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The Modernist Muslim Movement in Indonesia, 1900-1942
... According to him, training is more related to preparation for "cemeteries and rewards" (Geertz, 1960). Even Deliar Noer revealed his identification of the training as "Islamic colonialism" (Noer, 1973). ...
Many studies on pesantren have been carried out by academics, both from within and outside the country with various approaches. However, the results are often inconsistent, making them unsatisfactory. This paper aims to explain the existence of pesantren that have existed for six centuries, as well as being the only educational institution owned by indigenous people, and being a driving force in the development of Malay Nusantara civilization. Pesantren also plays a big role in maintaining its traditions in the archipelago. With increasing variety and recognition, it can be concluded that pesantren have a plural, diverse, and non-uniform character.
... 24 Berbeda dengan Graham dan Duderija, menurut para pengkaji neo-tradisionalisme Islam hanya diasosiasikan kepada praktik keberislaman yang didasarkan kepada ketaatan kepada mazhab. Hal ini berangkat dari kategorisasi Islam tradisional sebagaimana dikembangkan oleh Deliar Noor, 25 Adams, 26 Smith dan Ahmad, 27 Martin 28 dan Fealy. 29 Dalam ungkapan Martin van Bruinessen misalnya, dinyatakan bahwa ciri utama tradisionalisme adalah mengikuti ulama-ulama besar di masa silam daripada mengambil kesimpulan-kesimpulan sendiri berdasarkan al-Qur'an dan hadis. ...
This article seeks to explain the context of the emergence of neo-traditionalist hadith scholars in Egypt’s digital socio-political-religious space. The analysis focuses on Sheikh Ma’bid ‘Abd al-Karīm, an al-Azhar hadith scholar who is nicknamed “Sheikh al-Majālis al-Ḥadīthiyyah”. Using a qualitative approach and literature study methods, the analysis finds that the presence of Sheikh Ma’bid ‘Abd al-Karīm in the digital space cannot be separated from the diverse context of contemporary Egyptian religious authority contestation. Sheikh Ma’bid is part of the voice of a wider network of clerics known as “Neo Islamic Traditionalism” centered at Al-Azhar under the leadership of Sheikh Aḥmad Ṭayib. The Islamic neo-traditionalism movement is a reassertion of al-Azhar’s religious identity and authority which had dimmed amid the rise of various currents of Islamic thought, especially transnational-Salafi. Shaykh Ma’bid plays an important role in maintaining al-Azhar’s symbolic authority in the field of hadith studies through the digital content he creates.
... Sedangkan santri atau murid adalah orang yang mempelajari agama dari seorang kiai/ustadz di pondok pesantren (Ridwan, 2010). Pesantren pernah menjadi satusatunya institusi pendidikan yang menjadi milik masyarakat pribumi yang berkontribusi dalam membentuk masyarakat melek huruf dan melek budaya (Huisman & Noer, 1978). Pesantren menjadi tempat dikembangkannya nilai-nilai agama dan juga pancasila yang menjadi pedoman dalam kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara (Hendri, 2020). ...
This study aims to see political patronage in the concept of citizenship in the Ar-Raudlatul Hasanah Medan pesantren. Pesantren Ar-Raudlatul Hasanah is one of the modern pesantren that has kiai as an important figure. However, the relationship between kiai and santri tends to be emotional, cultural, and forms patronage. Kiai is a patron who has power and influence. While santri is a client group that has a sami'na wa atho'na attitude. This patronage is not only in religious matters but also in political matters. Referring to the concept of citizenship, the patronage established between Kiai and Santri is considered contrary to democratic principles. This is because the political behaviour of students is still influenced by kiai figures. The research method used is descriptive qualitative with an ethnographic approach. Primary data is deep interviews. While secondary data is sourced from books and journals. Data collection techniques were carried out by observation, interviews and FGDs. While the data validation technique uses the triangulation method. The results of the study found that political patronage in the Ponpes Ar-Raudlatul Hasanah took the form of half-hearted political patronage. The obedience of santri to kiai is limited to religious matters only, not in political matters.-------------------AbstrakPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk melihat patronase politik dalam konsep kewarganegaraan di pesantren Ar-Raudlatul Hasanah Medan. Pesantren Ar-Raudlatul Hasanah merupakan salah satu pesantren modern yang memiliki kiai sebagai figur penting. Akan tetapi hubungan yang terjalin antara kiai dan santri cenderung bersifat emosional kultural dan membentuk patronase. Kiai merupakan patron yang memiliki power dan pengaruh. Sedangkan santri adalah kelompok client yang memiliki sikap sami’na wa atho’na. Patronase ini tidak hanya dalam urusan agama saja, melainkan juga dalam persoalan politik. Merujuk pada konsep kewarganegaraan, patronase yang terjalin antara kiai dan santri dianggap berlawanan dengan prinsip demokrasi. Hal ini dikarenakan perilaku politik santri masih dipengaruhi oleh figure kiai. Adapun metode penelitian yang digunakan yaitu kualitatif deskriptif dengan pendekatan etnografi. Data primer berupa deep interview. Sedangkan data sekunder bersumber dari buku dan jurnal. Teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan observasi, wawancara dan FGD. Sedangkan teknik validasi data menggunakan metode triangulasi. Adapun hasil penelitian ditemukan bahwa patronase politik di ponpes Ar-Raudlatul Hasanah berbentuk patronase politik setengah hati. Kepatuhan santri kepada kiai terbatas hanya dalam persoalan agama saja tidak dalam urusan politik.
... Menurut Pradjarta Dirdjosanjoto (Dirdjosanjoto, 1999) (Suminto, 1985). (Noer, 1973 Leles-Zaak, 1920), (Nieuwsblaad, 1919 (Horikoshi, 1987), (Zada, 2017 (Dengel, 1995 ...
Kajian mengenai Nasionalisme Kiai menjadi salah satu topik yang menarik untuk diteliti lebih dalam. Islam dan Nasionalisme di Indonesia seringkali dibenturkan dalam perjalanan politik bangsa Indonesia. Padahal, keberadaan Islam tidak dapat dipisahkan dari perjuangan bangsa Indonesia dalam meraih kemerdekan. Sejak masa pemerintahan kolonial Belanda, kiai dan santrinya menjadi kelompok yang senantiasa melakukan perlawanan terhadap pemerintah kolonial Belanda. Tulisan ini ditulis dengan menggunakan metode historis yang terdiri dari heuristik, verifikasi, interpretasi dan historiografi. Sebagai tulisan sejarah, tulisan ini menggunakan surat kabar sezaman sebagai sumber primer. Tulisan ini menggambarkan bagaimana nasionalisme tumbuh dalam diri K.H. Yusuf Tauziri yang merupakan salah seorang kiai lokal yang berhadapan langsung dengan DI/TII yang merupakan sebuah gerakan perlawanan berlandaskan Islam pada periode revolusi di Indonesia.
