Media Coverage of Lawrence v. Texas: An Analysis of Content, Tone, and Frames in National and Local News Reporting

... Texas that decriminalized same-sex sex (Engel, 2013). This shift may be explained by the fact that there was negative media coverage of the ruling, which included a greater focus on the opinions of those who opposed the ruling, including the dissent by Justice Scalia (Haider-Markel, 2004;Stoutenborough, Haider-Markel, and Allen, 2006). In addition, scholars argue that the degree to which LGB individuals are sexualized leads to less support of LGB rights (Persily, Egan, and Wallsten, 2006), which may have impacted public opinion following Lawrence v. ...
... Public opinion studies, however, show that levels of support vary among demographic, political, and religious groups (Baunach, 9 2012;Lewis, 2003;Olson, Cadge, and Harrison, 2006;Pew Research, 2013a;Powell, Yurk Quadlin, and Pizmony-Levy, 2015). Consistently, studies find that women, higher educated people, non-religious individuals, younger generations, and political liberals support same-sex marriage at higher levels than men, lower educated people, religious individuals, older generations, and political conservatives (Andersen and Fetner, 2008;Brumbaugh et al., 2008;Galupo and Pearl, 2007;Haider-Markel andJoslyn, 2005, 2008;Kreitzer, Hamilton, and Tolbert, 2014;Lewis, 2011;Lewis and Gossett, 2008;McCarthy, 2015McCarthy, , 2014Sherkat, de Vries, and Creek, 2010;Whitehead, 2010;Woodford et al., 2012). Also, work has shown that heterosexual people who report having a personal connection to gay, lesbian, and bisexual individuals are more likely to have a positive attitude towards gay rights (Fetner, 2016;Herek, 2002;Herek & Capitanio, 1996). ...
Following Obergefell v. Hodges, same-sex marriage remains controversial and anti-LGBT state legislation has been passed, which raises questions about whether the Supreme Court’s ruling may have created a backlash. We use data from two waves of a general population survey of Nebraskans conducted before and after the decision to answer three questions. First, we test three theories of how the Court decision influenced public opinion. We find that support for same-sex marriage was significantly higher following the ruling, suggesting that there was not a backlash to it. Second, we assess whether people perceive that the court accurately reflects the public’s opinion. We find that people who favor same-sex marriage are more likely to think that the ruling refects public opinion very well; those who oppose same-sex marriage are more likely to think that the ruling does not at all reflect public opinion. Third, we examine the association between discussing gay rights and support for same-sex marriage, finding that those who talk about LGB issues very often are more likely to favor same-sex marriage. We discuss the implications of these findings in relation to two of the themes of this special issue: the influence of marriage equality on Americans’ understandings of marriage and the impact of marriage equality on future LGBT activism.
... Media coverage of the ruling quickly focused on the divisive issue of marriage (Egan, Persily and Wallsten 2008), rather than the right-to-privacy principle upon which the ruling was actually based (Haider-Markel 2003). The result was an instance of a largely one-sided information flow that depressed support for the decriminalization of gay sex-and in fact led to a temporary across-the-board decline in support for gay rights altogether. ...
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this version: July 2011 Experimental research has yielded findings that are largely optimistic about the Court's powers to move public attitudes. But left largely unexplored is whether the Court's pronouncements simultaneously cause the Court to lose support among those who disagree with it. Here we explore these questions using a two-wave survey experiment with a nationally representative sample of Americans. We find that learning of the Court's rulings moves opinion toward the Court in an unmistakable fashion in only one out of six cases studied (the decriminalization of same-sex relations in Lawrence v. Texas). More significant, we find strong evidence that unpopular Court rulings result in a loss of legitimacy for the Court—but only among conservatives. Our findings suggest that in contemporary American politics, the persuasive powers of the Court are more limited and the institutional legitimacy of the Court more fragile than implied by previous work. We thank Paul Kellstedt, Nate Persily, Jane Schacter, the NYU Junior Faculty Reading Group, and seminar participants at NYU, UC Berkeley, Yale and the New York Area Political Psychology Meeting for comments on earlier versions.
