 34.9% (n = 1282) male, 35.3% (n = 1299) female, and 29.8% (n = 1095) unreported sex. Six observational studies provided observation counts but not participant numbers [51,89,[93][94][95]101], and one study did not report participant numbers or sex [66]. The study population age range fell most frequently between 5 and 10 years (31 studies), with 20 studies including children aged 11-12 years and 21 studies including those aged 3-4 years. ...
... Fifteen studies also included other participants along with our population of interest, for example, parents and other family members, teachers, playground maintenance staff, play workers, or health professionals [51][52][53]56,[58][59][60][61]64,66,68,83,88,99,102]. Findings from these participant groups were not included in the qualitative content analysis. ...
... Across studies, children consistently sought more intense play experiences, relating to faster, slower, longer, heavier, deeper, bumpier, curvier, further, and more elevated play. These intense play opportunities were directly linked to the physical environment and were captured by children's emphasis on bigger, taller, higher, wavier, and longer play equipment landscape features, and objects [51,53,61,66,69,70,73,84,90,92,96,100]. Table 5 describes intense play experiences and environmental affordances with supporting studies. ...
For children, playgrounds are important environments. However, children’s perspectives are often not acknowledged in playground provision, design, and evaluation. This scoping review aimed to summarize the users’ (children with and without disabilities) perspectives on environmental qualities that enhance their play experiences in community playgrounds. Published peer-reviewed studies were systematically searched in seven databases from disciplines of architecture, education, health, and social sciences; 2905 studies were screened, and the last search was performed in January 2023. Included studies (N = 51) were charted, and a qualitative content analysis was conducted. Five themes were formed which provided insights into how both physical and social environmental qualities combined provide for maximum play value in outdoor play experiences. These multifaceted play experiences included the desire for fun, challenge, and intense play, the wish to self-direct play, and the value of playing alone as well as with known people and animals. Fundamentally, children wished for playgrounds to be children’s places that were welcoming, safe, and aesthetically pleasing. The results are discussed in respect to social, physical, and atmospheric environmental affordances and the adult’s role in playground provision. This scoping review represents the valuable insights of children regardless of abilities and informs about how to maximise outdoor play experiences for all children.
... 88· Clements, 2004 αναφ. στο Bourke & Sargisson, 2014, σελ. 370· Elliot, 2010, όπ. ...
... Η διεθνής βιβλιογραφία αναφέρει ότι τα παιδιά στον εξωτερικό σχολικό χώρο προτιμάνε να παίζουν κυρίως στην παιδική χαρά (κούνιες και μονόζυγο) και στην αμμοδόχο. Επομένως, οι απόψεις των περισσότερων φοιτητών (50%→ παιδική χαρά, 37,5%→ αμμοδόχος) για το εν λόγω θέμα φαίνεται να υποστηρίζονται από τη βιβλιογραφία (Bourke & Sargisson, 2014, σελ. 381· Staempfli, 2009, όπ. ...
... στο Duranceau & Bergeron, 2013, σελ. 7· Hughes, 2010 (Bourke & Sargisson, 2014, σελ. 381· Little & Eager, 2010· Staempfli, 2009, όπ. ...
... Qualitative studies explored parent and/or child perceptions of neighborhood influences on OFP. A majority of studies focused on the 2 to 6 age range; among studies that included children under 2 [34][35][36][37][38][39], only four reported findings for this group separately from older children [34,35,38,39]. Thus, findings below apply to children between 2 and 6, unless otherwise specified. ...
... Qualitative studies explored parent and/or child perceptions of neighborhood influences on OFP. A majority of studies focused on the 2 to 6 age range; among studies that included children under 2 [34][35][36][37][38][39], only four reported findings for this group separately from older children [34,35,38,39]. Thus, findings below apply to children between 2 and 6, unless otherwise specified. ...
