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The comparison of the periods of rapid economic growth in China since 1978 and India since 1992 markedly show different patterns of development and structural change. However, both countries experienced some advantages of "relative economic backwardness" and some aspects of the "fordist model of growth". China had an anticipated and deeper structural change, spurred mainly by economic reforms and the growth of the internal market in the 1980s, and, since the mid-1990s, by a very rapid penetration of its industrial products in the world market. However, a substantial part of China's exports in medium and high tech sectors are due to joint-ventures with foreign multinationals. India had a more balanced structural change and a slower insertion in the world market, although some sectors, such as software, steel, automotive and pharmaceuticals are recently increasing their share in the world markets. Owing to the huge number of micro-enterprises and the great size of the informal sector, India benefited much less than China from the economies of scale and from the third wave of the "fordist model of growth". Both countries, but in particular China, experienced negative externalities of this recent phase of rapid growth, such as higher inequalities, pollution and urban congestion.
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The European Journal of Comparative Economics
Vol. 6, n.1, pp. 101-129
ISSN 1722-4667
Available online at http://eaces.liuc.it
101
Structural Change and Economic Development in
China and India
Vittorio Valli and Donatella Saccone 1 2
Abstract
The comparison of the periods of rapid economic growth in China since 1978 and India since 1992
markedly show different patterns of development and structural change. However, both countries
experienced some advantages of “relative economic backwardness” and some aspects of the “fordist
model of growth”. China had an anticipated and deeper structural change, spurred mainly by economic
reforms and the growth of the internal market in the 1980s, and, since the mid-1990s, by a very rapid
penetration of its industrial products in the world market.
However, a substantial part of China’s exports in medium and high tech sectors are due to joint-ventures
with foreign multinationals. India had a more balanced structural change and a slower insertion in the
world market, although some sectors, such as software, steel, automotive and pharmaceuticals are recently
increasing their share in the world markets. Owing to the huge number of micro-enterprises and the great
size of the informal sector, India benefited much less than China from the economies of scale and from
the third wave of the “fordist model of growth”. Both countries, but in particular China, experienced
negative externalities of this recent phase of rapid growth, such as higher inequalities, pollution and urban
congestion.
JEL-Classification: O11, O53, O57, P51.
Keywords: economic development, structural change, fordist model of growth, China’s
economy, India’s economy.
1. Introduction
China since 1978 and India since 1992 have passed through a phase of very rapid
economic growth accompanied by very important structural changes in the productive
systems and severe and largely unresolved social problems. The objective of this paper
is to evaluate and compare some aspects of the different growth patterns of the two
1 Department of Economics, University of Turin
2 Paragraphs 2, 3 and 4 are due to Vittorio Valli (vittorio.valli@unito.it); paragraphs 5, 6 and 7 are due to
Donatella Saccone (donatella.saccone@unito.it). This paper belongs to a Vittorio Alfieri research
project on the comparative analysis of India’s and China’s economies. We thank the CRT foundation
for financial support. We thank also Giovanni Balcet, Silvana Dalmazzone, Mario Deaglio, Sean
Dougherty, May Gicquel, Giovanni Graziani, Claudio Grua, Angus Maddison, Xavier Richet, Joel Ruet,
Lino Sau, and all the participants to a workshop held in Turin on April 17-18, 2009 for their useful
comments to the main theses of this paper.
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economies analyzing in particular the relations between structural change and economic
development.
In doing so, we will utilise three concepts: Gerschenkron’s “relative economic
backwardness” (Gerschenkron, 1962; Fuà, 1980), “the fordist model of growth” (Valli,
2002, 2005, 2009) and Syrquin’s distinction between the productivity effect and
reallocation effect (Syrquin, 1986). The first concept is well known and stresses the fact
that an emerging backward economy may benefit from some advantages, such as the
adoption of modern technologies coming from more advanced countries and the
possibility of transferring large masses of the labour force from low productivity sectors
(agriculture and traditional tertiary activities) to sectors with higher productivity
(industry and modern services).
The second concept, which is not to be confused with the more general concept
of “Fordism” of Gramsci or of the French regulation school,3 is mainly associated to a
phase of strong growth of some interlinked industrial and service sectors where scale
economy and network economies are of crucial importance.
The third concept is a useful device to decompose productivity growth and comes
from a long and important tradition of studies on structural change and development
carried on by authors such as Kuznets (1966), Chenery and Syrquin (Chenery et al.,
1979; Chenery, Robinson, Syrquin, 1986; Syrquin, 1986; IMF, 2006).
2. The Third Wave of the Fordist Model of Growth
The US experienced the first wave of the fordist model of growth for some
decades following 1908.4 West Europe, Japan and the four Asian tigers passed through
their second wave in the 1950s and the 1960s. Since the late sixties, the US, Western
Europe and Japan experienced a crisis of the fordist model and have entered a post-
fordist phase. In contrast, China and India have entered the third wave of the fordist
model of growth respectively in the 1980s and the 1990s, benefiting at the same time
from some aspects of post-fordism and from several advantages of relative economic
backwardness.
In the US the crucial sectors of the fordist model of growth were the automobile
industry with all its interlinked sectors (steel, oil, tyres, auto repair, construction of roads
and motorways, etc.). When in 1908 the Ford motor corporation launched, as a mass
production product, the new Model T, which was much less expensive than pre-existing
cars, it greatly accelerated the demand and the diffusion of the automobiles in the US
market, and stimulated a rapid expansion of the steel, tyre and oil industries, road
building, etc. In the 1980s in China, in a very different economic and socio-political
context, the crucial sectors of the fordist model of growth were instead the electrical
domestic appliances and their interlinked sectors (steel, plastics, electricity, etc.). In the
3 While our concept of “fordist model of growth” mainly regards the core of economic transformations,
the concept of Fordism of the French regulation school (Aglietta, Boyer and other authors) is much
wider and regards also the relations of the economic aspects with socio-political and institutional
changes, the organization of labour and of production in the firms and the social conditions of workers.
Their approach, which is partly a derivation of Gramsci’s concept of Fordism, is fascinating, but it is
probably overly ambitious, since it implies the existence of a fully integrated social science.
4 For a more complete analysis of the three waves of the fordist model of growth and the case of China
see Valli (2009).
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103
1990s in China there was the addition of microelectronics, telecommunication and
energy. Finally, since the 2000s, there also has been a rapid growth in the production of
industrial vehicles, motorcycles and automobiles. In India, since 1992, machinery,
household electric appliances, steel, pharmaceuticals, and, more recently, software
services, telecommunication, motorcycles, automobiles and air communication have
been the crucial dynamic sectors.
3. Structural Transformation
Most empirical analyses about structural transformation have two severe
shortcomings. They often only consider the changes between the three great productive
branches: agriculture, industry, services. However, also the changes among the different
sectors of industry and services have great importance. Also the chance given to young
school leavers not to remain unemployed or underemployed in agriculture and to find a
job in industry or in services, which in general pay higher wages than agriculture, or to
find a job in modern industrial or service sectors, which in general pay higher wages
than the traditional ones, is usually overlooked or underestimated. Moreover, most
empirical studies do not adequately consider the five main “virtuous circles” embedded
in the “fordist model of growth”.
