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Immigrants’Sense of Belonging to the Host Country: The
Role of Life Satisfaction, Language Proficiency, and
Religious Motives
Karin Amit ·Shirly Bar-Lev
Accepted: 8 November 2014
©Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
Abstract This paper focuses on a significant concept in migration studies: immigrants’
sense of belonging to the host society. Drawing upon the literature of immigration and
subjective well-being, we proposed a model in which life satisfaction is a major predictor
of immigrants’ sense of belonging, and is explained by background variables including
religious affiliation, religious motivation, native language proficiency and ethnic segre-
gation. The study was based on a survey of two groups of highly skilled migrants in Israel;
immigrants from France and the Former Soviet Union who moved to Israel in the last two
decades. The findings suggest that, as expected, life satisfaction had a significant influence
on immigrants’ sense of belonging and served as a mediator variable in the model.
Whereas ethnic segregation was not found to be a significant parameter in the model,
religious motivation and Hebrew language proficiency were found to be prominent. In light
of the literature, we also discuss the importance of religious motivations to immigrants’
subjective well-being, identity, and sense of belonging.
Keywords Migration · Sense of belonging · Identity · Life satisfaction ·
Religious motives
1 Introduction
Research has documented that subjective perceptions carry with them considerable weight
in the integration of immigrants (e.g. Massey and Redstone 2006; Amit 2012a), over and
above the traditional objective integration parameters (e.g. Borjas 1994). This is especially
true in the case of highly skilled migrants, since they usually face less objective barriers in
K. Amit (&)
Department of Business Administration and the Institute for Immigration and Social Integration,
Ruppin Academic Center, 4025000 Emek Hefer, Israel
e-mail: karina@ruppin.ac.il
S. Bar-Lev
The Department of Engineering, Ruppin Academic Center, Emek Hefer, Israel
123
Soc Indic Res
DOI 10.1007/s11205-014-0823-3
their integration process (Iredale 1999; Mahroum 2001). To date, little is known about the
subjective perceptions related to the integration of highly skilled migrants. We respond to
this challenge by examining two highly skilled immigrant groups, from France and the
Former Soviet Union (FSU). Both groups immigrated to Israel during the 1990s and 2000s.
Mapping various socio-demographic and subjective variables, we propose a predictive
model of immigrants’ sense of belonging, in which ethnicity, subjective well-being, reli-
gious affiliation and motives, native language proficiency and ethnic segregation play a
significant role. While each variable has been considered in the past, the interaction
between them has yet to be fully explored in the case of highly skilled migrants.
Sociologist Bauman (1996) argues that the question of identity comes particularly to the
fore whenever people are uncertain about where they belong. The need to belong refers to
the way in which individuals view themselves in relation to others in their society. It is
considered an important motivator responsible for many positive emotional and cognitive
processes for individuals (Baumeister and Leary 1995). In the case of immigrants, the
feeling of being an outsider often reflects negatively on immigrants’ subjective well-being
and on their commitment to stay in the host society (Capra and Steindl-Rast 1991; Phinney
et al. 2001).
Identity, sense of belonging, and feeling “at home” are concepts used interchangeably to
capture the same subjective and dynamic sense of being part of a social group or a place
(either physical or imaginary) (Black 2002). According to Sigmon et al. (2002), a psy-
chological home can be defined as a sense of belonging in which self-identity is tied to a
particular place. It is a dynamic process continuingly negotiated throughout a person’s
lifespan. “Home” is thus defined as an imagined or desired locus of belief and yearning, a
space that may carry spiritual, emotional, nationalist and patriotic connotations (Sigmon
et al. 2002; Duncan and Lambert 2004). As such, feeling at home is connected to both
private and public memory, and is based on shared social experiences and norms. When
attempting to understand immigrants’ sense of belonging, we must examine the process of
development of this feeling after entering the new society. The immigrant is expected to
gradually release previous attachments, social identifiers and even a sense of national
commitment to his country of origin, and develop a sense of local identity and belonging in
the host country.