... Etymologically the word cottage comes from the Arabic funduq which means lodging or dormitory. Islamic boarding school was once the only educational institution that belonged to indigenous peoples that contributed to shaping a literate and culturally literate society [14]. Islamic boarding school at the beginning of its formation was an educational institution that was only used to learn about Islam. ...
... Likewise, Delia Noer revealed the history of Al-Irsyad as a renewal movement in Indonesia. Natalie-kesheh also revealed the journey of the Hadrami organization and the emergence of Al-Irsyad, which was considered related to the era of revival or nahdah for Hadramis in general in Indonesia in colonial period (Iskandar & Firdaus, 2020;Mobini-Kesheh, 1999;Noer, 1996;Prayogi & Al-Asyari, 2021). ...
As an organization that has been around for a long time, it cannot be denied that Al-Irsyad continues to experience changes in line with the social, economic and political dynamics that occur in Indonesia. The division peaked in 2007, then splitting the organization into the Al-Irsyad Association and Al-Irsyad Al-Islamiyyah. This phenomenon is interesting, so the aim of this research is to look further at changes in the orientation of Al-Irsyad's Islamic education. This study uses qualitative ethnographic methods. Most of the data was obtained from observations and interviews in the field, which were then supported by secondary data from various sources. Data analysis using the Spradley model includes domain analysis, taxonomic analysis, componential analysis, and model analysis. The results of the study show that the Al-Irsyad Association and Al-Irsyad Al-Islamiyyah institutions in identifying themselves, each institution carries out different strategies as a manifestation of educational orientation based on the interpretation of Mabadi Al-Irsyad. Islamic educational institutions under the auspices of Al-Irsyad Al-Islamiyyah gave rise to schools with a modern-exclusive style, and educational institutions under the aegis of the Al-Irsyad Association had a more puritanical-inclusive kind. The differences in values that are the guidelines or ideologies of each institution are formed over time and social, political, economic and cultural dynamics.
... In Malaysia, only the Shafiite school of jurisprudence was recognized by the government while the Shiism school, the second-largest branch of Islam was regarded as deviant. Roff (1974), who was supported by Deliar Noer (1973) and Farish Noor (2004), argued that there were two major groups during the early years before the independence of Malaysia. These were the traditionalist (Kaum Tua) and the modernist (Kaum Muda) which tried to shape the people's views at the time, even though the comparison made by Roff and others, describing Kaum Muda as modernist is not fully accurate. ...
The past thirty years have seen a swift advance in the idea of Islamization of Knowledge (IoK) in Malaysia. The term 'Islamization' meaning the reform of knowledge in Islam, has been used by Syed Muhammad Naquib al-Attas and Ismail Al-Faruqi, especially in the late 1970s, to explicate the process of Islamizing and the reformation of academia in the Muslim world, in the aftermath of the 'malaise' of the ʿummah. The IoK project in Malaysia is substantially related to the Sociology of Knowledge (SoK) theory which accentuates that ideas are closely related to the settings where the ideas initiated. This paper analyses the origin of the IoK as an ideology using a SoK theory proposed by Karl Mannheim (1893-1947). According to Mannheim, the particular conception of ideology implied when a person is being skeptics of the ideas forwarded by his opponent whether it is an individual, groups or organization. From this point of view, we are looking at the person's idea merely as a disguise or falsification of his true nature or interest. Mannheim called this a 'distortion' rather than simply lies and it can gradually become clear when it is contrasted with the total conception of ideology (Mannheim, 1954). The total conception of ideology for Mannheim is somewhat different in its scope where it deals with the ideology of a certain time in history or a historical-social group and it is concerned with the characteristics and composition of the total structure of the mind of the people or group in this certain time frame (Mannheim, 1954). Furthermore, the paper investigates a different perspective of knowledge where it will look into the questions of 'What makes Malaysia's intellectual and political environment so conducive to generating the IoK project? What were the main reasons for the government to engage in a project like IoK? What was the role of the Prime Minister of Malaysia, Mahathir Mohammad in promoting IoK and what was the reason for him in doing so?' The paper concludes that Mahathir's Islamization project is also part of his bid to stay in power by controlling knowledge. Under Mahathir's rule, he tries to control the way knowledge is disseminated to the people by controlling Islamic institutions, strengthen Islamic law against the civil law of the country and formed Islamic based institution of higher learning promoting his way of Islam..
... This acculturation creates a new culture without causing the loss of the characteristics of each element (Sujati, 2019). The acculturation of Islam and Sundanese culture that integrates with each other has an impact on the Sundanese region which has become a strong Muslim base and dominates the island of Java (Noer, 2000;Sujati, 2019). The Sundanese are not only Muslims, but there are Catholics, Christians, Buddhists, Hindus, and Sundanese Wiwitan and other beliefs (Pongsibanne, 2017). ...
This research aims to discuss the Islamic values contained in the Munggahan tradition of the Sundanese tribe as part of welcoming the holy month of Ramadan. The research method used is qualitative with literature review and field study, employing descriptive analysis to analyze complex and clear data. The research includes the understanding of the Munggahan tradition, the Munggahan tradition according to Islamic law, and the Islamic values encompassed in the Munggahan tradition to welcome the holy month of Ramadan in Sundanese culture. The study concludes that the Munggahan tradition is ancestral cultural heritage preserved by the Sundanese people to safeguard Sundanese culture, which is part of Indonesia's cultural wealth. In Islamic law, the Munggahan tradition is permitted and accepted by the Sundanese community, despite the absence of specific Quranic texts governing this tradition. The Munggahan tradition carries numerous wisdom and benefits, embodying Islamic values such as faith, practice, worship, local wisdom, and Islamic brotherhood. This research contributes to our understanding of religious values in the context of Sundanese local culture and emphasizes the importance of preserving Indonesia's cultural heritage based on Islamic teachings.
... This was because the native population understood the close relationship between religion and government order. After converting to Christianity, citizenship is provided to the people physically and mentally loyal to the Company (Noer, 1973). ...
The aim of this study was to evaluate the growth and impact of Christianity as a missionary religion on the Islamic da'wah in Indonesia, where the Muslim community has a long history of resistance to colonialization, which was initiated by the Christian community. Furthermore, a qualitative descriptive method was used with data predominantly obtained through the observation of facts in the Christianization field. In addition, the effects of Christianity on the Islamic da'wah were analyzed through a review of documentation and reference studies. The results showed that some of the methods used by Christians in spreading their religion and movements were occupation, politics, Western citizens, poverty, diseases, consciousness weakness, self-preparation, Muslims' indulgence, financial guarantees, Laziness in teachings, preparing the missionaries, and brainwashing. By utilizing these methods, Christians often proclaimed their denomination and congregation, ultimately leading to various community conflicts. The findings suggest the need for a healthy and productive dialogue from a new perspective to resolve conflicts, promote harmony, and create a fairer, peaceful, and innovative civilization that views religion through spiritual perspectives.