The first virtuous circle can have a huge importance and consists in the fact that
the rapid growth of production may generate economies of scale or network economies,
higher productivity, higher profits, higher investment, further increase in productivity
and production (see Figure 1). This feedback is associated with the rapid growth of
industrial sectors where economies of scale are important, such as TV sets, refrigerators,
washing machines, automobiles, steel, chemicals, PCs, mobile phones, etc. This effect is
particularly strong in the period in which the internal demand for these goods rises very
fast because several families buy their first TV set, or refrigerator, or their first PC, or
mobile phone, etc. The effect becomes much weaker when economies of scale are fully
exploited or when the sectors become mature, with substitution demand predominant.
The second important “virtuous circle” operates though aggregate demand. The
rapid increase in productivity leads to a rapid increase in unit wages without reducing
profit margins. This trend, if accompanied by a rise in employment, determines a fast
increase in total wages and thus in consumption, which can favour, together with the
increase in total profits, a substantial increase in investment. The rise in consumption
and investment leads to a rapid increase in internal demand.
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Figure 1. The fordist model of growth in China
Source: the chart is derived from Valli (2002).
After some years, the improvement in productivity also leads to an increase in
external competitiveness and exports and in the attractiveness of foreign direct
investment. Internal demand-led growth can thus gradually become an export-led
growth, as it has already happened in China, but not yet fully in India.
The third “virtuous circle” operates through total profits and investment. The
rapid increase in labour productivity permits a substantial rise in total sales and then in
total profits, provided that profit margins remain relatively stable. This leads to a rapid
rise in both intensive and extensive investment. The former improves labour
productivity, while the latter leads to an increase in employment and thus to a rise in
total wages, consumption and aggregate demand, communication facilities, etc.
The fourth “virtuous circle” regards relative prices and the demand for selected
goods and services. The very rapid increase in productivity in industrial sectors with
economies of scale or network-economy service sectors can contribute to reduce the
prices of their goods or services relative to the average level of prices. The fall in relative
prices of these goods or services may boost their demand. The rapid increase in demand
favours a rapid rise in profits and investment, contributing to the overall growth of the
economy.
The fifth virtuous circle relies on the increase of taxation which accrues to the
state and local authorities due to the rapid rise in production and in sales. It facilitates
the financing of schools, research and development investment, transport and
communication facilities, etc.
Naturally, the positive effects of these virtuous circles are accompanied by
negative effects such as the greater division and fragmentation of labour and the
increase in labour intensity and alienation in big factories. There is, moreover, a rapid
increase in urban congestion and pollution, due to the rapid rise of the circulation of
automobiles and other vehicles. Finally, there is a strong increase in energy consumption
associated to the rapid economic growth and the greater diffusion of vehicles, PCs and
domestic electrical appliances.
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Unfortunately, there is no comprehensive theory which can account for the
virtuous circles,5 but the scheme depicted in Figure 1 may provide a general framework
for the interpretation of some important aspects of the “fordist model of growth” as it
operates in the two great emerging Asian economies.
4. Growth and Structural Change in China and India since 1978
In 1978 China and India were two developing countries, with a very low level of
per capita GDP and very different political, social and economic institutions. Both
countries could be considered “latecomer countries” in Gerschenkron’s words, but,
with a very low industrialization pace, they had not been able to exploit the advantages
of relative economic backwardness in any meaningful way. The degree of poverty of a
very large part of their population and the development model chosen by their
governments had also prevented the two countries from starting any form of “fordist
model of growth”.
Figure 2: Per capita GDP in PPPs in China and India: 1978-2008 (international US $ 1990)
0
1000
2000
3000
4000
5000
6000
7000
1978
1980
1982
1984
1986
1988
1990
1992
1994
1996
1998
2000
2002
2004
2006
2008
Chin a
In d i a
Source: GGDC (2009).
After the 1978 economic reforms China has experienced very rapid economic
growth, and thus its economy could begin to exploit both the advantages of relative
economic backwardness and some aspects of the “fordist model of growth”. In terms
of GGDC estimates of total per capita GDP in purchasing power parities, China had a
partial, but impressive catching up towards the US, rising from 4.1% of the US per
5 Pasinetti (1981) with his multisectoral growth model probably gives the most comprehensive theoretical
approach which can explain both the changes in relative prices and part of the effects of technical
progress on productivity growth and sectoral demand, while the neo-classical Solowian growth models
and most endogenous growth models, being aggregate, do not explain the changes in relative prices.
Neo-Kaldorian approaches stress the importance of economies of scale and the relation between
product and productivity growth (Verdoorn’s law), but overlook the important effects associated to the
long-run changes in relative prices.
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capita GDP in 1978 to 19.1% in 2008,6 while India passed from 5.3% in 1978 to 9.6% in
2008, accelerating its economic growth mainly since 1992 (see Figure 2).
In 1978 per capita GDP in PPPs was higher in India than in China, but China’s
overtook the Indian level in 1984 and the gap between the two countries widened in the
succeeding years. As we will see in the next paragraph, the intensity of growth and
structural change was larger in China than in India and the phase of rapid growth was
anticipated in China by about fifteen years. India could thus in a more limited and
delayed way than China exploit the advantages of “relative economic backwardness”
and some of the features of the fordist model of growth. In India most enterprises are
very small and the informal economy is huge and growing over time, so that the
advantages of economies of scale have been much lower than in China.
In China the first wave of reforms mainly regarded agriculture, while in the 1980s
and 1990s the second wave of reforms mainly involved industry, the services, property
rights and institutions, and the third wave of reforms in the late 1990s and in the 2000s
mainly regarded banking, finance and above all the rapid enlarging of international
economic relations.
In 1978 China was a predominantly agrarian economy, with 70.5% of the labour
force and 28.2% of GDP in agriculture, forestry and fishing. In 2007 the situation had
completely changed as China experienced a rapid and widespread industrialisation and
tertiarisation process. In 2007 the primary sector shares in employment and value added
went down respectively to 40.8% and 11.3%, while the secondary sector (industry and
construction) increased to 26.8% and 48.6% and the tertiary sector went up to 32.4%
and 40.1% (see Table 1). However, in 1978 in China the share of the tertiary sector,
both in terms of employment and of value added, was very low if compared with market
economies at the same level of development, due to the priority that planned socialist
countries used to give to “productive” sectors, such as agriculture and industry, over
“unproductive sectors”, such as a large part of the tertiary sector. This attitude changed
in the last decades as long as the space of the market economy and of private ownership
was gradually allowed to increase.
Table 1. Employment and value added by sector in China (% of total)
A) Percentages of total employment in China
Sectors 1978 1989 1997 2005 2007
Agriculture, forestry, animal
husbandry, fishing
70.5 60.1 49.9 44.8 40.8
Industry, mining, quarrying,
construction
17.3 21.6 23.7 23.8 26.8
Services 12.2 18.3 26.4 31.4 32.4
Total economy 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
Sources: NBS (2007), pp. 27, 34 for 1978- 2005 and NBS (2008), p. 109 for 2007.
6 See GGDC (2009). The recently revised estimates of the World Bank for China and India are
significantly lower, but the methodological bases of such large revisions in comparison with the
previous World Bank data and alternative estimates are controversial. On this debate, see World Bank
(2009) and Maddison, Wu (2008).
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B) GDP in the main branches of the Chinese economy: 1978- 2007 (% of total GDP at current prices)
Sectors 1978 1989 1997 2005 2007
Agriculture, forestry, animal
husbandry, fishing
28.2 25.1 18.3 12.2 11.3
Industry, mining, quarrying,
construction
47.9. 42.8 47.5 47.7 48.6
Services 23.9 32.1 34.2 40.1 40.1
Total economy 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
Source: NBS (2008), p.38.