A growing corpus of studies indicates that immigrants do not simply abandon their
previous identities or cultural affinity with their country of origin. Rather, these are used as
interpretive tools or templates in constructing their individual and collective identity in the
new society (Lerner et al. 2007). To complicate matters even more, Weingrod and Lev
˙i
(2006) suggest that today, most immigrants cultivate multiple citizenships, instead of being
deeply implicated both ideologically and materially in the nationalist project of their
homeland. In fact, Weingrod and Levy identify this as a hallmark feature that “typifies
contemporary diasporas”—immigrants form transnational communities that challenge
national borders and allow multi-culturalism, hybrid identities, and mixed cultural formats
to form and flourish (Clarke et al. 2007). This brings into question how people today
construct their identities and whether traditional forms of identity construction such as
ethnicity still hold. As Burgat notes, “Identity is the result of the encounter with otherness”
(2003, 21). If so, then in our day, a sense of belonging should be thought of as a “will-
ingness to become involved with the other, and the concern with achieving competence in
cultures” (Hannerz 1990: 239–240 c.f. Ossewaarde 2007). This redefinition of identity goes
hand in hand with the weakening of the state as a definer of national identity, especially in
light of trans-national migration. These transient identities, which are cultivated by
K. Amit, S. Bar-Lev
123
indigenous, immigrant and diasporic populations, better reflect immigrants’ emulation of
multiple cultures, vernacular, lifestyles and styles from afar (Tupuola 2006).
This re-conceptualization poses serious challenges to scholars wishing to measure
immigrants’ sense of belonging and identity using quantitative tools (Amit 2012a; Jedwab
2009). In Canada, as in other pluralistic democracies, scholars rarely agree over how to define
and measure national identity. In their studies, while some scholars require respondents to
choose between various identities, others allow them to have multiple significant identities,
and evaluate the importance of national identity to the respondents (Jedwab 2009). According
to Chow (2007), the willingness of immigrants to become naturalized has traditionally been
used as a measure of their sense of belonging to the host society. However, as Chow argues,
this measure may not be applicable to certain immigrant groups, such as Hong Kong
immigrants in Canada, who are eager to acquire Canadian citizenship but are not as motivated
to feel part of the Canadian society. He therefore suggests that in studying the generation of
transnational identities, we take into account the role of local communities (neighborhoods,
membership in a religious congregation and businesses).
Following the measurement complexity presented in the literature, we developed a more
comprehensive index comprised of the three basic components of belonging in an attempt to
capture immigrants’ sense of belonging to the new country. The first component, national
identity, is a prominent and commonly used parameter for testing the sense of belonging to a
new country (Amit 2012a; Jedwab 2009). The second component, feeling at home, reflects a
psychological sense in which self-identity is tied to a particular place (Sigmon et al. 2002). In
the migration context, this refers to the extent to which self-identity is tied to the new country.
The third component, commitment to stay in the host country (sometimes measured by the
willingness of immigrants to become naturalized) has traditionally been used as a measure of
immigrants’ sense of belonging to the host society (Chow 2007).
1.1 Determinants of Immigrants’ Sense of Belonging
In this era of globalization, countries looking to accelerate their economic development go to
great lengths to attract highly skilled immigrants (Iredale 1999; Mahroum 2001). Conse-
quently, subjective aspects of integration assume great significance among many immigrants,
especially among highly skilled migrants who leave their countries of origin to improve their
quality of life and are likely to leave the new country if they are dissatisfied (Brandi 2001).
Thus we find that immigrants’ subjective well-being plays a significant role in their inte-
gration process and sense of belonging (Massey and Redstone 2006; Amit 2010,2012a).
Satisfaction with life is a major component of subjective well-being. It is defined as an
overall assessment of an individual’s quality of life according to his/her personal judgment
and criteria (Diener 1984). In a study of immigrants to the United States, Massey and
Redstone (2006) found that those who express higher levels of satisfaction are significantly
more likely to naturalize and are more likely to want to stay in the country. Other studies
indicate a significant correlation between self-identity and general life satisfaction (Phin-
ney et al. 2001; Amit 2010). In the present study we propose a model in which life
satisfaction is a major predictor of immigrants’ sense of belonging.
Many studies have attempted to define determinants of life satisfaction. These studies
have found that satisfaction is linked to a series of subjective and objective variables, of
which more than 80 % are at the individual level (Bonini 2008). Objective parameters that
positively explained life satisfaction included education (Helliwell 2003) and standard of
living (Diener et al. 1993; Bohnke 2008). Subjective variables that were identified included
Immigrants’ Sense of Belonging
123
social capital, represented by social networks and social activity (Neto 2001), and religious
affiliation and involvement (Smith et al. 2003). Other studies have indicated that religious
participation enhances social ties and support for individuals (Ellison and George 1994).
