Conference PaperPDF Available




men have too much power and women too much work (Polish Commentator: Piven, 2000) Poverty is a national and an international social impediment. However, women tend to be most vulnerable to poverty. The term "feminization of poverty" was first used by Diana Pearce in 1976 following her observation of women among women in America. She observed that two thirds of the poor were women over the age of 16 and an increasingly large number were from the economically disadvantaged groups (Strahan, 1993). The discourse on "feminization of poverty" holds that as a result of recession and
men have too much power and women too much work
(Polish Commentator: Piven, 2000)
Poverty is a national and an international social impediment. However, women tend to
be most vulnerable to poverty. The term "feminization of poverty" was first used by
Diana Pearce in 1976 following her observation of women among women in America.
She observed that two thirds of the poor were women over the age of 16 and an
increasingly large number were from the economically disadvantaged groups (Strahan,
1993). The discourse on "feminization of poverty" holds that as a result of recession and
reduced public spending by governments, women are increasingly represented among
the world's poor (Pearce, 1978). Women and economic development are at the core of
the discourse on feminization of poverty. The notion that poverty has only recently been
feminized has been challenged on the grounds that traditionally women have always
been poorer than men but that they have been ignored for decades Payne, 1991). The
high visibility of poor women as a result of changing demographics (single parent
families; female-headed households) makes it easier for women to be counted although,
the extent of their poverty still remains hidden.
Defining Poverty
Spicker (1999:157) defines poverty as consisting of "serious deprivation" where people
are conceived to be poor when their "material circumstances are deemed to be morally
unacceptable". This definition implies a moral imperative and a value judgement which
means that something needs to be done about the situation. While it is acknowledged
that the core elements of definitions of poverty may differ, the underlying assumption is
that this deprivation is detrimental to the well-being of those who are subjected it. The
topic "feminization of poverty" calls for an analysis into the definition of poverty and an
understanding of the way it is experienced by women. In South Africa, and in most
developing countries of the world, poverty is inextricably linked to inequality. The
experience of poverty shows that it is multi-dimensional and is affected by gender and
age as well as cultural, social and economic factors (Spicker, 1999). The
multi-dimensional phenomena of poverty is evident by the way it is variously
experienced. The analysis of definitions of poverty can be facilitated by examining
assumptions and arriving at a suitable framework for understanding poverty. Firstly, it is
important to commence with the knowledge that many factors converge to make poverty
a complex, multi-dimensional phenomena (Spicker, 1999). Essentially it is defined as a
lack of necessary material items for the physical well-being of people, such as food,
shelter, land etc. The lack of material items results in physical deprivation which also
reveal important psychological aspects as well. Poor people are acutely aware of their
voicelessness, powerlessness and lack of independence. Poverty has the tendency to
expose people to humiliation, rudeness, and inhumane treatment by public and private
agents of service. The personal experience of poverty permeates all aspects of an
individual's life including his/her family and community. The inability to participate in
community life and in the development of basic infrastructure are critical factors in the
experience of poverty. Poor people tend to focus on assets rather than on income.
They link their lack of physical, human, social and environmental assets to their
vulnerability and exposure to risk. The fundamental conceptualization of feminization of
poverty from a feminist perspective is that women suffer discrimination because of their
sex and, their special needs largely remain negated and unsatisfied (Delmar, 1986).
This paper explores the feminization of poverty from three major perspectives, namely,
women work and the family; women's right to reproductive autonomy and women and
economic development. Flowing from this discussion the paper will propose ways in
which women can become catalysts for change.
Women, Work and Family
Women's position in society is dictated to by the various roles they play. In most, if not
all, situations women have the dual responsibility of maintaining a household and
working. Generally, most women spend a greater number of hours working than men.
However, their work is not calculated in terms of monetary gain or contribution to the
economic development of society, Much of the work women are involved in include child
care, domestic and other related chores. Despite the vastly different circumstances
among developing and developed countries a remarkable similarity exists in the role
fathers play in child care. A study of ten countries revealed that on average it was
found that men spend less than one hour per day in solo child care (Owen in Lips 1999).
