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The Dust-Storm and the Hanging Mist. A Study of Birsa Munda and His Movement in Chhotanagpur (1874-1901)
... The second phase of the movement (1857-1920), the phase of social reform and political awakening, were launched by the 'rebellious prophets' who promised their followers that they would drive away outsiders and bring back their golden past (Orans 1965;Singh 1966;Fuchs 1967Fuchs , 1980. The Santal rebellion known as hul (1855-56), the Kharwar Movement during 1871-80, (Bodding 1921), the Munda rebellion of Chotanagpur during 1899-1900 (Singh 1985), Bhil rebellion in 1881, the Kondhs rebellion against the Kultas in Kalahandi, Odisha in 1882, the Kondh meli of 1893 in Nayagarh against the oppression of the diwans, the protest of Juangs and Bhuiyas of Keonjhar against the oppression and exploitation of the raja in 1891 and the Gudem Rampa rising during 1839-1924 against the exploitation of alien rulers, toddy tax and restriction on shifting cultivation (Arnold 1982) were some of the movements of this period aimed at restoration of tribal raj and revival of their lost culture. ...
... On the eve of independence, some of the tribes became apprehensive of losing their tribal identity. The Nagas of Nagaland (Yonuo 1974), the Khasis of Meghalaya (Mathur 1982) and Mizo of Mizoram (Misra 1974(Misra , 2000Anand 1980;Das, N.K. 1982;Goswami and Mukharjee 1982;Shah 1984;Vashum 2000), the Bhils of Rajasthan (Mann 1983) and importantly tribals of the Chotanagpur region demanding the formation of Jharkhand state (Sharma 1976(Sharma , 1993Dhar 1980;Panchbhai 1983;Singh 1983b;Das 1990;Devalle 1992;Mullick 1993;Basu 1994;Prakash 2001;Singh, C. 2001;Tirkey 2002) had fought for autonomy and a separate state for them. In recent years, there are movements among a few tribes -for example, Meitei or Manipur language movement (Das, A.R. 1982a), the Nepali language movement in Darjeeling (Das, A.R. 1982b), the Ol-Chiki or Santali language movement (Mahapatra 1983;Fuchs 1992: 67-70) -to invent and flourish their own script and language for revival of culture and assertion of their identity. ...
... The second phase of the movement (1857-1920), the phase of social reform and political awakening, were launched by the 'rebellious prophets' who promised their followers that they would drive away outsiders and bring back their golden past (Orans 1965;Singh 1966;Fuchs 1967Fuchs , 1980. The Santal rebellion known as hul (1855-56), the Kharwar Movement during 1871-80, (Bodding 1921), the Munda rebellion of Chotanagpur during 1899-1900 (Singh 1985), Bhil rebellion in 1881, the Kondhs rebellion against the Kultas in Kalahandi, Odisha in 1882, the Kondh meli of 1893 in Nayagarh against the oppression of the diwans, the protest of Juangs and Bhuiyas of Keonjhar against the oppression and exploitation of the raja in 1891 and the Gudem Rampa rising during 1839-1924 against the exploitation of alien rulers, toddy tax and restriction on shifting cultivation (Arnold 1982) were some of the movements of this period aimed at restoration of tribal raj and revival of their lost culture. ...
... On the eve of independence, some of the tribes became apprehensive of losing their tribal identity. The Nagas of Nagaland (Yonuo 1974), the Khasis of Meghalaya (Mathur 1982) and Mizo of Mizoram (Misra 1974(Misra , 2000Anand 1980;Das, N.K. 1982;Goswami and Mukharjee 1982;Shah 1984;Vashum 2000), the Bhils of Rajasthan (Mann 1983) and importantly tribals of the Chotanagpur region demanding the formation of Jharkhand state (Sharma 1976(Sharma , 1993Dhar 1980;Panchbhai 1983;Singh 1983b;Das 1990;Devalle 1992;Mullick 1993;Basu 1994;Prakash 2001;Singh, C. 2001;Tirkey 2002) had fought for autonomy and a separate state for them. In recent years, there are movements among a few tribes -for example, Meitei or Manipur language movement (Das, A.R. 1982a), the Nepali language movement in Darjeeling (Das, A.R. 1982b), the Ol-Chiki or Santali language movement (Mahapatra 1983;Fuchs 1992: 67-70) -to invent and flourish their own script and language for revival of culture and assertion of their identity. ...