However, China’s structural transformation and China’s fordist wave passed
through two different phases. Between 1978 and the mid 1990s the rapid growth was
mainly based on rapid accumulation and on the growth of the internal market, while
since the late 1990s and especially after the entrance in WTO, from 2001 up to the
2008-2009 global crisis, they were violently spurred by the rapid rise of exports and the
great inflow of foreign direct investment. In the last six years the acceleration of exports
brought about a recovery of the employment share of industry and a slowing down in
the rise of the share of the tertiary sector. This was partly due to the rate of growth of
some traditional industrial sectors such as textiles, cloth and leather articles, which could
find a growing and easier access into the world markets; and partly to an entrance in
new sectors such as ICT and later in automobiles, facilitated by several large joint-
ventures with foreign enterprises. A substantial part of the increase of exports in middle
and high technical products was made by joint-ventures and foreign companies
operating in China (OECD, 2005). However, in the last four to five years there were
also growing outward FDI with a number of acquisitions of foreign firms and foreign
natural resources by Chinese corporations.
Since 1978 in India the industrialisation process was less rapid and widespread
than in China, but the services sector, which in 1978 was already relatively larger than in
China, increased relatively faster than in China in terms of value added, but not as
regards employment, as we will see in the next paragraphs.
It must be stressed that in both countries the labour productivity of industry
(including construction) and of services was much higher than the labour productivity
of agriculture.7 Therefore the transfer of many employees from agriculture to industry
and services has contributed to the pace of economic growth.8 The possibility of young
school leavers to enter industry or services rather than remaining unemployed or
underemployed in agriculture, thus gaining much higher incomes or wages, was even
more important.
However, in India most people moving from rural to urban areas could only find
jobs in industry or service activities of the “informal sector”, earning much less than
people working in the formal sector of the economy.
The Chinese government instead tried to hinder the possibility of moving from
rural villages to urban centres by means of legal and administrative restrictions.
7 See paragraphs 5-6 and, for China, Maddison (2007), p. 70.
8 According to Maddison (2007, p. 70) in the 1978-2003 period the impact of redistribution of employed
labour force among the three great branches could be estimated to 2.01% points of average annual rate
of growth of real GDP, equal to 25.6% of the overall rate of growth (+7.85%). See also IMF (2006),
Herd and Dougherty (2007) and Bossworth, Collins (2008), for other estimates.
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However, many workers left the rural areas creating a great reserve of precarious jobs in
the cities, although the government tried to improve the conditions of life in rural areas
encouraging the expansion of industrial and services activities through locally controlled
public firms (TVEs), private firms and joint ventures with foreign multinationals, all
strongly contributing to industrialisation and to rapid economic growth.
After the post-1978 reforms in China, the initial source of capital formation for
the rapid growth of TVEs was mainly due to the fast rise of productivity and surplus in
agriculture, followed then by substantial investment in industry and services, spurred by
the fact the government’s policy of maintaining very favourable prices for industrial and
tertiary products compared with agriculture goods. The richest rural zones thus had
growing profits, which partly served to finance the use of fertilizers and machines in
agriculture, and thus to increase agricultural productivity, and partly were devoted to the
creation or expansion of TVEs, private firms and joint ventures with foreign firms both
in industry and in the services. Moreover the rise in agricultural and industrial activities
led to a further growth of the demand for modern and traditional services, for
residential and non-residential construction and for infrastructure (roads, bridges,
electricity, railways, telecommunication, ports, airports, etc.). On the opposite end, the
poorest agricultural zones experienced a very low growth in industry, services and public
infrastructure, so that regional inequalities tended to rapidly widen.
The expansion of TVEs, private firms and joint ventures with foreign
multinationals, made up for the decline of large state firms and led to a rapid increase in
employment in industry and services, which contributed to almost 80% of the increase
in total employment in the 1978-1995 period and to a substantial share of the increase in
the 1995-2008 period.
However, in the last three decades, in addition to the great transformation
between the three main branches – agriculture, industry and services – there was also a
dramatic structural transformation within industry and within the tertiary activities. Table
2 gives an idea of the very rapid growth in the volume of physical output in some
modern industrial and service sectors and of the consistent, but on average lower, rate
of growth of traditional sectors, such as the production of yarn, cloth and refined sugar.
In 1980 the main industrial sectors were the traditional ones: textiles, clothes, food
and beverage, bicycles, etc., with a limited presence of some scale intensive sectors such
as steel, chemicals and fertilizers. Electricity and telecommunication services were
uncommon and unreliable and residential constructions were curtailed, with very small
and crowded apartments in the cities.
In 1995 and much more by 2007 the situation had radically changed (Maddison,
2007). While in 1978 textiles in China had been by far the most important sector in
terms of the percentage of total value added, since the mid-1990s the electrical and non-
electrical machines and chemicals surpassed textiles. Also the growth in production
quantities of the goods produced by modern industrial products such as PCs and mobile
phones was much faster than for textiles and most other traditional sectors.
Residential and non–residential construction was booming, especially in big urban
centres. Richer provinces built a relatively good network of public and private
infrastructures, but pollution, congestion and energy dependence from abroad were also
rapidly rising.
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Since 1992 China has become a net importer of oil and other energy sources and
its imports have grown rapidly over time. Moreover, China continues to heavily rely on
its abundant coal reserves, thus increasing air pollution.
Table 2. Growth of some industrial and service sectors in China: 1980-2007
a) Physical quantities (output)
Sectors 1980 1990 2004 2007
Refrigerators, millions 0.05 4.60 30.30 43.97
TV sets, millions 2.50 26.80 73.30 84.33
Crude steel, mlns. tons 37.00 66.00 272.00 489.66
Chemical fibres, million tons. 0.45 1.65 14.20 23.90
PCs, millions - - 45.1 120.73
Mobile phones, millions - - 233.0 548.58
Motor vehicles, millions 0.22 0.50 5.10 8.88
of which automobiles 0.10 0.30 2.3 4.80
Electricity, billion Kwh 300.60 621.20 2187.0 3277.72
Telephones, millions 2.14 6.84 312.6 -
Refined sugar, million tons 2.57 5.82 10.34 12.71
Yarn, million tons 2.93 4.63 12.91 20.68
Cloth, 100 million m 134.70 188.80 482.10 675.26
B) Indexes (1980=100)
Sectors 1980 1990 2004 2007
Refrigerators, millions 100.0 920.0 6060.0 8794.0
TV sets, millions 100.0 1072.0 2932.0 3373.2
Steel, million tons 100.0 178.4 735.1 1323,4
Chemical fibres million tns. 100.0 366.7 3155.6 5311.1
Motor vehicles, millions 100.0 227.3 2318.2 4036.4
of which automobiles 100.0 300.0 2300.0 4800.0
Electricity, billion Kw. 100.0 206.7 727.5 1090.4
Telephones, millions 100.0 319.6 14609.3 -
Refined sugar, million tons 100.0 226.5 402.2 494.7
Yarn, million tons 100.0 158.1 441.3 706.8
Cloth, 100 million m 100.0 140.2 357.9 501.3
See Valli (2009), p.16. Sources: China National Bureau of Statistics, China Statistical Yearbooks (various years).