... Quran dan Hadith sangat penting untuk menerangkan pelbagai disiplin ilmu dalam Islam dan untuk mengkaji buku-buku keagamaan, serta yang terakhir, tafsiran terhadap al-Quran tidak boleh dilakukan sesuka hati sebaliknya memerlukan ilmu alat yang pelbagai.(Noer, 1973) Setelah beberapa kali kongres dan terjadinya perpecahan sesama modenis muslim sendiri, maka tertubuhlah Komite Khalifah yang dipengerusikan oleh Wondoamiseno manakala naib pengerusinya ialah K.H. Abdul Wahab Hasbullah dari golongan tradisionalis. Komite Khalifah ini ditubuhkan sebagai tindak balas pemimpin-pemimpin Islam Indonesia kepad ...
Peningkatan pergaduhan antara agama di Malaysia terutamanya di media sosial agak membimbangkan. Pendekatan rahmatan lil alamin sebagai suatu alternatif toleransi beragama sewajarnya boleh mennyelesaikan isu yang timbul. Namun, konsep ini sukar diterapkan sekiranya kurangnya kefahaman tentang konsep sebenar rahmatan lil alamin. Justeru, kajian ini dilakukan bagi memfokuskan keutamaan maslahah menjaga agama Islam atau tauhid yang mendahului maslahah-maslahah lain. Maka, pengkaji meneliti pengaplikasian toleransi beragama oleh Nahdhatul Ulama Indonesia yang dipilih kerana dianggap model toleransi beragama di nusantara berdasarkan sejarah dan latar belakangnya yang menyatukan masyarakat pelbagai kaum di Indonesia. Perbezaan dilakukan dengan Kementerian Agama Malaysia supaya boleh dijadikan penambah baikan konsep ini bagi menjaga maslahah agama Islam di Malaysia. Hasil kajian mendapati prinsip utama dalam nahdhatul ulama' ialah tawassuth (jalan pertengahan) dan i'tidal (jalan yang lurus). Berpaksikan konsep inilah persatuan ini menjalankan aktiviti toleransi beragama.
... Other studies inves t igate Muhammadiyah's view on puritanism and cosmopolitanism (Anwar 2005;Burhani 2016;Khoirudin 2016;Noer 1973). Some scholars de ne Muhammadiyah as a pillar of Islamic economic development (Azrul Tanjung and Budi Sutia 2005;Njoto-Feillard 2014). ...
This paper investigates how Indonesia’s Islamic modernist movement, Muhammadiyah, is responding to issues such as environment degradation, global warming and climate change. Muhammadiyah has not adopted the ecology paradigm used by Islamic environmentalism group, focusing instead on theological reform and social and economic welfare and justice, but members of its elite have begun inserting ecological concerns into the organisation’s programmatic orientation. This paper argues that, although these efforts are not well organized and maintained, they have enormous potential to transform Muhammadiyah into a right-green organization, as demonstrated through its progressive initiative on the environment and its efforts institutional and theological reform (fiqh of water) and in its involvement in judicial review of state policy (known as ‘jihad konstitusi’/judicial review) as political advocacy practice. However, the main feature of Muhammadiyah’s environmental activism is its continued emphasis on economic justice rather than on building ecological security and conservation movement.
... Nowadays, it has gone global as many Indonesian Muslim communities are developing outside Indonesia. However, generally, Indonesian Islam was historically portrayed in a negative light on account of its syncretic character (Geertz, 1960;Noer, 1972). ...
There are very few studies relating to the practice of Indonesian Islam in the Netherlands, and how Indonesian Muslims in the Netherlands respond to a number of citizenship issues (such as nationalism, Islamism, democracy and pluralism). This article describes quantitative data based on survey results to understand practice of Indonesian Islam in the Netherlands, and to describe the responses of Indonesian Muslims in the Netherlands to a number of citizenship issues. The survey covers demographic information, the practice of Indonesian Islam, responses about several topics such as Indonesia, nationalism and Islam; Islamism, democracy and pluralism, and participation in Islamic organizations. The survey involved 89 respondents living in the Netherlands in 2017. The findings show that rituals associated to Nahdlatul Ulama (the biggest Islamic organization in Indonesia) are most common among the Indonesian community in the Netherlands. In general, respondents are strongly nationalists. However, some political Islam principles are becoming more commonplace among Indonesian Muslims in the Netherlands, which indicates that the support for Islamism is strong enough among them.
... These two 'cliques' co-organized the creation of ihe institutions. Historically, West Sumatra became one of the most important regions for the emergence of Islamic movements and the development of Islamic education institutions (Abdullah 1971;Noer 1973). ...
This article addresses the roles played by Masyumi political leaders in fuelling dakwah activism in Indonesia and energizing the inception and proliferation of Islamic higher education institutions before and after the political turmoil faced by the Masyumi party. Islamic politics and education in Indonesia were intermingled and utilized by Masyumi leaders to promote Islam, foster the dignity of the ummah (Muslim community), and achieve Maysumi’s political vision via non-political activism. Using social-structure networks analysis, this article argues that the Masyumi networks and the spirit of Islamic modernism accelerated the spread of Islamic higher education in Indonesia, especially from 1945–1965. The Masyumi networks consisted of Muslim politicians, the intelligentsia, technocrats, noble families, and businesspeople.
... The reformist ideas stress a return to the Quran as the main source of Islamic belief and aim to bring Islam in line with modern scientific advances and empiricism. These ideas show a willingness to examine the great social, political, and economic upheavals of the modern world in light of Islamic 'truth' (Noer 1973). ...
This article discusses the relationship between Sekolah Islam (Salafism-influenced Islamic schools) and urban middle-class Muslims. Based on ethnographic fieldwork in the City of Serang (Kota Serang), near Jakarta, this paper argues that these conservative and puritan Muslims demonstrate their Islamic identity politics through their engagement with Sekolah Islam. The analysis of in-depth interviews with and close observations of parents of students and school custodians (preachers or occasionally spiritual trainers) at several Sekolah Islam reveals that they have attempted to pursue ‘true’ Islamic identity and have claimed recognition of their identity as the most appropriate. The pursuit of a ‘true’ Islamic identity has infused Islamic identity politics, and there is an oppositional relationship between local Islamic traditions and Salafism, as seen in Sekolah Islam. The relationship between Islam and identity politics becomes intricate when it is transformed into public symbols, discourses, and practices at many Sekolah Islam. This paper shows that through their understanding and activities at Sekolah Islam, these Muslims are avid actors in the contemporary landscape of Islamic identity politics in Indonesia. By taking examples from Sekolah Islam in Indonesia, this article unveils social transformations that may also take place in the larger Muslim world.
... So, a more literal translation of 'Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa' could be 'belief in the great one Lordship'. 6 See Boland (1982) and Noer (1978) on these debates in Indonesia, and Kepel (2003) and Bayart (2010) for comparisons with other Muslim countries. 7 Despite an overwhelming Muslim majority: in the 2010 Indonesian census, 87.18 per cent of Indonesians identified themselves as Muslims (Sunnis comprised more than 99 per cent, Shias into account the religious equilibrium of the archipelago (the Christian community constitute a majority in the east of the country) but also because it reflected a Javanese conception of religion deeply rooted among those nationalists who were 'religiously neutral'. ...