Scholars of morality policy have built an extensive literature surrounding these issues, which often are associated with unusual political behavior. Early studies aimed at explaining this behavior but avoided defining a “morality policy” explicitly, typically by focusing on issues that appeared obviously to pertain to morality, like abortion and LGBTQ+ rights. Drawing on the existing morality policy scholarship and classic theories of public policy, we argue that no public policy is inherently moral. Rather, policies may be “moralized” or “demoralized” over time, not due to any intrinsic characteristic, but because the prominent policy frames in their debate have changed. Public opinion and its proxies, along with certain exogenous shocks, may be important in determining when a morality frame will be more prevalent. Because the distinctiveness of morality policy lies in the discourse surrounding it, scholars should examine the behavior and attitudes of relevant advocates in these debates, rather than relying on aggregate data and making assumptions about intrinsic policy characteristics.
Do economic performance and economic news coverage influence public perceptions of the economy? Efforts to assess the effects are hampered by the interrelationships among the variables. In this paper, we bring to bear a more careful accounting of available economic variables than previous studies have used. We find that both media tone and economic attitudes are strongly related to actual economic performance. Moreover, after taking into account the economy itself, a substantial relationship between media tone and economic attitudes persists. Given that economic attitudes influence a wide variety of political outcomes, this finding carries important normative and political significance.
Between May and July 2003, a shift in how the US public viewed the legality of consensual homosexual sex occurred. While in May the largest percentage of respondents to date supported decriminalizing such activity, that percentage dropped eleven points two months later. Similar declines in support were evident in the same period over a range of gay and lesbian rights claims. The ruling in Lawrence v. Texas (2003) decriminalizing homosexual sex is the obvious intervening event. To explain this pattern, coding of print and televised news coverage of the ruling throughout 2003 was undertaken. Coverage was not overtly negative in terms of antigay rhetoric or hostility toward the judiciary; rather, the dominant media frame focused on the implications of Lawrence for an entirely separate rights issue: marriage equality. This article examines the dynamic of frame “spillover,” or the idea that media focus on a distinct and not widely supported rights claim in a multifaceted rights agenda might depress support across the entire rights agenda. The findings call for further research, and they have implications for scholarship on public opinion, social movement framing, and ideational development and policy debate as studied within the broader field of American political development.
Given the central importance of news media in providing the public with information about court decisions,this study examines variations in local and national media coverage of the Supreme Court decision on a Texas antisodomy law known as Lawrence v. Texas.The authors use content analysis of newspaper articles to test hypotheses concerning how media coverage of the case might vary by media outlet. The authors assess bias by examining overall coverage and the tone of coverage.The analysis suggests that media outlets varied in their coverage of the case,with states that had existing sodomy laws providing more coverage,and that some outlets tended to be more biased in their tone than others. The analysis confirms the importance of local relevance,but the authors also find that media outlet size and political context may play a role in determining coverage of an issue.
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Political scientists have made broad use of data that are drawn from media sources. These data tend to be of two kinds: measures of the volume of media attention to an issue, or counts of events reported in the media for which there is no other systematic data source. With increasing access to full-text data archives, there will be many more opportunities for scholars to create media-based data. This paper reviews a number of issues having to do with potential bias and error in such data. Some practical solutions-are described, and a media-based data series having to do with monetary policy is used to illustrate how to probe for the validity of a media-based events count.