Membership in a religious congregation is consistently associated with a greater likelihood
of having friendships (Wuthnow 2002), and enables immigrants to sustain membership in
multiple localities (Levitt 2003). Studies have also indicated that certain aspects of reli-
giousness (e.g., public religious involvement, intrinsic religious motivation) are positively
related to individuals’ subjective well-being (e.g., Blaine and Crocker 1995; Smith et al.
2003). Levin (2013) recently found that synagogue participation is modestly but positively
associated with mental health, and that those who received a religious education in
childhood are significantly more optimistic than others of a more secular background.
Migration studies emphasize the relative deficit of social capital suffered by immigrants in
a new country, as compared to the native-born. In order to compensate for this deficit,
organizations and social networks are formed at both the family and the group level in order
to assist and support the immigrant (Portes 1998). Studies distinguish between bonding social
capital, which is based on social networks within the ethnic group and may result in ethnic
segregation, and bridging social capital, based on social networks that cross ethnic bound-
aries (Putnam 2000). A study among adolescents from immigrant families in Portugal found
that those living in ethnically segregated neighborhoods reported a higher level of satis-
faction with their lives than those living in heterogeneous neighborhoods (Neto 2001). Yet
when similar studies were conducted among adult immigrants in Israel, the findings were not
conclusive. They found that ethnic segregation had a positive effect on the life satisfaction of
Western immigrants (from France, North America and Argentina), but no effect on the life
satisfaction of Russian (FSU) immigrants (Amit 2010). As Remennick (2004) has shown, the
reliance on co-ethnic networks plays a double role in the life of Israeli Russians. On the one
hand, it empowers the weakest and the least integrated segments of the Russian community,
attenuating their dependency on the host society. Yet, at the same time, it hampers the
economic success and social integration of many FSU immigrants, and reinforces cultural
conflicts between them and native Israelis. We thus decided to examine the role of ethnic
segregation on life satisfaction of immigrants from different groups.
Previous studies have indicated that ethnic segregation is also a significant predictor of
immigrant’s identity. According to Mrhra et al. (1998), racial minorities are more likely to
make friendship choices within their group rather than socialize with members from the
majority group. They found that the marginalization of racial minorities resulted from
exclusionary pressures and from minority individuals’ preferences for same-race friends.
Another study (Amit 2012a) examined the Israeli identity of different immigrant groups
and found that ethnic segregation negatively affected the Israeli identity of FSU immi-
grants, but positively affected the Israeli identity of Ethiopian and Western immigrants. For
these two immigrant groups, close contact with Israelis intensified alienation from Israeli
society and culture. According to the author, the Western immigrants may have judged
native Israelis as “less cultured”; while the Ethiopian immigrants experienced themselves
as an inferior visible black minority (Amit 2012a). This contradiction in findings for
various ethnic groups invites further examination of the relation between ethnicity, ethnic
segregation, life satisfaction and sense of belonging.
In order to complete the picture, we must examine migration-specific variables and their
relation to immigrants’ life satisfaction and sense of belonging. Motives for immigration
play an important role in forming immigrant expectations and thus their integration in the
host country (e.g., Doerschler and College 2006). Chow (2007) found that immigrants who
were politically and culturally motivated to immigrate to Canada reported a higher sense of
K. Amit, S. Bar-Lev
123
belonging to Canada than immigrants who were economically motivated. Moreover, in
Canada, economic motivation was negatively correlated with life satisfaction. Studies
conducted in Israel point to the importance of Zionist and religious (Jewish) immigration
motives to the formation of immigrant identity (Amit 2012a) and to their declared intention
of remaining in Israel (Amit and Riss 2013). Several studies have argued that ethnic
minorities tend to seek legitimacy in the public sphere by privileging their religious
identity (Gibb 1998; Van Dijk 2001). Sabar (2010) also demonstrated that a communal
religious arena has a shielding effect for migrants in navigating the complexities of living
in Israel. In the case of African migrant workers, their religious bond to the country
facilitated a shift from a feeling of transience to a sense of belonging in Israel.
The number of years in the destination country (YSM) and the native language profi-
ciency are important parameters that affect the sense of belonging. Years in the destination
country improve the economic position of immigrants and their language proficiency, and
facilitate the acquisition of relevant skills and qualifications (Chiswick 1998,2002; Walters
et al. 2007). Native language proficiency plays a central role in the integration of the
immigrant in the new labor market and his/her ability to narrow economic gaps with the
natives (Chiswick 2002). Studies conducted in Israel indicate that the effect of YSM and
Hebrew language proficiency on well-being and identity differs between immigrant groups
(Amit 2010,2012a).