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The rapid growth in household electrical appliances, telecommunication, and then
PC, steel, means of transportation and finance led to the rise and consolidation of a
middle and upper middle class, concentrated mainly in the great urban coastal zones.
Thus social and economic inequalities strongly increased. In particular there was a
marked increase in overall inequality indexes, such as the Gini index, which surpassed
the levels of the US and of most industrialized countries, and a strong rise in regional
inequalities among provinces.9
India had a marked acceleration of economic growth after the debt crisis of 1991
and the ensuing economic reforms of Prime Minister Narasimha Rao of the Indian
Congress Party.10 According to several authors, the essential reforms that led to the
period of rapid growth were gradually introduced starting in the mid-1980s, while after
1992 there was a sharp rise in the rate of economic growth. In the 1992-2008 period, the
rate of growth of real GDP and real GDP in PPA markedly increased surpassing
respectively 7% and 5%.
The phase of rapid growth in the Indian economy led, with less intensity and a
delay of 14-15 years if compared with China, to a gradual decrease of the agricultural
share in employment and value-added, and an increase in the share of industry and
services (see Table 3).
Table 3. Employment and value added by sector in India (% of total)
EMPLOYMENT 1978 1993 2004
Agriculture, forestry and fishing 71 64 57
Industry 13 15 18
Services 16 21 25
Total 100 100 100
VALUE ADDED
Agriculture, forestry and fishing 44 33 22
Industry and construction 24 28 28
Services 32 39 50
Total 100 100 100
See Bossworth, Collins (2008), p. 49. Sources: India National Accounts, Indian National Sample Survey Organization.
9 See, for example, Galbraith, Kritynskaia, Wang (2004), Saccone (2008).
10 According to F.R. Frankel (2005), p. 591, “the government drastically cut back the number of industries
reserved for the public sector, removed compulsory licensing on the private sector for starting [a
business] and expanding new enterprises in virtually all industries; devalued the rupee; introduced
current account convertibility to pay balances on the current export and import (trade) account;
removed quantitative quotas on imports; steadily reduced tariff levels on import; lifted restrictions on
majority foreign investment in a wide range of industries; allowed foreign companies to borrow funds in
India, raise public deposits and expand their operations by creating new businesses, and permitted
foreign financial institutions to make direct portfolio investment in India’s two stock markets”.
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In India the 1992-2008 period of rapid growth was accompanied by some aspects
of the “fordist model of growth”, although much less importantly than in China.
While in China this model of growth began in the 1980s and was essentially based
upon a large and gradually increasing number of industrial sectors, in India it was
delayed by over a decade. Moreover, it was less based on industry, but more on services,
such as banking, transport and telecommunication and above all on the production and
export of a variety of software services. However, if we take into consideration the fact
that India reached the Chinese 1995 per capita level of GDP in PPPs about 12 years
later than China and began its period of rapid growth about 14 years later, it is not
completely true that while China is becoming the “factory of the world”, India is
becoming the “office of the world”. In India several industrial sectors such as
machinery, chemicals, steel, pharmaceutics, three-wheel vehicles, motorcycles and, more
recently, microelectronics hardware and automobiles, had a relevant and accelerated
growth, although often inferior and delayed of some years with respect to the one
registered in China. As we can see in Table 4, although in the period 1993-94/2006-7 a
traditional sector (beverages, tobacco and related products) had the highest rate of
growth in manufacturing industries, modern economy-of-scale sectors such as transport
equipment and parts, machinery, non-metallic mineral products, chemicals, had strong
and above-average dynamics.
We take three examples: the steel, automobile and automotive components
sectors in India. The giant Indian steel corporation Mittal has rapidly grown and has
recently acquired the control of two of the leading European steel corporations.
Moreover, the larger automotive sector in India has risen from 3.5 million vehicles in
1995-6 (of which 2.2 million scooters and motorcycles, about 350 000 cars and 129 000
buses and trucks) to 9.7 million vehicles in 2005-6 (of which 7.2 million scooters and
motorcycles, about 1.1 millions cars and 219 000 buses and trucks) (Richet and Ruet,
2008).
After 1999, China’s production of passenger cars surpassed India’s production.
However, although the major Indian car maker remains Maruti, which is controlled by a
Japanese corporation (Suzuki), from the technological point of view there is probably
no Chinese national car producer (distinguished from joint ventures with Japanese or
Western firms) as strong as India’s Tata. This big corporation is developing its Nano
project for small low-cost cars, has acquired Jaguar for luxury cars, has signed joint
ventures with Fiat in India and in Latin America and all this will probably lead, after the
world crisis, to a very fast growth in output both inland and abroad (Balcet and
Bruschieri, 2008).
Finally, the Indian corporation Bharat Forge, which makes components for cars
and trucks, has rapidly grown in recent years and has invested massively abroad, also
acquiring the control of a leading German firm (Balcet and Bruschieri, 2008).
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Table 4. Output index for the manufacturing industry in India (base 1993-4 = 100; weights* industry = 100)
Industry group Weight 1999-00 2004-05 2005-06 2006-07 P
1 Beverages, tobacco and related
products 2.38 192.1 345.9 400.3 444.5
2 Transport equipment and parts 3.98 194.1 283.7 319.7 367.7
3 Machinery and equipment
other than transport equipment 9.57 182.5 279.4 312.8 357.1
4 Non-metallic mineral products 4.4 220.8 244.3 271.1 305.8
5 Other manufacturing industries 2.56 142.5 221.2 276.9 298.4
6 Textile products (including
wearing apparel) 2.54 156.1 219.6 255.5 285.0
7
Basic chemicals and chemical
products (except products of
petroleum & coal)
14.0 164.6 238.6 258.5 283.4
8 Basic metal and alloy industries 7.45 146.9 196.1 227 278.9
9 Wool, silk and man- made fibre
textiles 2.26 197.8 249 248.9 268.4
10
Paper and paper products and
printing, publishing and allied
industries
2.65 180.5 230.7 228.6 248.6
11 Rubber, plastic petroleum and
coal products 5.73 137.2 192.2 200.5 226.3
12 Food products 9.08 140.3 167.3 170.6 185.2
13
Metal products and parts
(except machinery and
equipment)
2.81 137.8 166.3 164.4 183.2
14 Cotton textiles 5.52 123.7 126.3 137 157.3
15 Leather and leather& fur
products 1.14 135.5 156.9 149.3 150.2
16 Wood and wood products;
furniture& fixtures 2.7 101.4 74.8 70.5 91
17
J
ute and other vegetable fibre
textiles (except cotton) 0.59 105 107.2 107.7 90.7
Manufacturing (Total) 79.36 159.4 214.6 234.2 263.5
P
Provisional. Source: Central Statistical Organisation, Government of India.
Although in India a large mass of the population remains very poor, and therefore
unable to buy almost any durable consumption goods, the rapid growth in the last 15
years made it possible for an increasing proportion of medium and high income people,
mainly concentrated in urban areas, to have access to durable consumer goods, such as
TV sets and other electric household appliances, scooters or three-wheel vehicles, and in
the more affluent families, a PC and an automobile. From 1988-89 to 1998-9 the
“higher income groups” (middle and upper middle class households, with an annual
income over 75 000 Rupees in 1998-9 prices) almost doubled in percentage of total
Structural Change and Economic Development in China and India
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113
households passing from 14% to 26% (Frankel, 2005, p. 596).11 However in 1998-99,
their share rose to 47% of urban households, but only to 17% of rural households. Of
these “higher income groups”, about 150 million people lived in households with some
purchasing power for durable consumer goods.