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Much research demonstrates the importance of national, rather than personal, economic conditions on voting behavior, yet relatively unexplored is how citizens develop what scholars have called “rough evaluations” of the economy. We argue that campaign news coverage about the nation's economic health provides cues to the public; in turn, these cues supply the criteria for sociotropic voting, thereby shaping presidential preferences during the course of campaigns. Examining news stories in each of the past four presidential elections, we (1) categorize coverage as economic or noneconomic, (2) measure its volume and valence, and (3) model candidate coverage against presidential preference polls. Results suggest that economic candidate coverage, although accounting for only a fraction of content, strongly and consistently predicts variation in presidential preference during all four elections, suggesting that voters gain sociotropic criteria for evaluating candidates from news media coverage of campaigns.
This article examines the extent to which a change in the information environment affected opinion of a recent gun safety ballot initiative in Washington. Through content analysis of newspaper stories and documentation of expenditures of competing interests, the authors are able to detect a discernable shift in the information environment during the final weeks of the campaign. Support for the initiative dropped appreciably concurrent with this shift. The authors are able to show that the altered information context (a) generated the greatest change among the most politically aware respondents and (b) sustained this effect within specific partisan classifications. Although previous research investigates analogous behavioral dynamics in a variety of political settings, this analysis differs in application to ballot initiative campaigns. The authors discuss the implications of their findings in terms of direct democracy campaigns and conclude that influence of competing interests are central to the nature and outcome of the election.
Outside of state-wide ballot initiatives, most research on lesbian and gay politics has focused on local or national politics. In part this is due to a perception of where the action is. At the national level gay issues tend to attract the media’s attention, dragging academics in their wake. And while it is true that local governments have been on the forefront of policies protecting lesbians and gays from discrimination (see Wald, Button, and Rienzo 1996), state governments have increasingly addressed a variety of gay-related issues, including the repeal of sodomy laws, anti-discrimination protections, same-sex marriage, hate crimes, domestic partner policy, and AIDS policy (see Haider-Markel 1997a). State governments must also sometimes provide the authority for local governments to act on gay issues, or conversely, state governments sometimes pass laws to block local government actions on gay issues. Furthermore, gay issues are increasingly appearing in state elections, including the 1998 California, Minnesota, and Nebraska races for Governor (see Carlson 1998; Coile 1998; Whereatt 1998). This chapter provides an overview of state activity on these issues, as well as providing for an introductory understanding of gay politics in the states. The chapter is divided into three sections. Each section summarizes recent research and provides mini-case studies on the patterns of lesbian and gay politics in the states. In section one I discuss gay movement politics in the states by providing an overview of gay interest group activity. In section two I discuss gay involvement in state electoral politics with a particular focus on the election of openly lesbian and gay public officials. The third section examines state policymaking on four gay-related issues--civil rights protections, hate crimes, same-sex marriage, and sodomy laws. State activity in each of these policy areas is summarized, but I also use mini-case studies of the policymaking process to clarify the politics of these issues.
To investigate the effect of the Supreme Court on public opinion, we offer the conditional response hypothesis based on a theory of Supreme Court legitimacy and a microlevel social-psychological theory of attitude formation. Together these theories predict that the Court may affect public opinion when it initially rules on a salient issue, but that subsequent decisions on the same issue will have little influence on opinion. To test our predictions, we analyze public opinion data before and after the Supreme Court ruled in a highly visible abortion case (Webster v. Reproductive Health Services [1989]) and before and after three key capital punishment rulings (Furman v. Georgia [1972], Gregg v. Georgia [1976], and McCleskey v. Kemp [1987]). The results suggest that our theory is not issue bound but is generally applicable to how the Supreme Court affects public opinion when it rules in highly salient cases.
This article examines the extent to which a change in the information environment affected opinion of a recent gun safety ballot initiative in Washington. Through content analysis of newspaper stories and documentation of expenditures of competing interests, the authors are able to detect a discernable shift in the information environment during the final weeks of the campaign. Support for the initiative dropped appreciably concurrent with this shift. The authors are able to show that the altered information context (a) generated the greatest change among the most politically aware respondents and (b) sustained this effect within specific partisan classifications. Although previous research investigates analogous behavioral dynamics in a variety of political settings, this analysis differs in application to ballot initiative campaigns. The authors discuss the implications of their findings in terms of direct democracy campaigns and conclude that influence of competing interests are central to the nature and outcome of the election.