1.2 The Israeli Case
The migration of Jews to Israel can be classified as a “returning Diaspora,” a unique feature
among worldwide migratory movements (Semyonov and Lewin-Epstein 2003). Under the
“Law of Return”, immigrants of Jewish ancestry
1
and their non-Jewish family members
may enter Israel and are granted Israeli citizenship upon arrival. These immigrants are
motivated by various motives. Often religious and ideological motivation is accompanied
by fear of nationalist and religious persecution, compounded by economic considerations.
The present study focuses on two recent Jewish immigrant groups in Israel: French
immigrants and FSU immigrants arriving in the last two decades. Since 1990, about 43,000
Jewish immigrants have arrived in Israel from France, of these, 30 % were born in North
Africa. In comparison, about one million immigrants entered Israel from the FSU after the
collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989 (Central Bureau of Statistics 2014). About 25 % of
these immigrants have Jewish ancestry, but are not Jewish according to religious law
(Rajiman 2009). The FSU immigrant group is the largest recent immigrant group in Israel,
accounting for about 20 % of the total Jewish population.
Research on French immigrants in Israel is scarce. Contemporary French immigration is
driven mainly by religious and Zionist motives, but also by anti-Semitic concerns and lack of
personal security. Most of these immigrants are highly skilled and define themselves as reli-
gious or traditional (Amit 2012b). A recent book by Ben-Rafael and Ben-Rafael (2013)profiles
the French immigrants in Israel as transnational migrants who maintain a strong affinity with
their origin country and culture. The link with the origin country and culture is manifested in
strong social networks; these immigrants tend to live in segregated neighborhoods and work in
French-speaking companies (serving French markets in Israel and France) (Pupko 2009). In a
1
Under the Law of Return, any immigrant to Israel who has at least one Jewish grandparent is entitled to
citizenship. This definition is not congruent with the religious definition, which holds that a Jew is anyone
whose mother is a Jew.
Immigrants’ Sense of Belonging
123
study of North American, South American, and French immigrants in Israel, the life satis-
faction of the French immigrants was found to be as high asthat of North Americans,and higher
than that of South Americans. Their high level of life satisfaction is correlated to their religious
affiliation and Zionist motives for immigration (Amit 2012b).
By contrast, many studies have been conducted on FSU immigrants to Israel. These
immigrants came to Israel in mass numbers after the collapse of the Soviet Union, mainly due
to economic and political uncertainty in their countries of origin (Remennick 2004). Studies
of this population have emphasized the high levels of human capital with which these
immigrants arrived in Israel relative to both the Soviet and Israeli populations. These studies
have documented impressive employment levels of immigrants, but partly at the cost of
occupational downgrading compared with the occupations they held in the FSU (Raijman
and Semyonov 1997a,b). Evidence from studies examining social and subjective parameters
indicates that FSU immigrants place greater emphasis on their Russian identity and language
than on their Israeli identity (e.g. Ben-Rafael et al. 2006). A recent Israeli study compared the
life satisfaction of immigrants from Western countries with that of FSU immigrants. The
study found that Western immigrants were more religious than FSU immigrants, Western
immigrants were pulled to Israel whereas FSU immigrants came due to push factors and
Western immigrants were more satisfied with life in Israel than FSU immigrants (Amit 2010).
Both French and FSU immigrants have high levels of human capital, and both groups
are ethnically segregated. However, whereas French immigrants came to Israel out of
religious and Zionist motives and define themselves as religious or traditional, FSU
immigrants may be defined as economic migrants and are less attached to their Jewish
ancestry. The ethnic segregation of these two immigrant groups is based on different
motivations. Whereas the ethnic segregation of FSU immigrants is mainly on cultural
grounds, that of French immigrants has a religious basis. In light of these differences, we
propose a model testing the impact of socio-demographic variables, including group
variable (FSU/French), ethnic segregation, Hebrew language proficiency and religion
(represented by religiosity level and religious motives), on the life satisfaction and the
sense of belonging of these two immigrant groups.
We use structural equation modeling (SEM) to examine two alternative predicting models.