In any case, even if the availability of these goods was limited to a minority,
although gradually rising, share of the population, India had become the fifth or sixth
world market for a substantial number of durable consumer goods and of services. The
latter are partly imported, but mainly they are produced domestically with relative prices
steadily declining thanks to economies of scale and/or network economies.
5. Factors Behind Productivity Growth: Sectoral Gains or Employment
Reallocation?
Both China and India have witnessed impressive rises in labour productivity. It is
then worth understanding the factors behind the productivity growth. By using the
methodology proposed by Syrquin (1986), we decompose the productivity growth of
China and India into two parts, intrasectoral productivity gains and intersectoral
employment-shift. The first one is the so called ‘productivity effect’, due to changes of
productivity within each sector; the second one relies on the ‘reallocation effect’,
depending on the movement of workers across sectors which differ in terms of
productivity. At first we carry out this exercise for the main economic sectors and
subsectors, with particular attention to services. Finally, since manufacturing growth was
relevant in both countries, we focus on structural changes within this subsector.
The methodology is based on a simple identity:
[1]
Where L
ξ
represents the economy-wide productivity growth;
i
0
ϑ
and
i
0
ε
the
output share and the employment share of the sector i, respectively; i
X
ˆ and i
L
ˆ the
output and the employment growth in the sector i. The first addend characterizes the
component of economy-wide productivity growth which depends on the ‘productivity
effect’, the second one the component related to the ‘reallocation effect’. A productivity
effect with negative sign reveals that the employment growth rate is higher than the
output one. Analogously, a reallocation effect lower than 0 can be caused by two
factors: the employment growth rate is negative or the employment share is higher than
the output share. In general, sectors presenting
i
0
ϑ
greater than
i
0
ε
are the most
dynamic; the opposite is true for sectors with
i
0
ϑ
lower than
i
0
ε
.
11 The source of data is NCAER, Indian Market Demographics Report (2002).
(
)
(
)
[
]
+=
ii
iiiii
LLLX ˆˆˆ 000
εϑϑξ
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114
6. China
The National Bureau of Statistics of China provides yearly data on GDP at
constant prices and employment by sector and subsector; they are published on the
China Statistical Yearbooks. GDP data were revised in accordance to the results of the
first China Economic Census 2004. The composition of GDP is reported for the
following subsectors: agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry and fishery and services in
support of these activities; industry (mining and quarrying, manufacturing, production
and supply of electricity, water and gas); construction; transport, storage and post;
wholesale and retail trades; hotels and catering services; financial intermediation; real
estate; other services. Unfortunately, the subsector classification for employment data
differs from the classification used for the GDP composition.
Table 5. Employed persons by sector and share in China, 1980=100
Total employed
persons Primary share Secondary share Tertiary share
1980 100.0 100.0 0.69 100.0 0.18 100.0 0.13
1985 117.7 106.9 0.62 134.7 0.21 151.1 0.17
1990 152.9 133.6 0.60 179.8 0.21 216.5 0.19
1995 160.7 122.0 0.52 203.1 0.23 305.1 0.25
2000 170.2 123.8 0.50 210.4 0.22 358.3 0.27
2005 179.0 116.6 0.45 234.6 0.24 429.7 0.31
2007 181.7 108.0 0.41 267.7 0.27 450.4 0.32
Source: our calculations based on China Statistical Yearbook data (various years).
Table 6. Employed persons (E) and productivity (P) by subsector in China, 1980=100
Agriculture,
forestry, animal
husbandry and
fishery
Industry
(manufacturing,
mining and utilities)
Construction
Wholesale, retail
trade, hotels and
catering services
E P E P E P E P
1980 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100
1985 107 139 124 129 205 83 160 156
1995 113 197 164 343 335 138 562 93
2000 115 231 133 687 358 173 914 86
2002 112 251 136 801 392 183 1092 86
Finance Real estate Other services TOTAL ECONOMY
E P E P E P E P
1980 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100
1985 169 173 250 71 174 99 124 133
1995 462 229 523 161 367 120 185 244
2000 618 234 786 141 500 153 218 318
2002 718 229 938 145 566 168 236 348
Source: our calculations based on China Statistical Yearbook data (various years).
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However, by merging the two sources of data, we obtain historical series for the
following seven subsectors: agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry and fishery; industry
(manufacturing, mining and utilities); construction; wholesale, retail trade, hotels and
catering services; financial intermediation; real estate; other services (including
community, social and personal services, transport, storage, post, telecommunication
and others).
Figure 3. Number of employed persons by sector and subsector in China (10 000 persons)
By sector
0
10000
20000
30000
40000
50000
60000
70000
80000
90000
(10000 persons)
otal
Primary
Secondary
T
ertiary
By subsector
0
20000
40000
60000
80000
100000
120000
1980
1985
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
(10000 persons)
Other services
Real estate
Fin anc ial
intermediation
Wholesale, retail
trade, hote ls and
catering services
Con structi on
In d u s tr y
Agr icultu re
Source: China Statistical Yearbook (various years). “Agriculture” includes agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry and
fishery; “Industry” refers to manufacturing, mining and utilities.
EJCE, vol.6, n. 1 (2009)
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Figure 4. Productivity level by sector and subsector in China – output per worker (yuan) – 1980 constant prices
0.0
5000.0
10000.0
15000.0
20000.0
25000.0
By sector
T
otal economy
Primary
Secondary
T
ertiar
y
Source: our calculations based on CSY data (various years). Sectors are encoded in the following way: 1_ Agriculture,
forestry, animal husbandry and fishery; 2_ Industry (manufacturing, mining and utilities); 3_ Construction; 4_ Wholesale,
retail trade, hotels and catering services; 5_ Financial intermediation; 6_ Real estate; 7_ Other services.
Over the period 1980-2007, total employment grew by 81.7%. Although in 2007
the number and the share of employed persons in the primary sector were still higher
with respect to the other two sectors, the situation dramatically changed if compared to
1980. In the first period, 1980-1992, the number of workers increased in all sectors
(Figure 3).
However, from 1992 to 2007 the number of agricultural workers fell and it was
counterbalanced by a rise in employment both in the secondary and tertiary sectors;
looking at the growth rates, this rise was equal to 167.7 and 350.4 percent, respectively
By subsector
111
2
2
2
3 33
4 44
5
55
6
66
7 77 total
total
total
0
5000
10000
15000
20000
25000
1980 1992 2002
Structural Change and Economic Development in China and India
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117
(see Table 5). In particular, from 1995 the tertiary sector exceeded the secondary sector
with respect to the absolute and relative level of employment. In other words, at the end
of the period considered, China had characteristics similar to both a developed and a
developing country: the largest part of labour force was employed in agricultural
activities (over 41%), but the share of people working in services (32%) was greater than
the share engaged in mining, manufacturing, construction and utilities (27%). In sum, an
important reallocation of workers from the primary to the secondary and, above all,
tertiary sectors occurred over the three decades.
This reallocation can be better understood by observing the second panel of
Figure 3, in which absolute and relative employment are depicted at the subsector level.