... All of these works, besides Guha's, aligned themselves with the 'moral economy' framework developed by James Scott (1976) within the nascent field of peasant studies. Additionally, they shared with scholars such as Kumar Suresh Singh (1966) and Michael Adas (1979) the assumption that rural uprisings, especially those that took millenarian forms, were implicitly anti-colonial in their politics. Finally, we must recognize how Subaltern Studies emerged from a sense of failure within leftist, especially revolutionary leftist, circles to 'adequately engage and mobilize the peasantry' (Chandavarkar, 1997: 181). ...
... In ventriloquizing for the tribal-subaltern, Guha painted a portrait of primitive rebels as anti-colonialists par excellence. This was hardly original, of course: nationalist readings of the Santal Hul, the Kol Insurrection, and the Birsaite ulgulan, all acknowledged in Elementary Aspects, had made the same point earlier (Datta, 1940;Jha, 1964;Singh, 1966). However, with the nationalist elite discredited in the eyes of radical historians such as Guha, the figure of the subaltern, especially the tribal-subaltern, came to be valorized in an anti-colonial narrative that was Indian as well as universal. ...
Following recent debates between Vivek Chibber and leading postcolonial theorists, I probe into what is missing in these exchanges. I focus on the figure of the ‘tribal’ in modern India in Ranajit Guha’s Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency in Colonial India and Alpa Shah’s In the Shadows of the State, both of which claim to offer emic perspectives on subaltern politics and history. Yet both works, despite their undeniable differences, display a striking universalism that puts them, paradoxically, in the company of Chibber. This universalism, which we may call the resisting subject, is about the Other and about us simultaneously, the former constituted by the latter as an abstract object of analysis and as a key symbol of intellectual vanguardism. Are we not better off abandoning such universalisms and searching for ways in which Marxist theories of culture can be melded with postcolonial theories of capitalism?
... The point now is that prior to these transformations productive engagements of historians with anthropology on the subcontinent appeared forcefully in the work mainly of one scholar, K. S. Singh, who implicitly and explicitly drew on anthropological considerations to focus on colonial transformations of adivasi societies and the terms and textures of their anti-colonial responses and movements. 14 At the same time, from at least the beginnings of the 1960s, the entanglements between history and anthropology have found varied articulations in scholarship in the U.S. on modern and contemporary South Asia. Here a crucial role has been played by the wide-ranging work and critical inspiration of Bernard S. Cohn, who over time straddled and subverted the boundaries between anthropology and history. ...
The last three decades have seen acute interchanges between history and anthropology in theoretical and empirical studies. Scholarship on South Asia has reflected these patterns, but it has also reworked such tendencies. Here, significant writings of the 1960s and 1970s brought together processes of history and patterns of culture as part of mutual fields of analysis and description. These emphases have been critically developed more recently. Anthropologists and historians have rethought theory and method, in order not only to crucially conjoin but to explore anew the ‘archive’ and the ‘field’. The blending has produced ‘historical anthropology’: writings that approach and explain in new ways elaborations of caste and community, colonialism and empire, nation and nationalism, domination and resistance, law and politics, myth and kingship, environment and ethnicity, and state and modernity – in the past and the present. Work in historical anthropology focuses on practice, process, and power, and often combines perspectives from gender, postcolonial, and subaltern studies.