Since the 1990s, Indonesia has been confronted with the growing influence of a radical Islamist movement that challenges the state doctrine (Pancasila), which was adopted in 1945, and demands a greater place for Islam, which is the religion of nearly 90 per cent of the population. The hardline groups wish to call into question the Indonesian state’s pluralistic and inclusive religious identity, which they see as a conspiracy hatched by the Christian minority to deprive the Muslim majority of its ostensible rights. The Society of Jesus, which has been present in Java since the nineteenth century, is considered by Islamist critics as the main architect of this alleged plot. Furthermore, one of its members, Father Josephus Beek, is presented by Islamist radicals as one of the founders of the New Order (1966–1998), the regime led by General Suharto which was very hostile to political Islam in its early days. This article analyses how the Society of Jesus was able to integrate Catholicism into the Javanese spiritual landscape and explores the subsequent roles played by Jesuit leaders in the genesis and defence of Pancasila. It also sheds light on how Josephus Beek’s very real manoeuvres have provided fodder for militant Islamist circles seeking to delegitimate Indonesia’s secular status quo.
... ere have been many studies that have examined the role of Muhammadiyah in advancing religious thought, education level and social welfare in Indonesia during the last century and at the beginning of the 21 st century (Al an 1969;Beck 2019;Federspiel 1970;Kim 2007;Nakamura 1983;Noer 1973;Palmier 1954;Peacock 1986). ese studies, and others that are too numerous to mention here, have provided a broad and deep understanding of how Muhammadiyah was born, survived and even developed into a national organization that now has a major in uence in Indonesia. ...
This paper examines 29 editions of previously unstudied comic serials portraying the struggle of one of the most influential military commanders in modern Indonesian history, General Sudirman, published from 1966-67 by the official magazine of Muhammadiyah, Suara Muhammadijah. By using an historical and comic studies approach, this research reveals that the comic aimed to arouse a feeling of Islamic patriotism among readers of the magazine. The still-ill Sudirman was visually depicted as a devout Muslim, whose patriotism and survival ability in guerrilla operations deep in Java’s forests during the Dutch-Indonesian war were illustrated as being rooted in his Islamic faith and his experience as a young member of Hizbul Wathan, Muhammadiyah’s boy scout group. This study sheds light on comics, a neglected product of Indonesian Islamic cultural history, which sought to renegotiate the important place of Islam during the Dutch-Indonesian war (1945-1949), amid the new opportunites presented by the political turmoil that occurred during the final phase of President Sukarno’s rule, when this comic was published.
... As was rightly noted by Darmaputera (1988:153), « God » is Allah in Indonesian, a particular God of Islam and Christianity. « Tuhan » is political writings of Soekarno, the nation's founding father and the inspiration behind Pancasila (Noer 1973). 3 ...
... Other reformers opted for more limited changes. Famous Muslim reform movements included the Young Ottomans in Turkey, the Salafiyya movement centered in Egypt, the Aligarh movement in India, Jadidism in Central Asia, and the Kaum Muda in Southeast Asia (Hourani, 1983;Khalid, 1998;Laffan, 2003;Lauzière, 2016;Lelyveld, 1978;Mardin, 1962;Noer, 1973;Zaman, 2012). As we will see, the empires developed methods for governance that accounted for the fact that different Muslim groups had differing attitudes towards progress. ...
During the colonial era, liberal Western states established vast empires which came to encompass almost all of the world's Muslims. Western states worked out specific methods for governing Muslims, which were often referred to as “Muslim policy”. Recent scholarship on Muslim policy exhibits several key trends. One is expansion of geographical scope, leading scholars to produce more comprehensive global accounts of Muslim policy. Another trend is expansion of temporal scope, leading scholars to systematically link colonial Muslim policy with the governance of Muslims in the post‐colonial era. A final trend is the reevaluation of liberal governance. Accordingly, scholars argue that, contrary to conventional assumptions, liberal ideology allows for ‐ or even encourages ‐ imperialism, authoritarianism, ethnocentrism, and racism. The present article makes several new contributions. It provides a synthesis of recent studies on Muslim policy ‐ giving special attention to the key trends mentioned above. Moreover, the article proposes a novel way of conceptualizing Muslim policy. It is argued that Muslim policy centers on three overlapping projects: (1) a “human rights” project (2) a “religious reform” project and (3) a security project akin to what is now known as “counter‐terrorism”. Finally, the article argues that liberals created Muslim policy in the colonial era, and continue to champion it in the post‐colonial era. As such, it may be regarded as a distinctive long‐standing liberal policy for governing Muslim populations.
... Majalahmajalah tersebut merupakan bagian dari upaya penyebaran semangat pembaharuan yang dipelopori oleh para intelektual muslim di Mesir (Burhanudin, 2017). Selain itu, Hassan juga banyak dipengaruhi oleh pemikiran Syekh Ahmad Seorkati yang dibacanya dalam Surat al-Jawab (Noer, 1973). ...
Using ideology in interpretation has become a major problem since the codification of interpretation. This kind of interpretation model emphasizes the meaning leads to a certain ideology to expand the range of understanding through publications. This was done by Hassan in his work, Tafsir al-Furqan, who made it as a medium of da'wah to spread Persis's belief about Islam. This study aims to find the ideological narrative in Hassan's interpretation. This study uses a qualitative method with content analysis as a data analysis tool to achieve this goal. This study finds that Hassan's efforts to provide a normative understanding of Islam with purification efforts start from positioning the Qur'an as the main guide that eliminates all existence of previous traditions. With this argument, all forms of tradition preservation and knowledge development cannot be the basis for forming a new religious practice that is not found in the Qur'an. Muslims must fully adhere to the Qur'an as the basis of Persis ideology.
... It is important to note that Indonesia is also the home of many different religions. The question of religion became an important part of the politics of recognition as early as a few years before Independence, predominantly involving a plea by Muslim groups and individuals for Islam to take a greater role in the country's state and nation building (Hefner 2000;Kuntowijoyo 1994;Noer 1973). Indeed, as previously indicated, the roots of modern independence movements were in progressive Muslim groups-and other religious organisations too. ...
TheHiariejaimTörnquist of this chapter is to provide historical background for the contemporary politics of citizenshipPolitics of citizenshipin IndonesiaIndonesia. This subject has become increasingly popular as the country has witnessed the emergence of civil- and popular-based movementsPopular-based movementsclaimingClaiming citizenship rightscitizenship rightsCitizenship rights.