Urban environments shape early childhood exposures, experiences, and health behaviors, including outdoor free play, influencing the physical, cognitive, social, and emotional development of young children. We examined evidence for urban or suburban built environment influences on outdoor free play in 0–6-year-olds, considering potential differences across gender, culture, and geography. We systematically searched seven literature databases for relevant qualitative, quantitative, and mixed methods studies: of 5740 unique studies, 53 met inclusion criteria. We assessed methodological quality and thematically synthesized findings from included studies. Three broad themes, features of spaces for play, routes, and social factors intersected to influence the availability, accessibility, and acceptability of neighborhoods for young children’s outdoor free play across diverse cultural and geographic contexts. Proximity to formal or informal space for play, protection from traffic, pedestrian envi- ronment, green and natural environments, and opportunity for social connection supported outdoor free play. Family and community social context influenced perceptions of and use of space; however, we did not find consistent, gendered differences in built environment correlates of outdoor free play. Across diverse contexts, playable neighborhoods for young children provided nearby space for play, engaging routes protected from traffic and facilitated frequent interaction between people, nature, and structures.
... It can involve multiple senses, employing light and shade, movement, sound, tactility, and scent (Haider & Kaplan, 2004). The use of "natural" features is an impactful way of developing a site's character and creating play affordances (Bourke & Sargisson, 2014;Herrington & Lesmeister, 2006;Woolley & Lowe, 2013). Research has demonstrated that natural spaces are consistently preferred by children (Dunnett et al., 2002;Sargisson & McLean, 2012;Titman, 1994). ...
... Sandseter (2007) identified six types of risky play: play at great heights; with high speed; with dangerous tools; near dangerous elements; rough-and-tumble play; and play where the children can disappear/get lost. The sensations of height and speed are popular thrills (Bourke & Sargisson, 2014;Sandseter, 2009). Perennially popular risky play activities include swinging, climbing, and spinning (Masiulanis & Cummins, 2017;Talarowski et al., 2019). ...
Outdoor play is critical for the wellbeing of children. In cities, access to unsupervised outdoor play is limited by a host of obstacles. Many of these limiting factors can be mitigated by environmental design. The following identifies seven design principles for urban public landscapes that support play for "tweens" (children 10 to 13 years old). We developed these principles using a mixed methodology that included a literature review, an analysis of qualitive interview transcripts with tweens, and a precedent study of playable urban landscapes. The Seven Cs for Tweens principles include: connectivity, community, cues, character, child agency, challenge, and comfort.
... A total of 56 studies used proxy-reported outdoor play [33-35, 40, 41, 47, 50, 52-54, 59-61, 63, 64, 68, 69, 73, 75, 77, 79, 80, 82, 83, 85-87, 89-93, 95-98, 101, 106, 111-113, 116-118, 122, 123, 125-129, 133, 135-138] and 15 studies used self-reported outdoor play [39,51,57,62,70,71,74,83,99,100,103,107,108,114,130], of which one observation used both proxy-and selfreported data [102]. Ten studies used accelerometry or pedometry (i.e., device-based measures of physical activity that took place outdoors) [34,35,48,72,77,86,113,117,119,122] and another five studies were based on direct observation [30,43,45,108,109]. Average duration of outdoor play reported from 26 studies ranged between 60.0 to 165.4 min/d (mean or median) or 2.0 to 10.3 h/week. ...
... A total of 22 studies examined potential correlates of outdoor time [37,42,48,55,56,58,76,78,81,84,104,105,115,121,124,131,132,134]. The majority of studies used proxy-reported outdoor time (n = 12) [36,37,43,56,66,76,81,105,115,131,132], followed by selfreported (n = 5) [75,87,101,123,128], direct observation (n = 2) [52,83], and device-based measures (n = 3) [47,56,80]. Average duration of outdoor time reported from 12 studies ranged between 41.7 to 240.0 min/d or 6.2 h/wk. ...
Background: Due to the myriad of benefits of children’s outdoor play and time, there is increasing concern over its decline. This systematic review synthesized evidence on the correlates of outdoor play and outdoor time among children aged 3-12 years.
Methods: A total of 12 electronic databases in five different languages (Chinese, English, Korean, Spanish, Portuguese) were searched between October 28, 2019 and July 27, 2020. Covidence software was used for screening and Microsoft Excel with a predesigned coding form was used for data extraction. Evidence was synthesized and correlates were categorized using the socioecological model framework.