Abstract - The Submarine groundwater discharge (SGD) study is a current trend in which a coastal aquifer meets a fresh
water aquifer in the ocean bed. It is a valuable study that uses electrical resistivity and grain size analysis in a megascopic
and microscopic investigation to determine the porosity and permeability of subsurface geology and the circulation of
groundwater. To enable freshwater into the ocean, the study region is primarily covered with calcareous sand dunes. 2D
Electrical Resistivity Imaging (ERI) is a quick and low-cost approach that detects both vertical and horizontal variations in
the subsurface of the research area's geological formation. The collection of rock samples and thin section study in the study
area for the permeable layer of the rock formation in the study region for water allow in to the ocean through the connected
rock formation in the ocean. The nature of the rock formation determines the discharge of the formation and the quality of
the water. The resistivity data is gathered from the field, inverted into apparent resistivity data using RES2DINV.3.56, and
the model pseudo section is calculated iteratively. The resistance fluctuation in the pseudo section contour map Values is
used to measure the flow of SGD and sea water. It is a useful study for the investigation of Submarine Groundwater
Discharge.
Keywords - SGD, Resistivity, Porosity, Permeability, Pseudosection
In Indian history one of the crucial dimensions of tribal relations with the British reflects in resentment and protest against the former. The protest is recorded primarily as armed struggle which is evident from such dictions as tribal revolt, insurrection, insurgency, uprising, etc. The petition mode of protest which the Bhils and Santals, if we see the history, had adopted did not get prominence. Similarly, reform mode of protest launched by Bhagirath Manjhi, Birsa Munda, Jatra Oraon, Govind Giri (Guru). Haikou Jadonang and Rani Gaidinliu did not get due place in the history of tribal resistance to colonial rule. Instead, protests through reform have been presented as revival or socio-religious movements. In the beginning of these movements socio-religious reforms appeared prominent which attracted huge followers. But subsequently, leaders of the movement directed the course to resist all types of exploitation in the colonial rule which they also justified through religious teachings. They exhorted their followers not to pay tax, supply forced labour, etc. This not only changed the form of the movement but linked it with the then ongoing struggle for Independence. Tribal freedom fighters joined various phases of the freedom struggle of the nation and played crucial role therein. It is therefore argued that resistance with socio-religious reform was a tribal strategy of freedom from colonial rule and claims an understanding in totality and in pan-Indian context. In view of this, five reform movements under the messianic leadership of Bhagirath Manjhi, Birsa Munda, Jatra Oraon, Govind Giri (Guru) Jadonang and Rani Gaidinliu have been examined in this paper.KeywordsForeign ruleTribal resistanceMass resistanceCapital punishmentSocio-religious movementsEast India companyPolitical disturbanceFreedom movementBritish GovernmentPolitical agitationChristian missionariesMoneylenders
We learn from history that the Santal Insurrection of 1855–1856 was thoroughly crushed by the military and civil officials of the East India Company. But the period following the suppression of Insurrection was not at all peaceful as the Mahajans and Zamindars were still active with their oppressive games in Santal Parganas. As a result of this, within five years there emerged an agitation among the Santals especially over excessive rent problem in 1861, and the British Government was so terrorized that its officials took immediate steps to pacify the agitated Santals. The mass upsurge of the Santals, however, seemed to be then finally checked and controlled, but the entire Santal society was gradually but surely moving towards a much more bigger agitation as they very soon began to feel the need for revitalization of their society. Historically, the realization was in fact the beginning of a new era of tribal consciousness among the Santals in Santal Parganas of Jharkhand. The consciousness itself nicely and gloriously manifested in peaceful socio-religious reform movement called Sapha Hor Movement. It is also called Kharwar Movement started under the messianic leadership of Bhagirath Manjhi. Later on the movement began to turn political as its leader demanded a Santal Raj, the British Government arrested Bhagirath Manjhi and imprisoned him. Dubia Gosain also played a key role in spreading the movement in Hazaribagh as he and his followers adopted the teachings and methods of Bhagirath Manjhi. The British Government always attempted to finally quell the movement but could not be successful as the Sapha Hors again and again got agitated and also joined the successive phases of freedom struggle in Santal Parganas. Even after Independence the movement continued and turned to its original form of socio-religious reform movement as the thousands of Sahpa Hors still practice and follow the preaching of its leaders.KeywordsActMahajanZamindarSantalsSantal ParganasMovementManjhiSapha HorsKharwarsBongasGodStruggleRentBabajiBhagalpurSocio-religiousBritish governmentOfficialsLandAgitationPoliticalVillageHinduismVillage headmen
I. Banerjee-Dube (2019). Una historia de India moderna (Vol. II: India nacional) (Trad. M. Capetillo). México: El Colegio de México. 536 pp.