... Noer (1973) and Jainuri (2002) argues that Muhammadiyah has been succeeding to liberate mustadh'afîn (the oppressed) from any oppressions. 34 Therefore, al-Mâ'ûn is being a foundation of Ahmad Dahlan in developing Muhammadiyah as a liberation movement from any backwardness, stupidity, and poverty and as an enlightening movement to advance science and technology. 35 Some scholars argue that Dahlan's interpretation of Chapter al-Mâ'ûn is a primary source of Islamic liberation theology in Indonesia. ...
p> Abstract: This paper examines the political paradigm of Muhammadiyah in thinking and behaving because Muhammadiyah can survive to surpass political impediments for more than a century ago. Methodologically, it is qualitative research by utilising documentary study and in-depth interviews as the data-gathering technique. The finding demonstrates that “consciousness to liberate” is the political paradigm of Muhammadiyah. This paradigm has three interrelated dimensions: transcendental dimension, humanistic dimension, and modernity dimension. The former indicates the prophetic consciousness, the middle demonstrates the liberation theology, and the latter denotes the values Muhammadiyah’s goal. Therefore, the Muhammadiyah consciousness to strives for prophetic missions not merely restricted to liberate humankind from colonisation, oppression, backwardness, and poverty but also to liberate mustadh‘afin from unfair policies and liberal systems.
Keywords: Muhammadiyah, consciousness, political paradigm, liberation, al-Mâ‘ûn </p
At key moments in history, political understanding and action are irrevocably transformed. What makes such moments of transformation possible? This article examines the emergence of African nationalism in South Africa, following the multivocal appeal to African nationhood made by proto-nationalist leaders and intellectuals. In doing so I examine how new political imagination can reconfigure the structure of political relations and create powerful new possibilities for political organizing and action. African proto-nationalist leaders were ‘intermediary intellectuals’ who used African nationhood to speak to three different political logics of their key audiences: a ‘progressive nationhood’ to their white colonial audience, a ‘unifying nationhood’ to their missionary-educated African audience, and a ‘traditional nationhood’ to their rural African audience. African nationhood thus had a multivocal appeal which allowed proto-nationalist leaders to bring otherwise divided audiences to support a common political project. By bridging these divided communities, proto-nationalist leaders were able to combine resources and strategies from once separated domains into novel forms of political power. Transformation in political understanding was thus a critical enabler of innovation in organization and action because it built a political project where new connections between African and colonial worlds were made politically ‘thinkable’. Speaking to the scholarship on political repertoires and the sociology of anti-colonial intellectuals, this study has broader implications for the role political ideas play in political transformation.
This research aims to review the Islamic politics of the Kiai affiliated with the religious organization called Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) examining the Kiai's Islamic politics focusing on the social-historical arguments and strategies promoted by the religious elites to keep their role in the lives of Muslims. Within the political dynamics of modern Islamic lifestyle, Kiai still holds their position as honorable figures. The methodology of this study uses the social history school as a research method to see the social background in the Islamic political history of the kiai as well as contains a critical aspect to analyze the dynamics of the kiai's Islamic politics. This study is carried out by reconstructing socio-political events involving traditionalist kiai on the Indonesian political stage from the independence period until the 2019 election. The main finding in this study is that the Islamic politics promoted by the Kiai are based on the Islamic teachings about social concern such as maslahah mursalah and kulliatul khoms which created the Kiai's movement concept, namely mabadi’ khoiru ummah (a path that shapes the best people) and syuun ijtimaiyah (social concern). The Kiai’s involvement in politics is based on this foundation. The significance of this study takes social history as a method by introducing a new approach in revealing the political and socio-cultural significance of the kiai in his involvement in the power-politics arena in Indonesia. So that it can fully demonstrate the values built by the kiai towards Muslims in political education that leads to building awareness of the nation and state.
Penelitian ini meneliti dasar keagamaan dan metode keilmuan gerakan Islam Muhammadiyah di Indonesia. Dengan pendekatan deskriptif analisis dan menggunakan data dari berbagai referensi kepustakaan, penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa Muhammadiyah, yang didirikan oleh Kyai Haji Ahmad Dahlan pada tahun 1912, berakar pada ajaran Islam dan berusaha menegakkan prinsip-prinsip Al-Qur'an dan Sunnah. Dengan fokus pada dakwah amar ma'ruf nahi munkar, Muhammadiyah berkembang pesat dan mendirikan sekolah-sekolah modern di seluruh Indonesia. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian dengan metode kepustakaan kepustakaan yang mengandalkan data dari berbagai referensi tertulis, seperti buku atau jurnal. Pendekatannya adalah analisis deskriptif. Hasil dari penelitian ini adalah walaupun di tengah arus globalisasi, Muhammadiyah mengadopsi konsep "Islam Berkemajuan" yang menekankan nilai-nilai kemanusiaan universal dan identitasnya sebagai gerakan reformis yang memajukan Islam Indonesia melalui kajian kritis terhadap Al-Qur'an. Meskipun disebut dengan berbagai identitas, seperti Islam Modernis, Reformis, dan Murni, Muhammadiyah tetap menjadi salah satu gerakan Islam yang signifikan di Indonesia. Sebagai Gerakan Sosial, Muhammadiyah berupaya memperjuangkan pemurnian ajaran Islam dan perubahan positif dalam masyarakat melalui pendidikan dan berbagai kegiatan sosial. Meskipun menghadapi tantangan, Muhammadiyah terus beradaptasi dan melakukan refleksi diri untuk menjalankan perannya sebagai agen perubahan sosial dan keagamaan yang penting dalam masyarakat.
This chapter examines the attitudes of Muhammadiyahand Nahdlatul Ulamatoward LGBT people who have been facing growing hostility from the country’s predominantly Muslim society since 2016. My analysis draws on insights from the discourse of criminalisationand care that has characterized the debate over sexual and gender minorities in Indonesia. This chapter, drawing on interviews and desktop research, demonstrates that the Muslim mass organisations Muhammadiyahand Nahdlatul Ulama display ambivalent attitudes between criminalisationand caretowards LGBT people. Focusing on Muhammadiyah and their autonomous women’s organisation Aisyiyah it argues that the organisations` leaders at the national level are more inclined to criminalise sexual and gender minorities, while at the regional level they are more likely to practice care for minorities, through equal cooperation and interpersonal relations. One reason for this difference is the distance or proximity to the people concerned. Those in charge at the national level are far away from the grassroots, while those at the regional level work more closely with the people.
Objective: The purpose of this paper is to investigate the history of Indonesian politics, the Indonesian Islamic party, Masyumi, has made efforts to propose Islam as the basis of the state at the beginning of an independent Indonesia. Method: A descriptive qualitative approach is employed to examine that used is history persfective based on history data. Result: Masjumi's struggle to make Islam the basis of the country was rejected by groups who supported Pancasila as the state ideology. Conclusion: The findings reveal that Islamic political parties have consistently been perceived as unpopular, The struggle to establish Islam as a state has not only been challenged but has also marginalized the power controlled by President Sukarno. Originality/value:This paper gives valuable reference to political elite parties to consider the adoption of policy based on history of partners and conflict management in the construction political institution in Indonesian politics. The work produced by the Islamic ideology political party of Masyumi concerned. Self-made, distinctive and personal and the work created is self-produced without quoting, copying, or plagiarism of other people's work.