Focusing on the tertiary sector, we can see that some subsectors particularly benefited
from the movement of workers from agriculture: on the one hand wholesale, retail
trade, hotels and catering services, where the number of employees increased ten-fold in
the period 1980-2002; on the other hand, other services (including community, social
and personal services, transport, storage, post, telecommunication and others), where
employment increased by a factor of five. Although employment also grew in real estate
and financial intermediation services, the share of workers in these subsectors remained
low (Table 6).
If we look at the productivity gains, data show that until the beginning of the
1990s they were modest in the whole economy and in each sector. However, starting
from 1991, they began to increase; this increase was particularly evident in the secondary
sector. In 2007, its productivity reached a level which was about 13 and 9 times that of
the primary and the tertiary sectors, respectively (Figure 4). Focusing on the sub-sectoral
level, we can not only see that four subsectors out of seven presented a relatively low
level of productivity, but also that their productivity gains were modest: these subsectors
are construction; wholesale, retail trade, hotels and catering services; other services
(including community, social and personal services, transport, storage, post,
telecommunication and others) and, as expected, agriculture. In 1980, just three
subsectors were characterized by a relatively high level of productivity: financial
intermediation and real estate, followed by industry. Even if productivity increased in all
three subsectors, it is evident that in 2002 industrial productivity substantially exceeded
all the others subsectors. The index of industrial productivity moved from 100 to 801 in
the period 1980-2002 (Table 6).
It is worth remarking that employment growth was very low in industry, while it
was substantial in subsectors 4 (wholesale, retail trade, hotels and catering services) and
7 (other services). It seems that the movement of workers didn’t follow productivity
gains or, better, that in some subsectors the employment growth was faster than the
output growth. Conversely, in manufacturing, mining and utilities employment didn’t
notably grow, while output and, then, output per worker showed a dramatic rise.
The asymmetry between productivity increases and employment reallocation
among sectors and subsectors is confirmed when we look at the decomposition of
labour productivity growth (Table 7; for details, see Table A1, Statistical Appendix). It is
evident that the economy-wide productivity gains were mainly due to the productivity
increase within-sectors rather than to the movement of workers from low to high
productivity sectors. This is particularly true in the period 1992-02, i.e. when
productivity gains in industry became remarkable. In this period, indeed, they positively
contributed to the economic growth (+108 percent), while the reallocation of workers
counterbalanced this effect (-8 percent). In particular, the rise of productivity in industry
EJCE, vol.6, n. 1 (2009)
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118
drove economic growth by contributing 90% of gains; on the contrary, the movement
of workers from agriculture to sectors in which employment grew faster than output
reduced the overall labour productivity growth; the whole contribution of the tertiary
sector was just of 0.2 percent. We also decompose the growth of productivity within
industry, which includes manufacturing, mining and utilities. In this case, the importance
of the productivity effect is even stronger.12
Table 7: Decomposition of labour productivity growth in China– percentage contribution by 7 subsectors
and industry
1980-92 1992-02 1980-02
7 SUBSECTORS
PRODUCTIVITY EFFECT 87.3 107.8 94.0
REALLOCATION EFFECT 12.7 -7.8 6.0
TOTAL EFFECT 100 100 100
INDUSTRY
PRODUCTIVITY EFFECT 87.3 98.6 98.3
REALLOCATION EFFECT 12.7 1.4 1.7
TOTAL EFFECT 100.0 100.0 100.0
Calculations are based on 1980 constant prices. Industry included manufacturing, mining and utilities.
Source: our calculations based on China Statistical Yearbook data (various years) and Szirmai et al. (2005).
7. India
In order to investigate factors behind the Indian productivity growth, we use the
data provided by the Gröningen Growth and Development Centre (GGDC). The
GGDC data refer to nine different subsectors: agriculture, forestry, and fishing; mining
and quarrying; manufacturing; public utilities; construction; wholesale and retail trade,
hotels and restaurants; transport, storage and communication; finance, insurance and
real estate; community, social, personal and government services. Also in India total
employment grew from 1980 to 2004 (see Figure 5 and Table 8). However, in India not
only the share of people employed in the primary sector remained high (62%), but the
absolute number of agricultural workers increased (+39%). Although the rise of
employment was higher in the secondary and tertiary sectors (131% and 114%,
respectively), in 2004 the number of persons working in agricultural activities was about
4 and 3 times the quantity of workers in the secondary and tertiary sectors.
Moreover, we have to note that, unlike China, over the whole period (i.e. before
and after the reforms) the absolute and relative employment in services was always
higher than in the secondary sector. In Table 8, we also show the employment indexes
for two sub-periods: 1980-92, before the trade policy reforms, and 1992-04, after these
reforms. As we can see, employment increased over both periods, but its growth was
12 The National Bureau of Statistics of China does not provide reliable data disaggregated by branch of
industry. Szirmai et al. revised official statistics and estimated the added value and the employment by
branch of industry (Szirmai et al., 2005). Although these estimations are not representative for all the
firms (just medium and large firms were considered) and employees (data are available just for staff and
workers), they anyway are a useful source to delineate the productivity growth within industry.
Structural Change and Economic Development in China and India
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119
faster before the reforms. Looking at subsector level (Figure 5), it is clear that, apart
from agriculture, most workers were employed in manufacturing, wholesale, retail trade,
hotels, restaurant and community, social and personal services. However, the highest
employment growth rates concerned construction, real estate, insurance and financial
intermediation.
Table 8. Employed persons by industry and share in India, 1980=100
Total
employed
persons
Primary share Secondary share Tertiary share
1980 100.0 100.0 0.72 100.0 0.11 100.0 0.17
1985 112.5 108.8 0.70 120.4 0.12 123.3 0.18
1990 128.0 118.3 0.67 147.0 0.13 158.0 0.21
1995 144.3 128.3 0.64 192.4 0.15 182.0 0.21
2000 162.8 139.2 0.62 251.8 0.17 206.8 0.21
2004 161.6 139.0 0.62 231.0 0.16 214.4 0.22
1980-92
(1980=100)
133.4 122.3 158.8 164.9
1992-04
(1992=100)
121.2 113.7 145.5 130.0
Source: our calculations based on GGDC data.
Table 9. Employed persons (E) and productivity (P) by sector in India, 1980=100
Source: our calculations based on GGDC data.
Agriculture,
Forestry, and
Fishing
Mining and
Quarrying
Manufactu-
ring
Public
Utilities Construction
E P E P E P E P E P
1980 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100
1985 109 107 130 106 119 118 111 133 132 89
1990 118 119 197 112 138 150 129 177 202 80
1995 128 122 227 123 177 163 173 195 306 63
2000 139 128 231 145 227 162 216 209 461 58
2004 139 140 258 163 205 229 212 246 430 83
Wholesale
and Retail
Trade,
Hotels and
Restaurants
Transport,
Storage, and
Communica-
tion
Finance,
Insurance,
and Real
Estate
Community,
Social,
Personal and
Government
Services
ECONOMY
E P E P E P E P E P
1980 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100
1985 136 98 120 116 116 157 117 113 112 114
1990 186 97 145 135 147 227 145 127 128 136
1995 217 110 179 138 311 183 157 151 144 153
2000 249 133 219 177 615 136 161 227 163 180
2004 274 171 210 294 796 138 155 298 162 232
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120
In sum, it seems that in India the reallocation of workers was less clear, but
anyway important: while in 2004 employment in the primary sector was still
predominant, there was a movement of workers toward manufacturing on the one
hand, and traditional services on the other hand; at the same time also modern services
were witnessing a significant employment growth. Before the reforms, productivity was
already increasing in all sectors (Figure 6).