In the first, background variables have a direct impact on life satisfaction, and immigrants’ life
satisfaction, in turn, influences immigrants’ sense of belonging. In the alternative model, both
life satisfaction and sense of belonging are directly explained by the background variables.
2 Methods
2.1 Sample
This study is based on an internet survey distributed to 355 French immigrants and 232
FSU immigrants arriving in Israel after 1990. After mapping significant immigrant social
networks, the survey was distributed using the Qualtrics online survey program. The
sample was obtained from immigrant social networks and websites, as well as key
immigrant NGO organizations (e.g. AMI, Gvahim, JPPI, Francophones d’Israel). A link to
the survey was available in these websites, and immigrants randomly responded to the
survey. The survey was available in French, Russian and Hebrew.
The average age of immigrants in the general sample was 42.5 (SD 13.5), 47 % were
men, and about 70 % of them were employed. In our analyses we focus on salaried
immigrants, 188 from French and 161 from the FSU.
K. Amit, S. Bar-Lev
123
2.2 Variables
The internet survey was comprised of closed questions on a broad variety of topics: socio-
demographic items, subjective social aspects, cultural aspects, immigration motives,
general level of satisfaction with life in Israel, and identity and belonging. In order to
construct the survey questionnaire, we conducted a preliminary qualitative study based on
interviews with French and FSU immigrants.
The main dependent variable in our study is an index of sense of belonging. This index
is comprised of three 1–5 scale variables: Israeli identity, “feeling at home”, and tendency
to stay in Israel. Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficient was found to be high (R =0.79).
The main explanatory variable in our study is general satisfaction with life in Israel,
rated on a scale of 1–5.
2
The independent variables are as follows:
Religiosity level: the extent to which the participant observes religious tradition (on a
scale of 1–4).
Academic education: dichotomous variable; has/does not have an academic degree.
Ethnic segregation: additive index computed from three variables. The first is a yes/no
answer to the question of whether most of the immigrants’ friends are immigrants from
the same country of origin. The second is a yes/no answer to the question of whether
more than half of the participant’s neighbourhood is comprised of immigrants from the
same country of origin. The third question is a yes/no answer to the question of whether
the immigrant is working in a French/Russian speaking organization (accordingly).
Ethnicity (group): distinction between the two major groups: immigrants from France
and FSU immigrants (1 =France, 0 =FSU).
Religious and Zionist immigration motives: index calculated from three questions
relating to religious Jewish and Zionist immigration motives (life in a Jewish state,
Jewish education for the children, and Zionism). Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficient
was found to be high (R =0.77).
Number of years in Israel (YSM): number of years since immigrating to Israel.
Hebrew language proficiency: index calculated from three questions relating to speaking,
reading and writing in Hebrew. This measure is used in the Ruppin Index (Amit and
Chachashvili-Bollotin 2007). Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficient was found to be
high (R =0.90).
In addition, age and gender were accounted for as independent variables.
2.3 Analysis Method
We used SEM with AMOS 5 software (Byrne 2001) to test the hypothesized model.
Following Anderson and Garbing’s (1988) “two-step” approach, we tested the
2
The measurement of life satisfaction by the answer to a single global question was recently discussed by
Kahneman and Krueger (2006). They cite surveys (e.g., American General Social Survey, GSS) using this
form of question and emphasize that respondents had little trouble answering it. Based on a survey con-
ducted in Texas, they report that the correlation obtained for life satisfaction scores (using a single question)
after 2 weeks (test re-test reliability) was 0.59 (page 7). As mentioned by Kahneman and Krueger (2006),
using an index comprised of more variables would be preferable, but only if the questions are defined in
general terms (as specified in my introduction, page 3). In our survey there are other variables related to
satisfaction, but concerning specific issues (such as satisfaction at work, satisfaction from income). The
correlation between these variables and general life satisfaction was low.
Immigrants’ Sense of Belonging
123
measurement model first and then the structural model. The measurement model assesses
whether our main dependent variable, sense of belonging, is a reliable latent construct. A
rule of thumb is that a measurement model with three indicators per latent construct is
ideal, and it can bear up to five indicators without estimation difficulties (Bagozzi and
Heatherton 1994).