This research aimed to investigate the method of inference in Nahdatul Ulama Scholars to issue fatwas regarding some issues in Indonesia. This research applied the qualitative method to collect data for looking into the topic and using a content analysis approach to analyze the legal decision of Nahdatul Ulama scholars and its validity as a product of fatwa. The results show that the inference done by Nahdatul Ulama scholars did not correspond to the belief done by the Muslim scholars in the past era due to their shortcomings in fulfilling the requirement of Mujtahid Muthlaq . This research also reveals that their method can be categorized as ijtihad jama’i, and the validity of the fatwas was significant enough for the Indonesian Muslim society to perform their daily ibadah or muamalah activities. This research contributes to the existing body of literature by providing insights into the specific inference method employed in Indonesia. It focuses on the influence of fatwas issued by scholars affiliated with Nahdatul Ulama, highlighting their significant following among ordinary individuals associated with this organization.
This paper discusses the position of guardian for women in marriage by making a comparison between positive law – in this case the Marriage Law – and the discourse on marriage guardians in fiqh as well as referring to the arguments and legal differences of opinion among the scholars of the schools of fiqh. In positive law in Indonesia - the Marriage Law - guardians or parents only play a role in being asked for approval when their children want to marry. Based specifically on this Marriage Law, the marriage contract does not have to be pronounced by the guardian. Thus, women can carry out their own marriage contract, with the approval of their guardian, because women are legal subjects who have perfect legal skills. Meanwhile, in fiqh, there are differences of opinion, namely that Hanafiyah scholars allow women to marry without the consent of their guardians, and women may marry themselves, because women who have reached puberty are considered to have perfect legal skills. Another opinion is that put forward by Jumhur Ulama that guardians can marry girls without their permission and guardians can marry widows with their permission. However, the marriage contract – for both girls and widows – still has to be pronounced by the guardian. The marriage contract pronounced by the woman herself is considered invalid.
This reference work, the third of three, brings together extracts from the major writings by Christians and Muslims that reflect their awareness of one another and the attitudes they expressed in years 1700–1914. Organized regionally, it covers six continents and shows the impressive range of the encounters that took place between the followers of the two faiths in these centuries.
Over 130 extracts from these works appear here in English, many translated for the first time, with introductions, notes and suggestions for further reading. They represent a wide variety of genres, cultural settings, political contexts, religious persuasions and languages.
On the Christian side topics include: the Bible’s authenticity, allegations that Muhammad was a womanizing impostor and that Islam is oppressive, and the suggestion that Islam’s monotheism is close to Christianity. On the Muslim side they include: the accusation that the divinity of Christ and God as a Trinity are false teachings, claims that Muslim societies are religiously tolerant and calls for Islamic reform on such matters as gender relations, polygamy and slavery.
The introduction provides a historical and geographical summary of Christian–Muslim encounters in the period 1700–1914, a short account of the religious, intellectual and social circumstances in which encounters took place and works were written, and an outline of the main topics of argument.
Jürgen Habermas, the German political philosopher who has been so influential for his theorisations of religion–state relations, has played a role in the history of Islamic politics in Indonesia. For a period, he provided a model for intellectuals from Indonesia’s traditionalist Islamic constituency. The 1980s were a time of global ‘Islamisation’ or ‘Islamic re-actualisation’, during which activists argued for an authentic Islamic politics as a solution to the crisis of secularism. Intellectuals from Indonesia’s traditionalist constituency, notably Muhammad Hikam (b. 1958) and Ahmad Baso (b. 1971) perceived threats in this movement, sensing that if it became a political reality it would marginalise traditionalist Muslims. Such Muslims had maintained the Islamic styles that modernists considered to belong to the pre-modern past. In contrast, modernist Islamic subjectivity harmonised with the state’s preferred notion of empowered citizenry. The chapter describes and analyses the traditionalist intellectuals’ mobilisation of Habermas and other thinkers in support of a project that called for reflexivity about Indonesian Islamic languages. Given Indonesia’s Islamic diversity, they argued, no single Islamic truth claim could be the basis for national politics. The analysis sheds new light on Islamic politics in Indonesia and the characteristic intellectual ferment that informs it. It points to the wariness of traditionalist Muslims about the promises of progressive Islamic politics and the deep fragmentation that impedes the emergence of homogenous Islamic politics in the country.KeywordsIslamic politicsJürgen HabermasSecularismNahdlatul UlamaIslamic public spheresIslamic modernism
Islamism is integral to the making of Indonesia. As experienced in many postcolonial Muslim-majority societies, different forms of Islamism have influenced trajectories of their nation-state formation and transformation—albeit with mixed results. As a political discourse, Islamism has thus been historically rooted and, therefore, inseparable from politics.
this paper offers the idea of a multidisciplinary Bahtsul Masail, as a methodological renewal of NU's collective ijtihad forum. This idea is based on three aspects of scientific modality in Bahstul Masail, namely the very nature of tradition, the manhaji mode of thinking in the use of the qauli method, and the problem analysis framework as a result of the 1992 NU National Conference in Lampung . Based on these three aspects, the reform of Bahtsul Masail was carried out by repositioning the problem analysis framework as the grand design of the entire methodological framework in Bahtsul Masail.
Discussing about Islamic studies in the territorial context has long been mentioned by observers in contemporary Islamic studies after the collapse of orientalist's paradigm, however, in the territorial context of Indonesia, a regional Islamic studies has not been mentioned at all. Whereas, materially, both in the context of humanity nor religion, it is very urgent for being researched and developed in Indonesia, both from science, research, or institutional side. This article tries to start the efforts above by targeting the Islamic studies of Sumatra. The growth history and also interaction's dynamics of religion and socials, the struggle between religion and power as reflected in the results of studies about classical Islam of Sumatera, both in the colonialism and post-colonialism era indicated a shift in issues knots. In the context of Islamic studies, that fact is a prospective land and also a challenge for further investigation. Because in each shift, the existence of religion and religious are always in disadvantaged position. Therefore, it is needed to revitalize Islamic studies on Sumatra that was driven by the higher religious education in order to maintain the existence and contribution for meeting the various dynamics and relations issues, also the conflicts of interest among religion, humanity, capitalism, environmental and power which have been more complex lately, particularly in Sumatera.
If compared with other Indonesian Islamic organizations, histroy of Ahmadiyah is a topic that had been little discussed. Ahmadiyah is like a forgotten dot in the the prolonged history of Indonesia. Ahmadiyah has been in the archiplego for more than eighty years agos, but its existence is even until today still under suspicious eyes for many reasons, either theological particularly due to the acceptance of new prophethood; or its social attitude for being exclusive and due to political conpirative reason alleging Ahmadiyah as being aimed at weakening Islam from within. Apart from those controversies, not many people aware that Ahmadiyah, either the Qadianis or Lohoreans, have once contributed to the history of Islamic modernization in Indonesia. This article tries to depct in general how Ahmadiyah has been paving the way that contribute to the shaping if modern Islamic discource and movement in Indonesia.