This article explicates how large scale immigration to Assam since the colonial times has changed the demographic landscape of the state of Assam in northeastern India. It argues that the immigration began under direct patronage of the colonial regime to serve its economic interest. immigration has put heavy pressure on the land and other resources of the state leading to a serious process of land alienation among the tribal communities in the state. After independence, however, the process continued, despite legal provisions against it. Not only the government has not tried to stem the rot, it has emerged as the biggest perpetrator of the land alienation among the tribal population of the state.
The purpose of this article is to question the overarching notion of ‘millenarianism’ as well as its applicability to various ‘tribal’ rebellions and social movements in British India. I do so by carefully re-reading the colonial archives and secondary sources concerning the Birsaite uprising afresh in order to rethink how certain forest-dwelling groups who came to be defined as ‘tribes’ in colonial times actually encountered the modern state as well as Christianity in the late nineteenth century. Why did the Birsaites take up arms? Who rebelled? Against whom? What was the role of religion in their uprising? In answering these questions, I follow the Subalternist’s injunction to take the lifeworlds of the marginal and oppressed seriously in their own terms without imposing, in a vanguardist manner, the pre-existing conceptual order of ‘millenarianism’. Yet I also intend to be faithful to the social historian’s desire to uncover and examine the social location, aims and methods of Birsa and his followers.
Liberalism is widely regarded as a modern intellectual tradition that defends the rights and freedoms of autonomous individuals. Yet, in both colonial and postcolonial contexts, liberal theorists and lawmakers have struggled to defend the rights and freedoms of political subjects whom they regard as “primitive,” “backward,” or “indigenous.” Liberalism thus recurrently encounters its primitive other, a face-off that gives rise to a peculiar set of dilemmas and contradictions for political theory and law. In what ways can postcolonial law rid itself of its colonial baggage? How can the ideal of universal liberal citizenship overcome paternalistic notions of protection? How might “primitive” subjects become full and equal citizens in postcolonial societies? To explore these dilemmas and contradictions, I study the intellectual trajectory of “primitivism” in India from the construction of so-called tribal areas in the 1870s to legal debates and official reports on tribal rights in contemporary India. Through a close reading of these legal provisions for tribal peoples and places, I explore the continuing tension between the constitutional ideal of liberal citizenship and the disturbing reality of tribal subjecthood produced by colonial and postcolonial Indian states.
The strong recovery of aggregate macroeconomic variables reopened the debate about the long-term development strategy of Argentina. As a contribution to this debate we develop a Scandinavian version of the dependent economy model and discuss the complex task of economic diversification in resource abundant countries. After showing the constraining role of resource abundance for tradable diversification, we discuss the effects of macroeconomic diversification policies, especially nominal devaluations. The analysis shows that: (i) the promotion of structural change through devaluations is more costly in Argentina than in other countries with different structural characteristics; (ii) to effectively promote tradable diversification and avoid falling real wages devaluations must be implemented together with export taxes; (iii) taking into account Kaldor-Verdoorn effects links macroeconomic policies to productivity growth, which now contribute to increase the competitiveness of the non-traditional tradable sector through a new channel and limit the reduction and even open the possibility for rises in real wages. However, because the reduction in sectoral productivity differences is a fundamental condition for competitive and sustainable diversification additional policies with a direct impact on productivity growth, like investment in infrastructure, are also necessary.
The study examines the fate of community forestry in the real-world context of pressures through the state and from the market, by using a combination of discourse analysis, actor analysis and net-work analysis.It deals with the views and interactions of a wide range of groups, including attention to important divisions of genders and class. It identifies and characterises eight relevant discourses, and examines, including from interviews, how these have been used by diverse users in diverse contexts; including how actors may manoeuvre within and between discourses. Overall the study shows the eight discourses at work, in alliance, in conflict and in evolution.
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