The structural model provides maximum likelihood estimates of all identified model
parameters, and evaluates the degree to which the model reproduces the observed vari-
ance–covariance matrix in terms of a Chi-square goodness-of-fit statistic (Bollen and Long
1993). This method enabled us to test the fit of the correlation matrix (Byrne 2001; Hoyle
1995). Our main general model suggests that immigrants’ socio-demographic character-
istics (age, gender, ethnicity, academic degree, ethnic segregation and religiosity) and
immigration background variables (immigration motives, YSM and Hebrew proficiency)
influence immigrants’ general life satisfaction. Immigrants’ life satisfaction, in turn,
influences their sense of belonging. An alternative model, in which the socio-demographic
and immigration variables directly impact life satisfaction and sense of belonging, was
examined in order to determine the best model for the research variables.
3 Findings
The descriptive findings obtained from the survey, presented in Table 1, show that the
groups differ in most of their characteristics. French immigrants were about 9 years older
Table 1 Characteristics of French and FSU immigrants
Variables French
immigrants
FSU
immigrants
Test values (Ch2/ttest)
Background variables
Age 42.9 (10.8) 35.8 (10.9) 6.0***
Male (%) 44.7 (%) 43.5 (%) 0.1
Married (%) 71.8 (%) 37.9 (%) 40.5***
Number of children 2.5 (1.8) 0.9 (1.1) 9.4***
With academic degree (%) 46.8 (%) 38.5 (%) 2.4
Job satisfaction (1–5) 3.5 (0.4) 3.4 (1.0) 0.4
Religious affiliation (1–4) 2.6 (0.9) 1.2 (0.6) 16.9***
Ethnic segregation (0–3) 1.6 (1.0) 1.6 (0.8) 0.1
Immigration variables
Religious and Zionistic motives index (1–5) 3.9 (1.0) 2.5 (1.3) 11.7***
Number of years in Israel-YSM 12.7 (9.9) 14.9 (7.9) 2.2**
Hebrew proficiency Index (1–5) 3.6 (1.1) 3.8 (1.0) 1.9*
Subjective perceptions
General life satisfaction (1–5) 4.1 (0.8) 3.5 (0.9) 5.1***
Sense of belonging index (1–5) 4.2 (0.7) 3.4 (1.0) 6.2***
Israeli identity (1–5) 3.7 (1.0) 3.3 (1.2) 2.5**
Feel at home in Israel (1–5) 4.3 (0.9) 3.2 (1.3) 7.6***
Plan to stay in Israel (1–5) 4.6 (0.8) 3.8 (1.1) 6.3***
N 188 161
*p\0.10; ** p\0.05; *** p\0.01
K. Amit, S. Bar-Lev
123
than the FSU immigrants. About 72 % of French immigrants were married with children,
compared to about 38 % among FSU immigrants. French immigrants significantly differed
from the FSU immigrants in their religious affiliation and defined themselves more as
religious and traditional. However, the study found no significant difference between the
groups in their education, job satisfaction and ethnic segregation; both groups were highly
educated, not very satisfied with their job, and ethnically segregated. The study identified
significant differences between the groups for variables related to immigration: French
immigrants were mainly driven by religious and Zionist motives (pull factors), while FSU
immigrants were mainly driven by push factors such as political and economic unrest. The
French immigrants were in Israel for shorter periods, and their Hebrew proficiency was
lower. The groups also differed in their subjective perceptions: French immigrants were
significantly more satisfied with their life and had a higher sense of belonging compared to
FSU immigrants.
The correlation between central research variables is presented in Table 2. Sense of
belonging was positively correlated with life satisfaction (r =0.41, p\0.01), religious
affiliation (r =0.26, p\0.01), and religious and Zionist immigration motives (r =0.51,
p\0.01), and to a lower degree with Hebrew proficiency (r =0.14, p\0.05). The study
found no significant correlation between sense of belonging and ethnic segregation or
YSM. General life satisfaction was positively correlated with religious affiliation (r =0.25,
p\0.01) and religious and Zionist immigration motives (r =0.33, p\0.01). There was
no significant correlation between life satisfaction and ethnic segregation, Hebrew profi-
ciency or YSM. It appears from these findings that religious immigrants who came to Israel
out of religious and Zionist motives were more satisfied with their life and felt a stronger
sense of belonging. Ethnic segregation was negatively correlated to YSM (r =−0.25,
p\0.01) and Hebrew proficiency (r =−0.28, p\0.01), indicating that immigrants who
were in Israel for fewer years and who had less Hebrew proficiency tended to be more
ethnically segregated.