Results: Based on 107 studies representing 188,498 participants and 422 childcare centers from 29 countries, 85 studies examined potential correlates of outdoor play while 23 studies examined that of outdoor time (one examined both). The duration of outdoor play and outdoor time ranged between 60 and 165 min/d and 42-240 min/d, respectively. Out of 287 (outdoor play) and 61 (outdoor time) potential correlates examined, 111 correlates for outdoor play and 33 correlates for outdoor time were identified as significant correlates. Thirty-three variables were identified as key/common correlates of outdoor play/time, including eight correlates at the individual level (e.g., sex/gender, race/ethnicity, physical activity), 10 correlates at the parental level (e.g., parental attitude/support/behavior, parenting practice), nine at the microsystem level (e.g., proximal home/social environment such as residence type, peer influence), three at the macrosystem/community level (e.g., availability of space children can play), and three at the physical ecology/pressure for macrosystem change level (e.g., seasonality, rurality). No key correlates were found at the institutional level.
Conclusions: Individual, parental, and proximal physical (home) and social environments appear to play a role in children’s outdoor play and time. Ecological factors (i.e., seasonality, rurality) also appear to be related to outdoor play/time. Evidence was either inconsistent or lacking at institutional and macrosystem/community levels. Standardizing terminology and measures of outdoor play/time is warranted. Future work should investigate the interactions and processes of multiple variables across different levels of socioecological modelling to better understand the mechanisms through which outdoor play/time opportunities can be optimized for children while paying special attention to varying conditions in which children are born, live, and play.
... An observational study of children's preferences on a playground in New Zealand found that swinging, spinning and climbing were the most popular activities, and playground equipment that afforded these activities (e.g. roundabout, eagle's nest, climbing frame, large-basket swing) were the most used spaces (Bourke and Sargisson 2014). Studies looking at functional and physical active play more specifically have shown that fixed playground equipment and portable equipment such as balls and wheeled toys increases physical activity (Bower et al. 2008;Smith et al. 2014), while other objects or play materials reduce the level of physical activity among 3⍰5year olds (Smith et al. 2014). ...
... Children use this equipment, among others, to slide, climb, swing, spin and jump. These results are in accordance with earlier research showing that children engage in functional play in equipment specifically designed for this kind of play (Bourke and Sargisson 2014;Bower et al. 2008;Dyment and O'Connell 2013;Smith et al. 2014;Zamani 2016). Knowing that many outdoor playgrounds are dominated by large fixed structures designed for functional play, this is not surprising. ...
Play is a fundamental activity for experiences, learning and development among children in their early years. Early childhood education and care (ECEC) institutions’ play environments, their features and design, are therefore of great importance for the opportunities provided for children to create and engage in a wide range of play. This study examines how children utilise features in the ECEC outdoor environment (spaces and materials) to engage in different types of play. Children (3–6 years, N = 86) were observed in two-minute sequences during periods of the day when they were free to choose what to do. The data consists of 935 randomly recorded two-minute videos, which were coded second by second to register the type of play occurring, the space in which it occurred and the materials children used. The results indicate a dynamic relationship between the outdoor environments and the play in which children engage and point out the complex nature of playground design, where planning for the predictable, and at the same time opening up for the unpredictable, is important.
... Previous studies examining school and community playgrounds have focused on the impact of playground spatial features on their overall play value (e.g., Czalczynska-Podolska, 2014), how they meet the needs of children with disabilities (e.g., Yuill et al., 2007;Schmidt, 2016, 2017), children's playground equipment preference (e.g., Bourke and Sargisson, 2014), the influence of playgrounds and playground equipment on children's physical activity levels, childhood obesity rates, or well-being (e.g., Sallis et al., 2001;Ridgers et al., 2006;Farley et al., 2008;Uys et al., 2015;Sando, 2019), and playgrounds that offer opportunities for risk and their appeal to children (Lasenby-Lessard and Morrongiello, 2011;Lasenby-Lessard et al., 2013). While playground settings have become a field of growing interest in research on child outcomes, there are a lack of studies assessing how the type of playground setting (school playground; community playground) influences the differential expression on children's play behaviors. ...