The mobility of women into the economic sector has not been accompanied by a
complimentary shift of males in the participation of household and child care
responsibilities (Baxter, 1992; South & Spitze, 1994). For women in developing
countries a greater deal of unpaid subsistence work, such as carrying water and
firewood, doing food gardening and housework, are prevalent (United Nations, 1995).
Similar trends are evident in South Africa. Vast numbers of households are still without
clean drinking water, energy, health care and education (May, 1998). Female-headed
households are common among poor families. According to UNIFEM (2000) women
make up 70% of the world's 1,3 billion poor and this figure is constantly increasing. In
South Africa, the poverty rate among female-headed households is 60% compared to
30% for male-headed households (May, 1998). Some researchers argue that women
experience deprivation despite living in households which fall above the poverty line.
This has been demonstrated where women use every effort to spare their family from
the effects of poverty before meeting their own needs. Such action subjects them to
even greater degrees of poverty (Payne, 1991). The all encompassing nature of gender
division of labor is central to the understanding of the underlying and immediate causes
of poverty. Daly (1989) argued that the division of labor is linked to poverty in one of two
ways. Firstly, that full time household chores may prevent women from being gainfully
employed and secondly, that employment is generally confined to and mirrors the type of
work they perform at home, and is generally low paid. Economic powerlessness implies
voicelessness within the family, as equal access to resources, rights and benefits are
denied to women. Of particular significance is the non-contribution by women toward
pension which has grave consequences for them in their old age.
The impoverishment of women has ramifications for their role in society. By and large,
poverty limits this role to one of child rearing, earning a subsistence income and
maintaining the household. The impact of poverty must, therefore, be understood from a
broader perspective, especially its implications for the upbringing of children. Children
who grow up in families headed by women, especially those of colour are more
vulnerable to the effects of extreme poverty. One of the most pertinent factors in the
feminization of poverty is the system of social security and its accessibility to the most
vulnerable families. In South Africa the cost of the existing grant system was R1,2
billion with only two out of every 1000 black African children benefitting from it...(Lund,
1997). Although a new system of child support has been instituted, it is no more than
an attempt to provide a safety net for the most vulnerable. The new child support grant
has raised the consternation of many women's organizations who fear that this only
serves to further entrench the poverty of women with negative consequences for
children (Naidoo & Bozalek, 1997).
In South Africa the multiple deprivation faced by black women living in rural areas
include little or no access to health care, education and basic amenities for survival .
The patriarchal system is still very prevalent in rural contexts. Rural women are trapped
in tradition which men perceive as their right and responsibility to uphold. In addition
women's lack of access to land is linked to traditional systems of patriarchy. Women are
viewed as subordinates and are accorded the status of a minor. Their access to credit,
land, technology and resources are prohibited or limited by this status which is prevalent
in many conservative, rural traditions. In some instances, for example, in India both
customary and the main legal systems prohibit women from inheriting ancestral property
(Agarwal, 1989). This power imbalance within the family is an inflection of the
macro-political order. The patriarchal system has wide ramifications for women's right to
reproductive autonomy.
Women's Right to Reproductive Autonomy
The status accorded to women's reproductive labour appears to be similar to their
household and child care chores. As long as economies fail to take account of women's
critical reproductive role, they will continue to be negated in the national accounting
system of a country. Criticisms have been levelled against South Africa's economic
policy, namely, Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) for not taking into
account women's reproductive labour, which ultimately leads to the invisibility of their
position and of their contribution to the economy. The United Nations Development
Programme (1995) Human Development Report estimated the invisible contribution of
women globally to be $11 trillion. Women are at the crossroads in terms of their critical
contribution to "social capital" yet their activities are non-monetized (Taylor, 1997: 18).
Given the lack of recognition by the state and the absence of significant steps to address
the exploitation of female and child labour, South Africa's economic plans will continue to
reinforce the feminization of poverty (Taylor, 1994).
Neo-Malthusian analysts associate global poverty and women's poverty to women's
fertility. In essence their stance is one of blaming the victim, that is poor Third World
women for the global crisis (Bandarage, 1998). They argue that pregnancy leads to
suffering, low status and powerlessness. Similar thinking has been elucidated by the
Population Crisis Committee and UNFPA. According to these organizations women's
social status is strongly correlated to their fertility. The assumption is that pregnancy is
fundamental to women's poverty and powerlessness. Hence, fertility control is estimated
to be the primary solution to poverty alleviation and women's empowerment. Most
feminists and social activists advocate for the control of women's fertility as one of the
most important solutions to the problem of feminization of poverty (Bandarage, 1998).
