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During the month of March 2013, some Belgian and Dutch police researchers gathered to discuss a trajectory for the study of the pluralisation of policing in European metropolises. We observed a significant amount of comparative work on different national police systems, but only a minor comparative focus on the local reality of European metropolises. According to United Nations UN Habitat, the growth of urban population was in 1970 only 37%, while the prospective for 2030 is 60% . Benjamin Barber (2013) argues consequently that the future of global governance lies with cities, and the mayors who lead them. Is the concept of the metropolis becoming increasingly important to the detriment of the concept of the national state?
It was the group’s understanding that in different local settings throughout Europe policing was indeed transforming, but at the same time there was also the observation that the situation in different metropolises was not systematically documented and that such a comparative project lacked basic information. Anglo-Saxon literature was to a large extent dominating the theme of pluralisation and the group members wondered if the study of plural policing in European metropolises shouldn’t be build on more solid empirical ground.
The initiative group agreed upon a few starting points:
(1) a list of the biggest metropolises was drawn up to make a selection possible of these cities which were of special interest to be included in this project;
(2) each one of the initiative group contacted a scholar specializing in policing in each of these metropolises with the objective of working together on a diagnostic of the policing system in the metropolis of their choice;
(3) a common checklist was developed, taking in different points of interest we considered as important for this setup and we agreed that this list would be used by each of the participants of the project, without considering it as a straightjacket;
(4) a first outcome of the project would be presented for publication to the European Journal of Policing Studies.
All societies require mechanisms for preserving social order and control. Among the most prominent of these are the police and the security or intelligence services. This chapter concentrates on the work of the police, as it is the police that have the higher public profile and the greater impact in the majority of instances relating to the normal social activities of a country. Furthermore, given that within Britain there are distinct police organizational structures in Northern Ireland, Scotland, and England and Wales, this chapter will focus on the largest police body in England and Wales.
Deze bijdrage zoomt in op de verhouding tussen politie en politiek. Peacekeeping is van oudsher de kerntaak van de politie. We beschrijven deze stelling aan de hand van resultaten van empirisch onderzoek, zowel in de Verenigde Staten als in Europa. We stellen in deze bijdrage vast dat de verwachtingen van de politieke klasse ten opzichte van de politie afgelopen drie decennia grondig transformeerden. Steeds meer kwam de klemtoon te liggen op de bestrijding van criminaliteit. Dit gegeven strookt niet met een realistische visie op het concrete politiefunctioneren, dat voornamelijk uit preventieve handelingen bestaat. Dit laatste lichten we toe aan de hand van historische inzichten, waaruit blijkt politie vooral de dagelijkse rust en kalmte in de buurten moest bewaren. In deze bijdrage lichten we een aantal oorzaken toe voor deze politieke visieverandering. Eerst en vooral is een falende overheid de indirecte aanleiding tot de vraag om een ‘sterke arm’. Een overheid die er niet in slaagt sociale rechtvaardigheid voor haar inwoners te garanderen, leidt tot oproer. De bevolking keert zich tegen de meest zichtbare vertegenwoordiging van die overheid: de politie; waarop dan wordt gereageerd met een zero-tolerance politiek. Een tweede oorzaak voor een accentverschuiving naar criminaliteitsbestrijding is de economische crisis: politie is te duur geworden. Andere veiligheidsberoepen (en zelfs de private sector) nemen het dagdagelijks contact met de bevolking over en politie blijft voorbehouden voor de grootschalige criminaliteitsbestrijding. Deze bijlage plaatst deze nieuwe verhouding tussen politie en politiek onder een kritische loep.
During the last decades of the 20th century, crime rates rose rapidly and complex public safety problems evolved. New actors and organizations from public and private sectors have tried to help governments to satisfy an ever increasing need for public safety. This has resulted in a fragmented policy domain including multiple actors dealing with a wide variety of public safety problems. Consequently, an urgent need for interconnection has emerged. This has led to various mechanisms for coordination of actors, goals and accountability on both administrative and political levels. The chapter describes these seemingly contradictory trends of almost simultaneous fragmentation and interconnection in local public safety governance in the Netherlands, Belgium and England.
This chapter discusses the most significant reform of the Belgian police system that occurred by law in 1998 3 . The actual implementation of the act dates from the beginning of 2001. The reform includes regrouping of the three regular police forces that existed previously. This involved the municipal police, the Gendarmerie, and the judicial police at the public prosecutor's office. These three police forces were rearranged into 'a single, integrated police force, structured on two levels'. In this chapter we will not limit ourselves to a purely formal discussion of this intervention. In the first paragraph we go back to the origin and significance of the three police forces that were grouped for the reform. The second paragraph goes into the reform and its background, and also how it worked out and how it continues to operate. We close in the third paragraph with an evaluation of the reform, which is discussed now, and also whether or not it is considered necessary to introduce new reform. Origin and significance of the Belgian system prior to the 1998 reform
This article asks how we might best come to terms with - and seek to govern - the multiplicity of institutional forms that are now involved in the delivery of policing and security services and technologies. I begin by documenting briefly the network of providers that constitute the policing field locally, nationally and transnationally, before specifying how the fragmentation and pluralization of policing has called radically into doubt a number of received (liberal) suppositions about the relationship between police and government. I then attempt - drawing constructively yet critically on recent theorizations of governance and ‘governmentality’ - to make sense of some contemporary reconfigurations of policing within and beyond the state, and tease out their implications for questions of democratic legitimacy. Finally, I outline the contours of an institutional politics for the regulation of policing that is both normatively adequate to the task of connecting policing to processes of public will-formation and sociologically plausible under the altered conditions of plural, networked policing.