We used SEM to further understand the factors explaining immigrants’ sense of
belonging. Two models were tested. In the first, life satisfaction was explained by a series
of background variables, and served as a mediator variable explaining immigrants’ sense of
belonging (Model 1). In the second model, both life satisfaction and sense of belonging
were directly explained by the background variables (Model 2). The results indicated that
Model 1 fit the data well: the fit indices exceeded .90, and the RMSEA was significant
(p=0.08). In Model 2, fit indices did not exceed .90, and the RMSEA was insignificant
(p=0.10) (Table 3).
The results from Model 1 are presented in Fig. 1, following Hoyle’s (1995) recom-
mendations. The significant results (trimmed model) are presented in diagrams with
specification of the main statistical measures: regression weights and multiple correlation
coefficients. In general, the model predicted 49 % of the variance of immigrants’ sense of
belonging. Life satisfaction, the mediator variable in the model, positively predicted
immigrants’ sense of belonging (β=0.39). The background variables predicted 26 % of
immigrants’ life satisfaction. As is apparent from the figure, there was a positive and
significant correlation between ethnicity (the group variable) and life satisfaction
(β=0.21), indicating that the life satisfaction of French immigrants was significantly
higher than that of FSU immigrants. Religiosity was not found significant. Ethnic segre-
gation was not found to affect life satisfaction, and this finding may be due to the low
diversity for this parameter in our sample. Hebrew proficiency and religious immigration
motives were found to positively predict life satisfaction. In addition, Hebrew proficiency
and religious motives were positively and directly correlated to immigrants’ sense of
Immigrants’ Sense of Belonging
123
Table 2 Correlations between central research variables
Variables Sense of
belonging
index (1–5)
General life
satisfaction
(1–5)
Religious
affiliation
(1–4)
Ethnic
segregation
(0–3)
Religious and
Zionistic motives
index (1–5)
Number of
years in
Israel-YSM
Hebrew
proficiency
Index (1–5)
Sense of belonging index (1–5) – 0.41*** 0.26*** −0.12 0.51*** 0.05 0.14**
General life satisfaction (1–5) – 0.25*** −0.08 0.33*** −0.12 0.1
Religious affiliation (1–4) – 0.20*** 0.51*** −0.17*** −0.14**
Ethnic segregation (0–3) – −0.05 −0.25*** −0.28***
Religious and Zionistic motives index (1–5) – −0.01 −0.08
Number of years in Israel-YSM – 0.34***
Hebrew proficiency Index (1–5) –
** p\0.05; *** p\0.01
K. Amit, S. Bar-Lev
123
Table 3 Model 1 and 2: results from the SEM model—standardized coefficients of the full model
predicting sense of belonging
Life satisfaction
Model 1a
Life satisfaction
Model 2a
Sense of belonging
Model 1b
Sense of belonging
Model 2b
Background variables
Age 0.117 0.117 0.116 0.145*
Gender 0.013 0.013 −0.003 0.007
Ethnicity-group 0.207** 0.207** 0.087 0.182**
Academic degree −0.105 −0.105 −0.015 −0.048
Religiosity 0.133 0.133 0.125 0.172**
Ethnic segregation −0.099 −0.099 −0.057 −0.09
YSM −0.258*** −0.258*** 0.012 −0.08
Hebrew proficiency 0.197** 0.197** 0.160** 0.222**
Religious motives 0.165** 0.165** 0.257*** 0.301***
Life satisfaction – – 0.388*** –
Fit measures
DF/CMIN 2.245*** 2.800***
CFI 0.91 0.867
GFI 0.916 0.899
IFI 0.914 0.815
RMSEA 0.08 0.1
*p\0.10; ** p\0.05; *** p\0.01
Life sasfacon
(R2=0.26)
Sense of
belonging
(R2=0.49)
d 1
d 3
Age
Q1
Gender
Group:
French/FSU
Academic
Religiosity
Ethnic
enclosure
Q2
Q3
0.20**
YSM Hebrew
proficiency
Religious
moves
-0.26***
0.17**
0.39***
0.21**
0.26**
0.16**
Fig. 1 Model 1—predicting sense of belonging by life satisfaction- graphic results from the SEM model
(trimmed model)
Immigrants’ Sense of Belonging
123
belonging. This last finding indicates that the two classic immigration-related variables,
language and immigration motives, predict both life satisfaction and sense of belonging.
However, more years spent in Israel were associated with lower life satisfaction
(β=−0.26), indicating that the least veteran immigrants in Israel (French immigrants)
were more satisfied.