Figure 5. Number of employed persons by sector and subsector in India (thousands)
By sector
0
50000
100000
150000
200000
250000
300000
350000
400000
450000
(1000 persons)
Total
Primary
Secondar
y
T
ertiar
y
By subsector
0
50000
100000
150000
200000
250000
300000
350000
400000
450000
1980
1982
1984
1986
1988
1990
1992
1994
1996
1998
2000
2002
2004
(thousands)
Community, Social and Personal
Services
Finance, Insurance, and Real
Est ate
Transport, Sto rage, and
Co mmunicat ion
Wholesale and Retail Trade,
Hotels and Res taurants
Co ns truct io n
Pub lic U tilit ies
Manufacturing
Mining and Q uarrying
Agriculture, Forest ry, and Fishing
Source: GGDC.
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However, after the economic reforms this increase accelerated, above all in the
tertiary sector. Starting from 1996, services became the sector with the highest
productivity level. Observing the picture in detail, we can see that the productivity
growth was lower but better distributed among sectors with respect to the Chinese case.
The subsectors gaining in terms of productivity growth were not only manufacturing,
but also public utilities, transport, storage and communication, with community, social,
personal and government services as leader sectors. Unlike in the Chinese case, in these
sectors also employment grew but at a lower rate than output. On the contrary, finance,
insurance and real estate showed unbalanced development. Before the reforms, these
services had a growth in employment (84% in 1980-1992) lower than the productivity
growth (122%).
Figure 6. Productivity level by sector and subsector in India - output per worker (rupees)- 1993-94 constant prices
0
10000
20000
30000
40000
50000
60000
70000
80000
90000
By sector
T
otal econom
y
Primar
y
Secondary
T
ertiary
111
22
2
33
3
4
4
4
5
55
66
6
77
7
8
8
8
99
9
total total tota
l
0
50000
100000
150000
200000
250000
300000
1980 1992 200
4
By subsector
Source: our calculations based on GGDC data. Sectors are encoded in the following way: 1_ Agriculture, Forestry, and
Fishing; 1_ Mining and Quarrying; 3_ Manufacturing; 4_ Public Utilities; 5_ Construction; 6_ Wholesale and Retail
Trade, Hotels and Restaurants; 7_ Transport, Storage, and Communication; 8_ Finance, Insurance, and Real Estate; 9_
Community, Social, Personal and Government Services.
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122
However, after the reforms this trend reversed: in 2004 these subsectors
presented the highest employment growth (696% with respect to 1980) but a decreasing
labour productivity (Table 9).
The more balanced pattern of growth with respect to the Chinese one is
demonstrated by decomposing labour productivity growth. The contributions by each
sector and subsector, indeed, are less divergent, although some sectors led the process
more than others: manufacturing and overall services. Even if the highest contribution
was given by the increase in productivity within-sectors (68% in the period after the
reforms), it was accompanied by a balanced reallocation of workers towards sectors with
high productivity (32% in the same period).
Table 10. Decomposition of labour productivity growth in India – percentage contribution by 9 sectors
1980-92 1992-04 1980-04
PRODUCTIVITY EFFECT 64.8 68.2 75.8
REALLOCATION EFFECT 35.2 31.8 24.2
TOTAL EFFECT 100 100 100
Calculations based on 1993-94 constant prices. Source: our calculations based on GGDC data.
It must be underlined that this analysis is based on reallocation flows by industry
but it doesn’t consider the institutional framework regarding the labour market. Indeed,
when also the distinction between formal and informal sectors is taken into account, the
contribution of labour reallocation in terms of productivity growth is reduced. The
movement of workers from agriculture to other sectors increased labour productivity;
however, this effect was partially counterbalanced by the movement of workers from
formal to informal sectors, where not only productivity but also wages are very low and
illiteracy is substantial (OECD, 2007; Dougherty at al., 2009).
8. Conclusions
As mentioned in the introduction, the rise in industrial activities was anticipated in
time, becoming more intense and wider in scope in China than in India, where industry
is nevertheless gaining momentum. The fordist model of growth operated in China
earlier and much more intensively than in India. There are very important differences in
the pattern of growth of the two countries, some of which closely associated to the
different timing and amplitude of structural changes.
Not only has China a much larger industrial sector than India, even discounting
the fact that its rapid industrialization process began some 12-15 years earlier than in
India, but also its industrial activities are much less fragmented. India has an
extraordinarily large number of micro-enterprises and a very vast “informal economy”,
much larger than China’s. Moreover, India has a very large chain of production
intermediaries and of wholesale and retail traders. These long production and
distributive chains may sustain employment and reduce labour costs, but decrease
productivity and tend to greatly increase the spread between prices earned by producers
and consumer prices.
In India the software sector is more advanced than in China, although an
important part of the sector is carried out as sub-contractor of foreign companies, while
the production of hardware in India is much weaker than in China. China has
Structural Change and Economic Development in China and India
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123
experienced a much larger structural transformation than India, partly due to a deeper
integration in the world economy.
Some of the differences in the productive structure are associated with the
differences in education in the two countries. India has a more bi-polar system. It has, in
fact, a large mass of people illiterate or with a weak command of the more diffused
national languages and no knowledge of foreign languages as English, and at the same
time, a consistent and rapidly growing number of engineers, microelectronics experts
and other University graduates with a good knowledge of English. China has a less
differentiated education system, with, on the average, a more educated work-force, but
with increasing inequalities in the access to higher education and high quality schools.13
Owing to its earlier economic period of rapid growth and to its more centralized
decision–making process, China has created, in its more economically dynamic zones,
better transport and communication infrastructure than India. Lower transport and
trading costs and larger scale economies in some sectors have contributed to increase
the international competitiveness of China if compared with India.
While the Indian banking and financial market appears to be more advanced and
sophisticated than the Chinese market, the latter has grown more rapidly and has greatly
benefited from the return under the control of China of the great and sophisticated
financial market of Hong Kong.14
Finally, since 1978, pollution and income and wealth inequalities among families
and among regions have increased both in China and in India, but much more markedly
in China. Although the extent of poverty has diminished in both countries, it remains
very large in India and sizeable in various parts of China.
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126
Statistical Appendix
Table A1. Decomposition of labour productivity growth in China– percentage contribution by 7 subsectors
1980-92 1992-02 1980-02
Agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry and fishery
productivity effect 16.0 7.8 8.7
reallocation effect -4.5 1.4 -0.7
TOTAL EFFECT 11.5 9.2 8.1
Industry (manufacturing, mining and utilities)
productivity effect 59.1 90.4 71.9
reallocation effect 10.7 -3.0 1.8
TOTAL EFFECT 69.8 87.4 73.7
Construction
productivity effect 1.2 3.0 2.4
reallocation effect 2.5 0.3 1.1
TOTAL EFFECT 3.7 3.3 3.5
Wholesale, retail trade, hotels and catering services
productivity effect 1.7 -4.2 -1.4
reallocation effect 1.6 -4.1 1.6
TOTAL EFFECT 3.3 -8.3 0.2
Financial intermediation
productivity effect 5.7 -1.0 2.6
reallocation effect 1.8 3.8 1.3
TOTAL EFFECT 7.5 2.8 3.9
Real estate
productivity effect 3.1 -0.5 1.5
reallocation effect 3.2 3.3 2.3
TOTAL EFFECT 6.4 2.8 3.8
Other services
productivity effect 0.4 12.4 8.3
reallocation effect -2.5 -9.5 -1.4
TOTAL EFFECT -2.1 2.9 6.9
TOTAL ECONOMY
productivity effect 87.3 107.8 94.0
reallocation effect 12.7 -7.8 6.0
TOTAL EFFECT 100 100 100
Calculations are based on 1980 constant prices.