The new reproductive rights agenda calls for improved quality of services for women's
health. The pre-requisite for gender equality include family planning and reproductive
health interventions which are expanded to maternal and child health, prevention of
STDs and HIV/AIDS. Despite the deterioration of basic health care and the rapid spread
of HIV/AIDS and projections of massive population losses as a consequence, the
emphasis continues to be on fertility control.
Contrary to the above expectations, increased feminization of poverty has been noted to
coincide with legalized abortion. Strahan, observing that poverty worsened at a time
when there was an upsurge in abortions, suggested that, at the very least, abortions
were an inadequate solution to the trend of poverty. While acknowledging that the
causes of feminization of poverty are complex, Strahan suggested that abortion may
instead be a contributing factor to poverty. Increased broken relationships,
psychological difficulties and substance abuse all of which are consequences of abortion
tend to place women at a greater economic disadvantage, thereby contributing to
poverty. An argument that is repeatedly raised by pro-life activists is the extent to which
the ready accessibility of services contribute to the problems of exploitational sexual
attitudes and denial of responsibility by men. The argument, therefore, that accessibility
to abortion is a way of eradicating poverty cannot be maintained.
In addition, the system of patriarchy has over the years subjected women to social,
cultural and religious subordination. This subordination has been observed in women's
lack of autonomy over their reproductive rights. More recent discussions and debates
on HIV/AIDS has drawn attention to "a new visibility" of woman (Roth & Hogan,
1998:xv). Much of the earlier discussion was characteristic of gender distortions, while
research has made scant mention of poverty and gender as a factor in HIV/AIDS. The
13th AIDS International Conference in South Africa in July 200 has attempted to draw
some attention to the plight of women albeit from a medical perspective. The experience
of poverty and the lack of adequate medical care were issues of contention for the
millions of sufferers on the African continent.
Women and economic development
The phenomenon of feminization of poverty is confined not only to women in developing
countries In fact, in both industrialized and developing countries the relationship
between gender and economic stratification is evident (Piven, 2000). Women and
economic development are at the core of the discourse on feminization of poverty. The
difference between male and female poverty is that for men, poverty is often a
consequence of unemployment, but for women it is much more complex as other factors
such as family commitments are critical issues (Stallard, Ehrenreich & Sklar, 1983).
Even though globally women comprise two-thirds of the work force, according to the US
Bureau of Labour Statistics they also comprise two thirds of the minimum wage earners
(Catalyst, 1997). Generally most female dominated jobs or careers have a lower
earning capacity. Studies have shown that where participants believed that masculine
traits are required for a job higher salary and prestige are assigned to it and vice versa
(Glick, 1995). This perception, in part, stems from the way gender has been
constructed. Jobs that are predominantly female are presumed to have lesser degrees
of competency and to be easier. In essence the value that society places on men and
women also permeate occupations which are perceived to be "feminine" or "masculine".
The construction of gender in this way makes it difficult, if not impossible, to perceive
occupations to be independent of gender-labeling (Lips, 1999). Society tends to perceive
successful women as an exception, yet this is not so for men. However, prejudices
against women are not only reared by men but by women as well. The limited
opportunities for women create heightened degrees of competitiveness among
themselves. Success among women is, therefore, viewed as a scarce commodity which
only a few can attain.
In addition to the unequal status and lack of equity in remuneration for work, women
face the hurdle of the "glass ceiling". The "glass ceiling" concept which is an invisible
barrier that prevents women from rising past a certain point, is linked to gender bias in
jobs. The limitations only become evident when a person reaches the exhaustive limit.
Research studies have shown that few women are given the opportunity to hold
managerial positions. The highest figures recorded were for the USA and Canada
where 67 and 68 women held managerial positions for every 100 men respectively (Neft
& Levine, 1997). Generally women who have achieved leadership positions continue to
be subjected to discrimination. Their positions are tempered by reduced responsibility,
having fewer people to manage, given less options for travel and reduced amount of
status and clout as their male counterparts. Hence, gender inequity is prevalent as
much in lower positions of the job strata as it is in higher. These biases can be
attributed to "persistent gender stereotypes that color the evaluations of and
expectations for women" (Lips, 1999:).