4 Discussion
This paper provides a predictive model of immigrants’ sense of belonging, based on the
hypothesis that subjective well-being, ethnicity, religion (represented by religiosity and
religious motives), native language proficiency and ethnic segregation play significant
roles in this feeling. Using a sample of FSU and French immigrants, two alternative models
were tested.
When comparing our two predictive models of sense of belonging, our results suggest
that Model 1, with life satisfaction serving as a mediator variable, fits the data better than
Model 2. According to the findings, ethnicity (immigrant group) and immigration variables
(immigration motives, YSM and Hebrew proficiency) influence immigrants’ general life
satisfaction. Life satisfaction, in turn, influences immigrants’ sense of belonging. This
finding highlights the importance of subjective well-being in predicting immigrants’ sense
of belonging (1991; Phinney et al. 2001), as well as the significant role that immigration
variables play. As was found in previous studies (Chow 2007), immigration motives play
an important role in determining immigrants’ identity and sense of belonging. Our study
adds to this literature by pointing to religious and ideological motives involved in the
process As Sabar (2010) showed in her study on African immigrants in Israel, the iden-
tification with the idealized Holy Land seems to infuse the host country, for all of its
imperfections, with a unique spiritual value, and fosters a deep bond with the country. In
this sense, our findings support recent studies identifying religious motives as exhibiting a
significant protective effect against psychological distress and inducing greater life satis-
faction (Amit 2010; Levin 2013). Although the Israeli case may be perceived as unique in
this respect, ideological and religious immigration motives may play a role in the migration
process to other countries as well.
Our descriptive findings point to significant differences between two skilled groups of
immigrants in Israel, FSU and French immigrants. We showed that despite both groups’
tendency toward ethnic segregation, each reported different levels of identification with the
host country. While both groups of immigrants reported similar levels of human capital and
job satisfaction, the FSU immigrants had two advantages over the French immigrants; they
had lived had lived in Israel for a longer period of time, and they reported a higher level of
Hebrew proficiency compared to their French counterparts. Yet despite these advantages,
the FSU immigrants reported feeling a lower sense of belonging to Israel. In addition, the
FSU immigrants reported lower levels of religiosity and were less driven to Israel out of
religious and Zionistic motives. Their general level of life satisfaction was significantly
lower than that of their French counterparts. In this sense, our data may contribute to the
current debate on the relations between ethnicity, language proficiency and national
identification. In our general model we found that language proficiency contributed to a
higher sense of national identity and belonging, yet it is important to consider the
involvement of other migration-related variables including ethnicity.
Our study may have implications for other studies adopting the lens of trans-nation-
alism, which have proved increasingly useful for exploring such issues as immigrant
K. Amit, S. Bar-Lev
123
cultural retention and participation (Remmennick 2013). Scholars of trans-nationalism and
immigration have noted that the traditional concept of migration is changing. Migrants are
becoming trans-migrants, in the sense that they enjoy segregated cultural life and preserve
dense economic and informal networks not only with their home country, but also with
other national branches of their diaspora. Maintaining trans-national networks that are
organized along ethnic lines may signal a gradual attenuation of loyalty to the nation–state.
However, as was found in the case of French immigrants in our study, a spiritual religious
connection with Israel prevented this separation. As for the FSU immigrants, who lack this
spiritual connection, their lower levels of life satisfaction and sense of belonging may stem
from their feeling of living in virtual limbo, or in a state of permanent uprooting as was
suggested by Remmennick (2013).These arguments require thorough examination in future
studies.
The current study employed a small sample size, which can limit our ability to gen-
eralize. This limitation also prevented us from conducting separate models for each
immigrant group. In addition, our model does not explain which aspects of life satisfaction
and identity are affected by the immigrants’ religious motivation and local language
proficiency. To further our understanding, we need to explore, using qualitative research
methods, how these immigrants perceive and interpret the role of religion and language in
their well-being perceptions and their incorporation in the host country. Moreover, if as
Levitt (2003) suggests, hybrid diasporic, global and local religious practices and motiva-
tions are created within religious congregations, then we must further explore how these
factors strengthen immigrants’ tendency for ethnic segregation, which may eventually
affect immigrants’ sense of belonging and national identity.
Acknowledgments This study was supported by the Institute for Immigration and Social Integration at
Ruppin Academic Center and by AMI Association.
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