Using a mixed-method design, the aims of the current study were to develop an in-depth understanding of (1) children’s social play behaviors on school and community playgrounds, (2) the duration with which children play within varying social play categories, and (3) assessing children’s perspectives of playground activities, their peer relationships, and recommendations for new playgrounds. Six participants were observed for five 30-min observations on a school playground and for five 30-min observations on a community playground. Participants were also interviewed about their experiences and preferences on school and community playgrounds. The direct observation results support and extend previous work, indicating that children’s play skill competence varies by setting. Children demonstrated higher levels of associative and cooperative play on the school playground, but higher levels of solitary and parallel play on the community playground. This difference in play styles by playground appears to be a function of available play partners and is explained by the interview data, which found that children are not comfortable playing with children they do not know.
... Planning is the first phase of teaching, in which the educator sets a goal, selects a teaching strategy, organizes the learning activities and collects supporting material (Jacobsen, Eggen & Kauchak, 2011). The Educators, ought, during this phase, to encourage their pupils' learning through beforehand planned play activities and make sure that those activities fully meet the children's needs and interests (Aypay, 2016;Bourke & Sargisson, 2014;Ernst, 2014). They also ought to consider whether the planned play environments offer children the opportunity of practicing their existing skills, evolving new ones and gaining access to a rich variety of play categories (Sakellariou & Rentzou, 2012a). ...
Despite the importance of play as an instructional medium and its contribution on children's learning, development and creativity at all levels of education, research data extracted from Greek literature demonstrate that teaching does not depend on play at the extend that it should. The current study was conducted during the 2019 academic year and investigates on the views of current Kindergarten Educators (N:100) working on faculties of the Region of Epirus as well as Senior Students (N:100) at the Department of Early Education of the University of Ioannina, and it scrutinizes on the planning and evaluation of the educational process in terms of play within preschool cognitive environments and also on the role play holds in the Kindergarten's educational procedure. The findings of this research pointed out the significance of play's role towards learning and development of preschool aged children. Nonetheless, the current Educators do not acknowledge the importance of children's participation in the actual planning of play scholar environments in opposition to the prospective Educators who deem such as vital. Both groups, Educators and Students show an encouraging attitude towards their pupils when it comes to them desiring to design play activities, however the Students show limited confidence on educational planning issues, due to their lacking teaching experience within actual Kindergarten faculties. Educators as well as Students who have undertaken training courses regarding the educational merit of play, evaluate children's learning through play to a higher degree than their colleagues who have not attended such courses. Finally, the current research points out the pedagogical expertise of the Instructors needed towards a more comprehensive use of play in the educational praxis.
Adults often deem uncomfortable and dangerous play as ‘risky' or ‘rough play', yet difficult play encounters can be the context in which children learn and develop physically, emotionally, socially and cognitively. Children repeatedly experience play situations in outdoor spaces that challenge them to appraise their capabilities. We examined children's decisions to take risks in an outdoor space intentionally designed for free exploration and play, and the influences present in their appraisals. While risk taking play is most prominently influenced by immediate contexts, such as the self and caregivers, we found that broader factors, such as familiarity with the surroundings, social configurations, and cultural beliefs on risk, have significant impact as well. As a result, we suggest increased opportunities for children to engage in taking risks in play, freedom to determine their own capabilities, and awareness of cultural, familial, and social impacts on children’s behaviors, practices, or beliefs about taking risks.
The article discusses the relevance of modern play spaces to the tasks of the mental and physical child development, as well as modern approaches to the examination of children's outdoor play environment. A historical analysis of changes in domestic and foreign theories about ideas - what kind of playground children need, also empirical studies of child behavior at different play environment allow us to highlight the main lines of psychological and pedagogical analysis of play spaces. New standards in the field of education and development, as well as in designing educational environment, the request of teachers and designers (architects, engineers) makes relevant to work out the methodological support of the creation of play environment. Interdisciplinary approach and dialogue in this area will allow us to solve the problem of designing such play environment that meets the tasks of the child development.