This article seeks to explore how Neo-Hanbali approaches to Islam have played a key role in instigating Islamic extremism in Indonesia. Neo-Hanbali refers to those who identify themselves as the followers of Ibn Hanbal and his students, such as Ibn Taymiyyah, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah, and Muḥammad ibn ʿAbd al-Wahhāb. Many Indonesian Islamic extremist groups argue that their struggle is driven by their desire to implement a purer form of Islam and that the thinking of Ibn Hanbal and Neo-Hanbali scholars provide the justification for this goal. To begin with, this article outlines the emergence of Ibn Hanbal’s thought and Neo-Hanbalism in the Indonesian Muslim community in general and Salafi groups in particular. The article particularly discusses: first, the discursive acceptance of Ibn Ḥanbal’s students in Indonesia and their ties to Islamic extremism; second, the links between Ibn Hanbal’s disciples on the one hand and Salafi and Wahhabi groups and movements on the other hand in the context of Islamic extremism; third, the connection between the concepts of tajdid (Islamic renewal) and takfir (excommunication) in Indonesia. This article attempts to understand Neo-Hanbali thought from a non-monolithic perspective in Indonesia. In this regard, it examines the acceptance of Neo-Hanbali ideas among social and political organisations in Indonesia. Finally, this article discusses Neo-Hanbalism in the context of the future development of political Islam in Indonesia to better understand whether these groups will be able to adapt to the changing political situation in Indonesia, or whether they will remain committed to Islamic extremism.
Between the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, European empires extended their rule over most of the Muslim world. The present article argues that these empires promoted three interrelated political discourses; namely, a discourse on utilitarianism, a discourse on civilizational progress, and a discourse on liberal imperialism. The empires also encouraged Islamic reform movements, which entailed cooperation between Muslim thinkers, European officials, liberal intellectuals, and Orientalists. Reform movements legitimated the three aforementioned discourses in terms of premodern Islamic religious concepts (e.g. ʿaql, maṣlaḥa, maqāṣid al-šarīʿa, iǧtihād, taqlīd). These concepts were reinterpreted and tacitly linked to imperial policies concerning race, technology, industrial capitalism, and authoritarian violence. The article examines this process by considering the British Empire, and its relationship to Islamic reform projects in India and Egypt. The article discusses nineteenth century British political discourses as developed in the writings of Jeremy Bentham, James Mill, John Stuart Mill, and Herbert Spencer. The article then discusses Islamic reform in India, focusing on the Muslim thinkers Sayyid Aḥmad Ḫān and Amīr ʿAlī, as well as their relationships with British figures like William Muir and John Strachey. Next the article discusses Islamic reform in Egypt, focusing on the Muslim thinkers Muḥammad ʿAbduh and Rašīd Riḍā as well as their relationships with British figures like Lord Cromer and Wilfrid Scawen Blunt.
This article discusses the local Islamic puritanism movement in Tatar Sunda (West Java), namely Madjlis Ahli Soennah (MAS) Garoet. At the beginning of the 20 th century, Persatuan Islam (Islamic Union or PERSIS) largely focused on organization with A. Hassan Bandung as its central figure and neglected local organizations. However, local organizations, such as MAS Garoet, similarly have significant roles in spreading the puritanism ideas in West Java. This study employed a combination of library research and in-depth interviews with social-scientific history to describe the MAS Garoet organization and its efforts to spread the puritanism ideas in West Java. This study aims to reveal the relationship between MAS Garoet and PERSIS because both had a similar ideology. It shows that MAS Garoet more effectively spread the Islamic puritanism ideas because most of its leading figures were native Sundanese who spoke Sundanese language fluently. PERSIS showed the opposite condition because the majority were non-Sundanese. Therefore, MAS Garoet served as an extension of PERSIS whose ideas were translated and spread to all areas of West Java.
This article discusses the local Islamic puritanism movement in Tatar Sunda (West Java), namely Madjlis Ahli Soennah (MAS) Garoet. At the beginning of the 20 th century, Persatuan Islam (Islamic Union or PERSIS) largely focused on organization with A. Hassan Bandung as its central figure and neglected local organizations. However, local organizations, such as MAS Garoet, similarly have significant roles in spreading the puritanism ideas in West Java. This study employed a combination of library research and in-depth interviews with social-scientific history to describe the MAS Garoet organization and its efforts to spread the puritanism ideas in West Java. This study aims to reveal the relationship between MAS Garoet and PERSIS because both had a similar ideology. It shows that MAS Garoet more effectively spread the Islamic puritanism ideas because most of its leading figures were native Sundanese who spoke Sundanese language fluently. PERSIS showed the opposite condition because the majority were non-Sundanese. Therefore, MAS Garoet served as an extension of PERSIS whose ideas were translated and spread to all areas of West Java.
After the fall of the authoritarian Soeharto Regime in 1998, new versions and theories about history emerged in Indonesia. Some of these, such as theories about the origins of the nationalist movement to overthrow Dutch colonial rule, were based on sources going back to the 1950s. The case of the origins of the nationalist movement demonstrates how alternative versions of �truth� can be mobilised for political ends. It also demonstrates how Islamic movements have re-centred themselves in Indonesia political and social life.
In this article, I will apply the varieties of secularism theory developed by Elizabeth Shakman Hurd and Ahmet Kuru in the case of Indonesia. Following Kuru�s typology, I argue that Indonesian secularism resembles that of passive secularism. This form of secularism came about from an alliance between secular nationalists and a religious minority (Christianity). The alliance between the two groups had successfully prevented Islam from becoming a dominant religion when an independent Indonesian state was formed in 1945. It was also successful from preventing reformist Muslims from instituting a state based on the sharia law during the crucial period of state-building in Indonesia between 1945 and 1960. However, this alliance also results in the formation of two authoritarian regimes that ruled Indonesia for four decades (1959-1998), and in the often tenuous relationship between two religious groups that sat on the opposite end of this conflict, namely Indonesian Muslims and Christians.
Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah have responded to the local reality of Gorontalo by new approaches of post-traditionalism and neo-modernism. The present article delves to explore the landscape of local Muslim community in Gorontalo within the discourse of Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah; it also aims to investigate the model of post-traditionalist Nahdlatul Ulama and neo-modernist Muhammadiyah thoughts in understanding Islam and Gorontalo culture. The study employed a qualitative method that relies on primary and secondary data. Informants from the two Islamic organizations, Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah, were involved within this study. Prior to the data analysis, the primary and secondary data were classified.The results of this study signified two points of concern: 1) the Muslim community in Gorontalo consists of Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah affiliations. The two organizations have a harmonious relationship; both organizations understand and respect each other. Some of the jama’ah (follower/member) of one organization even practice the religious traditions of the other organization. 2) Nahdlatul Ulama stands on the ground of traditional school of thoughts that are responsive to the modernization, while Muhammadiyah bases its foundation on the modern thoughts that accommodate local traditions. The results further emphasized that the difference of perspective between both organizations lies around the thoughts, while the deconstruction of religious missions remain the same between both organizations. Each organization tends to stand firm on their own ideology as what originally proposed when the organization was first established.