The eradication of poverty itself is dependent on socio-economic changes in all strata of
society ranging from the micro to the macro. However, policy changes in and of itself
are inadequate to deal with institutionalized gender inequity which has a profound
impact on the quality of life for many women. The eradication of feminization of poverty
calls for specific focus on the status of women in society. This has partly been achieved
through feminists movements and activities which the role that women play in
eradicating conditions that perpetuate feminization of poverty. The proposed
approaches flow from the three major perspectives under which feminization of poverty
has been conceptualized. These approaches emphasize the need for ideological
changes which promote equality and create opportunities for economic empowerment
of women through macro socio-ecocnomic reform.
In South Africa the democratization process has put women's and children's issues
firmly on the political agenda. The South African Constitution, 108 (1996) and the United
Nations Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women
unequivocally. It epitomizes the ideal for every citizen which, in reality, is a far cry for
thousands of impoverished women. The powerful discourse on democratic rights has
been influenced by and has, in turn, influenced feminist ideology. Feminist ideology
has increased phenomenally over the past few decades and its value in drawing
attention to the plight of women is also acknowledged. The use of feminist ideology is
significant as it demands an investigation of the impoverishment and oppression of
women with the aim of promoting women's rights in all spheres (Vincent, 1994). Many
of the problems affecting women are experienced by women alone, yet they are often
communicated by men, for example, the system of patriarchy needs to be understood
from a women's perspective. Hence, feminist ideology is an active practical critique
directed not only at the academic level and political level but at deeply held beliefs
about the character of our society, thought patterns and intimate relationships. Deeply
rooted values and beliefs which have influenced gender roles are propagated through
the process of socialization and reinforced through institutions of religion and education.
Feminist ideology acknowledges the biological and psychological differences but at the
same time advocates that equality of the sexes is still possible. The fundamental goal of
feminist ideology is to ensure that women are also the accorded full democratic rights.
This means the acceptance of women to attain equal worth with men in respect to their
common nature as a free person. Liberal feminists seek a future of "sexual justice"
where men will play an equal role in child care and domestic responsibilities and
women's careers will not be compromised by bearing and raising children (Vincent,
1994:204). Feminist ideology implies major paradigm shifts in social and cultural
values. With the sharing of responsibility for child care and domestic chores substantial
increase in the education and training of women is anticipated followed by the capacity
of women to participate in the global economy. A critical aspect in the use of feminist
ideology is the use of language as a medium of transmitting values and underlying
assumptions. According to postmodernism and postculturalism language is potent in the
transfer of ideology. The contention is that just as language can be decoded to expose
assumptions so can it be recoded to effectively transform perceptual and cognitive
worlds (Vincent, 1994). Femininity and masculinity are social constructs which can,
therefore, be deconstructed to reflect gender equity. Feminist ideology has contributed
significantly to the understanding of the intricate processes that have perpetuated
gender distortions.
According to Goldberg and Kremen (1990) it is possible to predict the feminization of
poverty when three factors are present: (1) inadequate efforts to reduce renumeration
inequities for women; (2)
the absence of social welfare programmes to redress the needs of women created by
the duality of their roles (work and family); (3) the changing family structure which
represent a large percentage of single mothers through increasing rates of divorce.
Studies conducted by the United Nations revealed some common trends to be relevant
to the feminization of poverty. Strong family ties, a sound system of welfare and equal
employment opportunities were evident in varying combinations in countries (Italy,
Sweden & the Netherlands) where there were equal rates of poverty among men and
women (United Nations, 1995). There is substantial support for the need for social and
cultural support for women to redress their inequalities thereby eliminating the threat of
poverty. Studies according to UNIFEM (2000) have revealed that the benefits of
women's participation in the economy is generally extended to the entire family. Greater
discretion is exercised in household spending and food and children's education assume
priority. Traditional approaches to women's participation and ultimately contribution to
the global economy are, therefore, challenged. Education, vocational skills and
technology are underlying pre-requisites for the economic emancipation of women.
