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The Pattern of Contemporary Regional Integration

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... comes not only from national governments but also from markets (Mattli 1999;Malamud 2011) and from civil society (Puchala 1968;Thakur and Langenhove 2006). ...
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Abstract The creation of international organizations and the signature of free trade agreements have become common in Latin America. However, few studies have tackled the attitudes of political elites. This work aims to analyze the determinants of support by Latin American legislators for free trade agreements with the US and the EU, and for the Pacific Alliance and ALBA. Results show that ideology, pro-state/market positions, and trustworthiness vis-à-vis Chinese and Russian governments are the main predictors.
... 26 Otevřený regionalismus představoval formu regionalismu založeného na principech jednostranné liberalizace, takže v obchodních otázkách se ke všem přistupovalo stejně (více Drysdale a Garnaut, 1993). Puchala (1968) Dalším možným pojetím je model systémové změny. Jedná se kombinaci konceptu systémové teorie s neo-funkcionalistickými aspekty a růstovým modelem. ...
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Contrary to the conventional literature studying regional phenomena and according to the avatars of the European experience, I adopt a global and historic reading to explain the crafting of regional configurations as structuring elements of the contemporary world’s space. The article first talk about how, from the middle of the 20th Century, the regional integration is manifested around the planet. Then I highlight the interdependent relationships of the regionalism boom within the 90’s with the socio-historic process of the free trade barriers elimination. Finally, the article argues that in the 21st Century there is a consolidation of the inter regionalism in parallel to the seeding of the transregionalism.
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Uncertainty and indeterminacy seem to be the names of the game. Latin American experiences with regional integration and regionalism have been unstable and, according to “Europeanized” common sense, unsuccessful. Yet without a doubt, Latin America is the “other” continent with a long tradition of modern regional integration, dating back to the post-World War II era. As early as 1948, the Central Americans organized a functional cooperation in the realm of higher education, with the creation of the Central American Council for Higher Education (CSUCA). Then in 1951 they formed the Organization of Central American States (ODECA), and in 1958 they went on to sign a multilateral treaty of economic integration. In the rest of the continent, the 1960s witnessed a first wave of agreements, with the Latin American Free Trade Association (ALALC, 1960), the Caribbean Free Trade Association (CARIFTA, 1965), and later the Andean Pact (GRAN, 1969). In 1973, CARIFTAbecame the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) but elsewhere the 1970s were a decade of crisis and stalemate. A second wave of agreements built up in the 1990s, most notably with the Common Market of the South (MERCOSUR, 1991) and the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA, 1994).
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Regional inter-governmental human rights organizations have been in operation for sometime in Europe, the Americas and Africa. These regional human rights mechanisms have proven to be useful and effective in comparison to the global human rights mechanisms available at the United Nations. The purpose of this study, first published in 2004, is to investigate the possibility of establishing a regional inter-governmental human rights mechanism in East Asia, with a focus on the contributions of nongovernmental organizations' (NGOs) to such a development.
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This paper is focused on analyzing the effect of municipal consolidation on urban manufacturing productivity in Korea. The results indicated that the investments and government expenditures of the consolidated cities have higher impacts on urban labor productivities by generating agglomeration and network economies. Road expansion, on the other hand, generates a negative effect on productivity due to wider market openness from the improvement of spatial accessibility. Urban labor productivity can be maximized when the population size of the consolidated city is between 300,000 and 400,000 people. This size can be applied to setting up a guideline for reorganizing regional administrative units in Korea.
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What theme is increasingly dominating the behaviour of international politics? The answer appears to be the task of peace-building at the global level. Reality shows how far we are from completing that task, however. Our inability to complete the task is still, alas, the case in the 1970s. It is true that the international system has changed from one dominated by a bipolar-cold war to a multipolar-interdependent system since the middle of the 1960s. Global peace, however, still seems to be only a remote possibility: There is ample evidence of this, and the Middle East war of 1973 is-only one illustration.
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reSumen un rasgo permanente en los estudios sobre integración regional es la dificultad para adoptar una definición de la variable estudiada (integración) y la aplicación –en algunos casos simultánea– de herramientas provenientes de diversas teorías de las ciencias sociales para superar el problema. en este texto analizaré, desde la perspectiva de las relaciones internacionales, los principales debates que han abordado la integración regional, sus particularidades y tipologías. en la primera parte examinaré la conexión entre regionalismo e integración, posteriormente exploraré diferentes teorías vinculadas al tema para extraer posibles generalizaciones. Finalmente, y basándome en los enfoques neofuncionalistas, formularé una definición de integración regional que recupera la noción de transferencia de lealtades, idea clave que permite distinguir este concepto de otros similares. Palabras clave: regionalismo, integración regional, teorías de integración, transferencia de lealtades, supranacionalidad.
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The relevance of transaction analysis to the study of regional integration has been the subject of controversy. In dialectical fashion though, this controversy has produced improved understanding. Early exponents, who tended at times to overestimate the efficacy of the transaction approach, have accepted its limitations, and, by the same token, some early critics of transaction analysis have accepted its usefulness. Overall, we have come to recognize that regional integration is a multidimensional phenomenon, much more complex than initially imagined. Transaction approaches are appropriate and useful for investigating some aspects of regional integration; they are less useful for investigating others.
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The object of this study is to determine how close to, or how far from, international integration France and the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany) moved between 1954 and 1965. Results presented here are revealing though probably not astonishing: While some indices of international integration suggest growing assimilation between Frenchmen and West Germans at the societal level, others, paradoxically, show marked deterioration in French and West German coordination and amalgamation at the intergovernmental level. What is important about these findings is that they follow predictably from some theories of international integration and raise questions about others.
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It is argued that the study of regional international politics is important (1) for empirical reasons having to do with the real world saliency of the region as a factor in international politics; (2) for theoretical reasons having to do with the subordinate system as being relatively neglected in scholarship with the exception of the integrationist approach; and (3) for policy reasons having to do with the importance of accurately understanding the dynamics of the region as part of the objective of stabilizing the international system. The dominant approach to regional international politics of the integrationists (neo-functionalists and transactionalists) is then discussed and criticized in terms of the two approaches’ normative concerns, the nature of the model utilized, and the theoretical issues that are raised. A major conclusion is that the integrative model used is inappropriate as a vestige of the level of analysis problem, and such theoretical issues as the nature of the dependent variable remain unspecified. It is then argued that the authors’ formulation of an empirical systems approach begins to meet these criticisms.
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Regional integration theory emphasizes elite social learning and attitude change asconcomitant processes of integration. Participation by national elites in EEC decision making may bring about these changes. To test these hypotheses, French and German delegates to the European Parliament were interviewed, and their attitudes compared with those of a controlgroup sampled among their national colleagues. The general finding was that the delegates'attitudes appear to undergo cognitive, but not affective, changes. Delegates develop more complex perceptions and become better informed and more interested in European matters, yet theybecome neither more favorable nor less hostile to these issues because of the self-recruitment of many legislators who were avowed Europeans before their nomination. Strong ties to national parties apparently diminish the attitudinal effects of this learning experience. Only when the parliament has full time legislators who exercise potent policy-making tasks will its role in European integration increase.
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