This research aims to review the Islamic politics of the Kiai affiliated with the religious organization called Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) examining the Kiai's Islamic politics focusing on the social-historical arguments and strategies promoted by the religious elites to keep their role in the lives of Muslims. Within the political dynamics of modern Islamic lifestyle, Kiai still holds their position as honorable figures. The methodology of this study uses the social history school as a research method to see the social background in the Islamic political history of the kiai as well as contains a critical aspect to analyze the dynamics of the kiai's Islamic politics. This study is carried out by reconstructing socio-political events involving traditionalist kiai on the Indonesian political stage from the independence period until the 2019 election. The main finding in this study is that the Islamic politics promoted by the Kiai are based on the Islamic teachings about social concern such as maslahah mursalah and kulliatul khoms which created the Kiai's movement concept, namely mabadi’ khoiru ummah (a path that shapes the best people) and syuun ijtimaiyah (social concern). The Kiai’s involvement in politics is based on this foundation. The significance of this study takes social history as a method by introducing a new approach in revealing the political and socio-cultural significance of the kiai in his involvement in the power-politics arena in Indonesia. So that it can fully demonstrate the values built by the kiai towards Muslims in political education that leads to building awareness of the nation and state.
Not many people know about this tradition of the Bantaian procession because this tradition only exists in a few areas, therefore the author wants to know more deeply and intends to raise this tradition to the general public that Sundanese culture is rich in traditions. In addition, the author wants to know the philosophical values contained in the tradition of the Bantaian procession which took place in Sumedang and in Bandung in order to know the views of Islamic law on the tradition of the Bantaian procession. This research is categorized as a field research (field research), and is a type of ethnographic research, this research is analytic and is a continuation of descriptive research that aims not only to describe certain characteristics. But also analyze and explain why or how it happened, as for the approach used in this study using an anthropological approach. The criteria for the data obtained are primary and secondary data. Data collection techniques used are in-depth interviews, observation, and literature study. The results of this study found that with the tradition of the Bantaian procession in Sumedang and Bandung as a whole it contains advice that when there is a problem in marriage, it must be solved together, the wisdom and advice contained in the tradition of the Bantaian procession have meaning. so that the bride and groom can live in a prosperous household, love each other, understand each other, respect and take care of each other or in Sundanese terms silih sharpening, silih asih, silih asuh. Keywords: Bantaian Tradition, Bantaian Custom, Bantaian Moral Message. Abstrak. Tradisi prosesi Bantaian ini tidak banyak orang mengetahuinya karena tradisi ini hanya ada di beberapa wilayah saja, oleh karenanya penulis ingin mengetahui lebih dalam dan bermaksud untuk mengangkat tradisi ini ke khalayak umum bahwa budaya Sunda kaya akan tradisi. Selain itu penulis ingin mengetahui nilai filosofis yang terkandung dalam tradisi prosesi Bantaian yang berlangsung di Sumedang dan di Bandung guna mengetahui pandangan hukum Islam terhadap tradisi prosesi Bantaian. Penelitian ini dikategorikan sebagai penelitian lapangan (field reserch), dan merupakan jenis penelitian etnografi, penelitian ini bersifat analiktik merupakan kelanjutan dari penelitian deskriptif yang bertujuan bukan hanya sekedar memaparkan karakteristik tertentu. Tetapi juga menganalisa dan menjelaskan mengapa atau bagaimana hal itu terjadi, adapun pendekatan yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan antropologis. Kriteria data yang didapatkan berupa dta primer dan sekunder. Teknik pengumpulan data yang digunakan adalah wawancara secara mendalam, observasi, dan studi pustaka. Hasil dari Penelitian ini ditemukan bahwa dengan adanya tradisi prosesi Bantaian di Sumedang dan Bandung secara keseluruhan berisi tentang nasihat bahwa ketika ada permasalahan dalam berumah tangga maka harus dipecahkan secara bersama-sama, hikmah dan petuah-petuah yang terdapat dalam tradisi prosesi Bantaian tersebut yang memiliki makna agar pasangan pengantin dapat hidup berumah tangga secara sejahtera, saling mengasihi, saling memahami, menghargai dan menjaga satu sama lain ata dalam istilah Sunda silih asah, silih asih, silih asuh. Kata Kunci: Tradisi Bantaian, Adat Bantaian, Pesan Moral Bantaian.
This article investigates the narrative of Islamic nationalism in twentieth-century Indonesia, focussing on the experience of, and discourse surrounding, the self-identified Islamist Darul Islam movement and its leader, S. M. Kartosuwiryo (1905–1962). I offer a narrative of the independence struggle that counters the one advanced by Indonesia's Pancasila state, and allows us to capture subtleties that old discussions of separatism—with their assumption of fixed centres and peripheries—cannot illuminate.
The article unfolds three historical threads connected to ideas of exile and displacement (physical and intellectual), and the reconstitution (successful or failed) that followed from those processes. Starting from the political circumstances under which Kartosuwiryo retreated to West Java after the Dutch reinvasion of 1947—in a form of physical exile and political displacement from the centre of politics to the periphery, from a position of political centrality to one of marginality and opposition—I then transition to an elaboration of Kartosuwiryo's ideology. His political strategy emerges as a form of voluntary intellectual displacement that bounced between local visions of authority, nationalist projects, and transregional imaginations in order to establish the political platform he envisioned for postcolonial Indonesia. Lastly, I argue that the elision of Islam from the reconstructed narrative of Kartosuwiryo's intentions, characterised as separatist and anti-nationalist, was a key aspect of Indonesia's nation-building process. It is my final contention that official Indonesian history's displacement of Kartosuwiryo's goals away from Islam and into the realm of separatism allowed for two reconstitutive processes, one pertaining to political Islam as a negative political force, and the other to Kartosuwiryo as a martyr for Islam .
Ethnic riots are a costly and all too common occurrence during political transitions in multi-ethnic settings. Why do ethnic riots occur in certain parts of a country and not others? How does violence eventually decline? Drawing on rich case studies and quantitative evidence from Indonesia between 1990 and 2012, this book argues that patterns of ethnic rioting are not inevitably driven by inter-group animosity, weakness of state capacity, or local demographic composition. Rather, local ethnic elites strategically use violence to leverage their demands for political inclusion during political transition and that violence eventually declines as these demands are accommodated. Toha breaks new ground in showing that particular political reforms—increased political competition, direct local elections, and local administrative units partitioning—in ethnically diverse contexts can ameliorate political exclusion and reduce overall levels of violence between groups.
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