Debate on the issue of safety standards in playgrounds centers on the tradeoff between allowing children to manage their own risk, and protecting them from harm. The behavior of children was monitored on 56 playgrounds during the summer on the North Island of New Zealand. The most-commonly featured play items were swings, slides and climbing apparatus. Swinging was the most popular play activity for all children, followed by spinning (roundabouts, spinning tops), and climbing. Accident events were rare, with a risk of minor injury of 0.1 per child per hour. Failure to provide shade contributed to the under-use of slides, which were frequently hot to the touch. Older children still use playgrounds, although older girls seem poorly served by the emphasis on skate parks and sporting activities. The needs of children to experience risk and challenge should be balanced against safety when designing playgrounds.
This study discusses the extent to which children in the USA today participate in active, outdoor play, compared with the previous generation. Eight hundred and thirty mothers nationwide were surveyed regarding their active, outdoor play experiences as children, as well as their children's play experiences today. The mother's play experiences, compared with the child's, clearly indicate that children today spend considerably less time playing outdoors than their mothers did as children. The study reveals several fundamental reasons for this decline, including dependence on television and digital media, and concerns about crime and safety. The study also conveys findings related to the frequent use of electronic diversions and discusses several suggestions for early childhood professionals, classroom teachers, and parents for fostering the child's enjoyment for outdoor play.
Over the last decade, awareness about the changing nature of children's play has gradually increased, leading to some concerns that outdoor play, particularly unstructured outdoor play, is rapidly declining. Reasons for these changes are diverse and multilayered, rooted in ever-evolving sets of social and parental expectations and the children's needs for entertainment and self-expression. Parents are struggling with competing, rational, and emotive judgments (personal and social in nature) about positive and negative risks associated with play. As suggested in this article, adventure playgrounds are a specific type of outdoor play environments that have the potential to offer an abundance of developmental opportunities for children to grow emotionally, socially, and physically.
Children growing up in the inner city are at risk for a range of negative developmental outcomes. Do barren, inner-city neighborhood spaces compromise the everyday activities and experiences necessary for healthy development? Sixty-four urban public housing outdoor spaces (27 low vegetation, 37 high vegetation) were observed on four separate occasions. Overall, inner-city children's everyday activities and access to adults appeared remarkably healthy; of the 262 children observed, most (73%) were involved in some type of play, and most groups of children (87%) were supervised to some degree. In relatively barren spaces, however, the picture was considerably less optimistic: Levels of play and access to adults were approximately half as much as those found in spaces with more trees and grass, and the incidence of creative play was significantly lower in barren spaces than in relatively green spaces.
With the 'cultural turn' in geography children have been positioned on the geographical agenda. There is an evident and growing interest amongst undergraduates in the geography of children as a topic for project work and dissertation study. This seems an appropriate time to consider a series of related ethical and methodological issues which are important when working with children. The paper is organised into four parts. First, discussion focuses on the background which has given rise to a growing expectation that social (geographical) investigation should be with children rather than on or for children. These ideas are presented in order to encourage students and their supervisors to think about their work from the perspective of children. Second, a set of ethical issues to do with working with children are discussed. Third, examples of good methodological practice when working with children are presented. Lastly, a range of provocative issues to do with geographers studying children are examined. Throughout the paper, the emphasis is upon how recent changes in human (cultural) geography inform the way in which we get (or expect) students to work.
To examine the effect of season on playground surface injury rates.
Injuries were identified through student incident report forms used in school districts in Calgary (Alberta) and the surrounding area. Playground surface exposure data were estimated based on school enrollment.
A total of 539 injuries were reported during the 2007/2008 school year. Abrasions, bruises and inflammation were the most frequently reported injuries. The head, neck or face were most commonly injured. Injury rates per 1000 student days ranged between 0.018 (rubber crumb in spring) and 0.08 (poured-in-place and natural rock in the fall). Rubber crumb surfacing, compared with natural rock, had a significantly lower rate of injury in the spring, but no other season-surface comparisons were statistically significant.
Rates of injury were similar for natural rock, poured-in-place, and crushed rock in the fall and winter. There was some evidence of a lower rate of injury on rubber crumb surfaces in the spring.