Source: our calculations based on China Statistical Yearbook data (various years).
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127
Table A2. Decomposition of labour productivity growth in Chinese industry– percentage contribution by
branch
1980-92 1992-02 1980-02
Food manufacturing
productivity effect 5.1 5.6 5.5
reallocation effect -0.2 0.0 0.0
TOTAL EFFECT 4.9 5.6 5.5
Beverage manufacturing
productivity effect 2.7 2.0 2.2
reallocation effect 0.7 -0.1 0.1
TOTAL EFFECT 3.5 2.0 2.2
Tobacco processing
productivity effect 4.4 4.0 4.1
reallocation effect 5.8 -0.5 0.5
TOTAL EFFECT 10.2 3.5 4.6
Textile industry
productivity effect -5.5 6.8 5.6
reallocation effect 3.4 0.8 0.0
TOTAL EFFECT -2.0 7.5 5.6
Clothing industry
productivity effect 2.9 2.3 2.5
reallocation effect -1.3 0.0 -0.2
TOTAL EFFECT 1.6 2.3 2.3
Leather and fur products
productivity effect 0.3 1.3 1.2
reallocation effect -0.5 0.0 -0.1
TOTAL EFFECT -0.3 1.3 1.1
Wood products
productivity effect -0.4 0.6 0.5
reallocation effect -0.4 0.1 0.0
TOTAL EFFECT -0.8 0.8 0.5
Paper and printing products
productivity effect 1.2 2.5 2.3
reallocation effect -0.6 0.2 0.0
TOTAL EFFECT 0.6 2.7 2.3
Oil refining, coking and coal products
productivity effect -6.1 -0.1 -0.8
reallocation effect 7.8 -0.2 0.7
TOTAL EFFECT 1.7 -0.3 0.0
Chemical industry, excl. oil
productivity effect 14.6 11.9 12.2
reallocation effect 2.0 -0.5 0.1
TOTAL EFFECT 16.6 11.4 12.4
Rubber and plastics
productivity effect 1.6 2.9 2.7
reallocation effect 0.5 0.0 0.0
TOTAL EFFECT 2.1 2.9 2.8
Non-metallic minerals
productivity effect 6.0 2.9 3.2
reallocation effect -3.1 0.6 -0.1
TOTAL EFFECT 2.9 3.5 3.1
EJCE, vol.6, n. 1 (2009)
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128
Basic metals
productivity effect 4.5 5.0 5.0
reallocation effect 1.4 -0.1 0.1
TOTAL EFFECT 5.8 4.9 5.1
Fabricated metals
productivity effect 0.7 2.1 2.0
reallocation effect -0.8 0.4 0.1
TOTAL EFFECT 0.0 2.5 2.0
Machinery
productivity effect 15.3 9.5 9.6
reallocation effect -2.1 0.6 0.4
TOTAL EFFECT 13.2 10.0 10.0
Transport equipment
productivity effect 10.9 11.2 11.5
reallocation effect -0.9 0.0 -0.1
TOTAL EFFECT 10.0 11.2 11.4
Electrical machinery and equipment
productivity effect 4.4 5.2 5.2
reallocation effect -0.5 0.0 0.0
TOTAL EFFECT 3.9 5.3 5.1
Electronic and telecom equipment
productivity effect 4.7 9.0 8.9
reallocation effect -0.6 0.0 -0.1
TOTAL EFFECT 4.1 9.0 8.7
Instruments
productivity effect 0.7 0.8 0.8
reallocation effect -0.1 0.0 0.0
TOTAL EFFECT 0.6 0.8 0.8
Furniture
productivity effect 0.1 0.4 0.4
reallocation effect 0.0 0.1 0.1
TOTAL EFFECT 0.1 0.5 0.4
Other manufacturing
productivity effect 1.8 2.1 2.1
reallocation effect -0.9 0.1 -0.1
TOTAL EFFECT 0.9 2.2 2.0
Mining and Utilities
productivity effect 17.4 10.3 11.5
reallocation effect 3.1 -0.1 0.4
TOTAL EFFECT 20.6 10.1 11.9
TOTAL INDUSTRY
productivity effect 87.3 98.6 98.3
reallocation effect 12.7 1.4 1.7
TOTAL EFFECT 100 100 100
Calculations are based on 1980 constant prices. Source: our calculations based on Szirmai et al. (2005).
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129
Table A3. Decomposition of labour productivity growth in India – percentage contribution by 9 subsectors
1980-92 1992-04 1980-04
Agriculture, Forestry, and Fishing
productivity effect 18.6 8.0 10.8
reallocation effect -13.3 -5.7 -5.7
TOTAL EFFECT 5.3 2.3 5.1
Mining and Quarrying
productivity effect 1.1 1.9 1.6
reallocation effect 3.6 0.6 1.3
TOTAL EFFECT 4.7 2.5 2.9
Manufacturing
productivity effect 16.8 17.2 17.8
reallocation effect 4.9 2.9 2.6
TOTAL EFFECT 21.7 20.2 20.4
Public Utilities
productivity effect 4.2 1.3 2.4
reallocation effect 1.1 1.3 0.7
TOTAL EFFECT 5.3 2.6 3.2
Construction
productivity effect -7.4 1.8 -2.0
reallocation effect 12.6 3.6 7.5
TOTAL EFFECT 5.2 5.4 5.5
Wholesale and Retail Trade, Hotels
and Restaurants
productivity effect 0.1 17.5 12.4
reallocation effect 15.4 3.5 6.9
TOTAL EFFECT 15.5 21.0 19.3
Transport, Storage, and
Communication
productivity effect 7.7 14.1 12.4
reallocation effect 4.4 2.0 2.1
TOTAL EFFECT 12.1 16.1 14.5
Finance, Insurance, and Real Estate
productivity effect 12.3 -12.7 4.0
reallocation effect 4.0 23.4 8.0
TOTAL EFFECT 16.3 10.7 12.0
Community, Social, Personal and
Government Services
productivity effect 11.4 19.0 16.3
reallocation effect 2.5 0.1 0.7
TOTAL EFFECT 13.9 19.1 17.0
TOTAL ECONOMY
productivity effect 64.8 68.2 75.8
reallocation effect 35.2 31.8 24.2
TOTAL EFFECT 100 100 100
Calculations are based on 1993-94 constant prices. Source: our calculations based on GGDC data.
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Incl. bibliographical notes & references, statistical annex
Article
In this paper we set out to show that China has certain significant specificities in terms of the gradual (i.e. “step by step”) approach it has followed in implementing reforms affecting its financial system. This is in contrast with the traditional shock or “big bang” therapy adopted by other emerging or transition countries, on the basis of what is known as the Washington Consensus, which notoriously prescribes the immediate, wholesale introduction of market-oriented systems through large-scale liberalisations and privatizations. Nevertheless, as we will endeavour to demonstrate the process of reform of China’s financial system has not prevented problems of financial fragility from arising in the banking sector, and of corporate governance for firms, such as to threaten the very sustainability of growth in the future.