Access to resources such as land, credit facilities and technology which are imperatives
for sustainable development need to be ensured by changing the contexts. Policy
makers are challenged to explore ways in which the women's potential contribution to
economic development can be maximized, their energies and talents effectively
mobilized and their resources adequately utilized. Obstructive policies which remain a
barrier to women's participation should be removed UNIFEM, 2000). Inequality, sexism
and racism which are deeply rooted in many economies and cultures of the world
underlie job status and pay inequities. This implies a re-conceptualization of jobs that
appear to be predominantly the domain of women. Opportunities for economic
empowerment should coincide with the re-alignment of supportive policies. Unless child
care responsibilities are shared or appropriate alternative exist, women will continue to
be isolated from the global economy.
Just as daily lives provide the basis for framing analysis of the wider social order, so
does male-female relationships impact on all aspects of life from child development to
policy making (Bandarage, 1998; Patton, 1998). Strategies which are proposed to
address the plight of impoverished women are often formulated without their
participation. These strategies are also seldom linked to the actual circumstances of
impoverished women. For macro socio-economic reforms to be effective it must
transcend ineffectual tokenism. Despite the numerous national and international
strategies and policies developed to address the culture of poverty perpetuated amongst
women, they continue to be marginalized. Women's participation in issues that affect
them must underscore macro economic reform process. Until desperate and urgent
measures are taken to inculcate a culture of inclusivity, they will continue to be relegated
to positions of subordination. Campaigns for gender equality and emancipation of
women must encompass a wider group, not only women. Men are an integral part of
this campaign. Although there has been several national and international programmes
and campaigns advocating gender equality progress has been limited. Tradition and
custom, despite maintaining and promoting identity and culture, can undermine the
progress of women. Women who are voiceless economically are also voiceless
politically. The imbalance in economic power isolates women from being involved in
advocating for solutions and resources to address the problems they encounter. Why the
impasse? In most instances the poor are not the beneficiaries of macro-economic
reforms because the underlying institutional contexts often remain unchanged (May,
1998). In South Africa, there is a fairly good representation of women in key government
positions. These strategic positions offer opportunities for the inclusion and
participation of women at various levels. Women themselves can be catalysts for
change through inclusivity and representation of women by women. Legislation in itself
is inadequate to address gender imbalances. Reform in child care, tax policies,
marriage and divorce laws which recognize the role of women in the labour market but at
the same time recognizing their special needs as mothers are imperative. In South
Africa various socio-economic reforms have been instituted to enhance participation of
women as active members of society. These include the increased participation of
women in key government positions. Initiatives to address the capacity of women to
generate income and reduce poverty levels. Labour legislation has been reviewed to
give women economic security by recognizing their reproductive rights. The risk of
losing their jobs while on maternity leave is no longer a threat. The employment Equity
Bill which has recently been promulgated compels employers to review discriminatory
practices by identifying measures to rectify gender and race inequities. South African
society has been characterized by institutionalized discriminatory practices in terms of
race and gender, hence, social policy reform, which is only one aspect of social change,
must be enacted in combination with attitudinal, customary and traditional changes. At
this juncture I would like to remind delegates of the keynote address at the UN Women's
Conference in Beijing in 1995, of the commitment the world has toward eradicating
feminized poverty. The following quote emphasizes the need for changing the paradigm
from one of domination to one of partnership:
In societies where men are truly confident of their own worth, women are not merely
"tolerated". They are valued. Their opinions are listened to with respect, and they are given
their rightful place in shaping society in which they live....
There are no gender barriers that cannot be overcome. The relationship between
men and women should, and can, be characterized not by patronizing behaviour and
exploitation, but by melta (loving kindness), partnership and trust.
Aung San Suu
Agarwal, B, 1989. Women,land and ideology in India. In Haleh, A Agarwal, B,
Women, poverty and ideology in AsiaLondon: Macmillan Press.
Baxter, j 1992. Power attitudes and time: The domestic division of labor. Journal Of
Comparative Studies, 13 (2): 165 - 170.
Catalyst 1997. Women of color in corporate management: A statistical picture.