Discusses the actual conceptions about policing used by social scientists. Police models are central entities of thoughts and ideas on policing, which include an observable internal coherence. Stresses that there are in fact only four central police models: the military-bureaucratic model; the lawful policing model; community-oriented policing (COP); and public-private divide policing. Precisely in articulating COP against its negative references, the essence becomes clearer. Concludes that each concrete police apparatus can be considered as a combination of police models. The democratization process can be endangered by the growing dominance of a public-private (divide) police model. That is the main reason why it is important to encourage the search for a more profound theoretical basis for policing the community.
This article examines the organization and function of Italy’s police forces. In contrast with other countries there have been very few recent studies on policing in Italy. This article starts from the origins of the modern police in Italy and tracks changes over time. Police activities that relate specifically to surveillance of territory and individuals, maintaining public order, controlling immigration and the coordination of police operations are reconstructed and documented, with a specific focus on crime prevention. The article attempts to assess to what extent this has been achieved in recent decades, and to what extent the efficiency of crime prevention has increased or decreased over the last thirty years. The article also examines the relations between the size of the police force and crime statistics to discover whether the increase in the former is directly linked to a decline in the latter.
Ouvrage téléchargeable sur le site Internet : http://www.europeansourcebook.org/ob285_full.pdf
The study of police history in Scotland has largely been neglected. Little is known about the Scottish police’s origins, development and character despite growing interest in the machinery of law enforcement in other parts of the United Kingdom. This book seeks to remedy this deficiency. Based on extensive archival research, its central aim is to provide an in-depth analysis of the economic, social, intellectual and political factors that shaped police reform, development and policy in Scottish burghs during the ‘Age of Improvement’. The key issues addressed include: the workings of traditional forms of law enforcement and why these were increasingly deemed to be unsuitable by the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries; why, and in what ways, the pattern, nature and origins of police development in urban Scotland differed from elsewhere in Britain; in what ways the Scottish police model compared and contrasted with other British models; the impact of police reform on urban governance and the struggle between social groups for control of the local state; the concerns and priorities behind police policy. In addressing these questions, Police in the Age of Improvement moves beyond many of the ‘problem-response’ interpretations which have preoccupied many police historians, and locates reform within the wider contexts of urban improvement, municipal administration and Scottish Enlightenment thought. It will be essential reading for anyone interested in the history of policing, urban management and social change in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
The research reported here arose out of a comparison between different types of police harassment directed against groups of young people in the city centre and on council estates in the inner city. I had, of course, experienced the sharp end of city centre policing at 144 Piccadilly. Subsequent experience of working with young people in North Islington (described in the previous chapter) made it clear that a very different set of protocols and procedures were being applied in this case.
The gradual de-coupling of police and state is an increasingly well-documented phenomenon. Against this backdrop, we set out in this article to reformulate and defend a positive (rather than pejorative) connection between policing and the state. We begin by reconstructing four candidate means by which the state-policing nexus might plausibly be established - the monopoly of legitimate coercion, the delivery of civic governance, the guarantee of collective provision and the symbolism of state and nation; and in so doing assess both their sociological viability under conditions of fragmentation and pluralization, and their normative adequacy to the task of producing democratic, equitable and effective policing. We then outline our preferred mode of reconfiguring the linkage between policing and the state; one that recognizes the irreducibly social nature of what policing offers to guarantee - namely, security, and seeks on that basis to recombine elements of the above four 'positions' into a 'thick', communal conception of policing as a public good.
This article offers an overview of the implementation and evaluation of community policing programs in Spain today through the analysis of two particularly illustrative practical experiences. The controversial results of the Policía 2000 project – Spainʼs most consummate nationwide community policing program – pleads for a local imple-mentation of the community policing model. Indeed, as shown by another pioneering reform in Sant Boi de Llobregat (a big town near Barcelona) – which today offers many lessons in matters of evaluation and management of community policing – it is mainly at this level that experiences have been most conclusive.
On 1 April 2007, as a result of the implementation of the Police, Public Order and Criminal Justice (Scotland) Act 2006, a new national policing organisation called the Scottish Crime and Drug Enforcement Agency (SCDEA) was established. This took forward a process begun in 2001 when, as part of its contribution to the ‘war against drugs’, the Scottish Executive set up the Scottish Drug Enforcement Agency (SDEA) to focus across Scotland specifically on drug crime. The SCDEA is an expanded and, potentially, more powerful version of SDEA, which has led to its being popularly described as ‘the Scottish FBI’. The purpose of this article is to examine the evolution and development of the SCDEA and to discuss some of the key issues arising from the efforts to create a ‘MacFBI’ in Scottish policing.
A riot broke out in Brixton in 1981 that was not a rebellion in the sense of an organized attempt to overthrow the lawful government, for it was an unpremeditated outburst of anger and resentment against the police in a context of social and economic deprivation. In April 1982, one year after the Brixton riots, a conference was held at the University of Leicester to consider Lord Scarman's diagnoses and prescriptions. This chapter discusses the repercussion after Lord Scarman's Report was published. The Report itemized and stressed particular issues that arose from the disorders. There is consensus that inner city problems and unemployment must be ameliorated, for “good policing will be of no avail, unless we also tackle and eliminate basic flaws in our society.” There seems to be a common concern that racial disadvantage and discrimination must be fought and eliminated.
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