New York: Author
Correa, S. & Reichmann R. 1994. Population and Reproductive rights: Feminist
perspectives from the South. London: Zed Books Ltd.
Goldberg, G S & Kremen, E 1990. The feminization of poverty: Only in America?.
Westport: Greenwood Press.
Gordon, D & Spicker, P 1999. The international glossary on poverty. Cape Town :
IPSR Books.
Lipps, H. 1999. Women, education and economic participation.
May, J 1998. Poverty and inequality in South Africa. Indicator S A Vol. 15. No. 2 : 53
Naidoo, M T & Bozalek, V 1997. Maintenance grant parity - women pay the price.
Agenda. 33 : 26 - 33.
Strahan, T W 2000. Http://
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any citations for this publication.
Full-text available
1 Background The analysis of poverty and inequality in South Africa has had a long history. In 1922, the First Carnegie Inquiry on poverty was undertaken which focussed on the 'poor white' problem, and fed into the subsequent policy framework for the eradication of poverty amongst whites. Much later, the Second Carnegie Conference held in 1983 examined the poverty amongst South Africa's black population and highlighted the appalling conditions in the rural areas and townships of South Africa. The transition period witnessed renewed interest in poverty and inequality heralded in by the national survey on living standards undertaken by SALDRU in 1993. This study provided the first data of the extent and distribution of poverty across South Africa. This quantitative survey was followed by the South African Participatory Poverty Assessment that was expected to report to the RDP Office. Due to the closure of this office, to date this report has only been informally distributed. In addition to these largely externally initiated studies, research has also been carried out by the different spheres of government concerned with the policies related to the reduction of poverty and inequality. In 1995, the South African Government was approached by the World Bank with a proposal that an overall poverty assessment be undertaken collaboratively by the World Bank and the government. Around the same time, the United Nations Development Programme also approached government with a request to prepare a county Human Development Report. In October 1995, the South African cabinet agreed that a Poverty and Inequality Report be undertaken by South African researchers. This report, referred to as the PIR, brings together research undertaken over the past 15 years in South Africa, with an analysis of the current policy framework for the reduction of poverty and inequality prepared by the new government.
Examines the issue of women's independent land access and the particular ways in which gender ideology and the cultural norms and practices in which it has been crystallised, impinge on this. It examines four aspects: the significance of women's access to agricultural land for their economic and social well-being; women's customary rights to land across communities and cross-regionally; barriers to women exercising their existing legal claims; and barriers to women directly controlling, managing and cultivating land. Drawing primarily upon village studies which in one way or another throw light on the above issues, selected legal documents, and my fieldwork observations in northern India, this chapter seeks to provide pointers. I conclude that there is an emerging recognition of women's independent claim to land among some of the grass-roots movements of the landless and land poor. In this context, however, a significant issue that needs to be addressed is whether the demand should be for land ownership rights on an individual basis, or land use rights on a group basis, with groups of poor rural women cultivating and managing land cooperatively. -from Authors
The number of poor females has increased because of : (1) gender differences in wages; (2) the inadequacy of public benefits; (3) lack of legislative commitment; and (4) demographic factors such as divorce. These variables emerge as strong predictors of female poverty rates in seven industrialized nations. Only a comprehensive social movement will reverse this trend. (VM)
While reaching the poorest 30 percent of children for the first time, the new system of state maintenance accepted by the Cabinet scraps caregivers' allowances. The new grant system places a greater burden on poor women as caregivers, write MARIE-THERESE NAIDOO and VIVIENNE BOZALEK
Examines the persistence of the gender division of labor in the home. Men's and women's involvement in domestic labor is the focus, both in terms of participation in particular activities and time spent doing domestic tasks. An attempt is made to explain why men and women do particular tasks and to identify the factors associated with this differential involvement. Analyses distinguish between time spent on domestic labor and the relative contribution of each spouse to domestic labor. The analytical power of time availability, sex-role attitudes, and marital power is assessed to explain the domestic division of labor in 831 Australian households. Women's movement into paid work does not result in more egalitarian divisions of labor in the home; instead, women cope by spending less time on housework. (French & Spanish abstracts) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Women, education and economic participation
  • H Lipps
Lipps, H. 1999. Women, education and economic participation.