Research suggests there has been a rise in the number of hate crimes since 1985. At the same time, legislatures at the local, state, and national level have enacted policies that both track and regulate hate crime. This article is an effort to determine the factors influencing hate crime policy and implementation efforts. The project is divided into three sections: In the first section, the characteristics and extent of hate crime are discussed. Section two describes hate crime policy as social regulatory policy and uses this theoretical framework to explain state variation in laws con cerning hate crimes. In section three, I present a model of policy imple mentation to predict state implementation efforts of federal hate crime policy Based on the variables suggested by these theoretical frameworks, I present hypotheses and conduct a multiple regression analysis using a fifty-state data set. The results indicate hate crime policies and imple mentation efforts are largely attempts by politicians to satisfy organized interests in competitive political systems. I discuss the implications of these findings and suggest avenues for future research.
We examine the weekly print media's coverage of the women's move ment and ascertain the presence of five unique frames from the 1950s through the 1990s: a sex roles frame, a feminism frame, political rights frame, economic rights frame, and an anti-feminism frame. After describ ing the frames we discuss an experimental test of four of the media pack ages on voters' political attitudes using a non-random sample of adults. Experimental results indicate that the economic rights and anti-feminism frames had a strong, negative impact on subject attitudes toward gender equality, support for women's rights, support for non-traditional gender roles and the frequency with which subjects mentioned "women's issues" as among the most important issues facing the U.S. In addition, the femi nism frame also exerted negative effects; while, conversely, the political rights frame had a positive influence on similar gender attitudes. Results were moderated by respondent gender with men demonstrating greater susceptibility to issue framing than women.
This article represents a first step toward contextualizing the study of physician-assisted suicide (PAS) within the framework of mass communications. An impassioned topic among certain groups, the incidence of PAS is apparently more prevalent than one would suspect. Save for accounts of Jack Kevorkian's activities and a few contested cases, the media were initially silent in this regard. After defining terms and detailing relevant background material, a research proposal is set forth that uses textual analysis to trace the threads of developing accounts. Specifically, coverage of PAS in The New York Times over the past six years is analyzed to glean organizing principles that create cultural meanings for the practice.
We examine the role of issue definition in disability policy change. Based on qualitative and quantitative evidence from media coverage and congressional hearings, we conclude that policy change was influenced by the redefinition of disability issues from medical and economic definitions to a new sociopolitical perspective. Specifically, we find evidence that media attention and tone influenced the number of congressional hearings and the tone of these hearings. The change in the congressional definition subsequently contributed to the passage of key legislation based on the sociopolitical/civil rights definition of disability. Importantly, our research supports previous studies that suggest problem definition helps to explain significant policy change.
This paper examines the interrelationships between real-world cues, television news coverage, and public concern for the issues of energy, inflation, and unemployment. On the basis of longitudinal data, the authors show that media agenda setting is indeed unidirectional—television news influences public concern and not vice versa. Lead stories are significantly more powerful than ordinary stories in shaping the public's agenda. Prevailing conditions and events affect public opinion both directly and indirectly, by determining the degree of news coverage accorded issues.
Morality politics theory predicts that gay rights policy will reflect the influence of religious groups, party competition, and partisanship while interest group theory suggests that these policies will correspond with interest group resources, elite values, and past policy actions. Using multiple regression on a 50-state data set and a county-level data set for gay rights initiatives in Oregon and Colorado, we found gay and lesbian politics are no different from those for other policy issues. When gay and lesbian rights are not salient, the pattern of politics resembles that of interest group politics. If individuals opposed to gay and lesbian rights are able to expand the scope of the conflict, the pattern of politics conforms to morality politics.
Public opinion often depends on which frames elites choose to use. For example, citizens’ opinions about a Ku Klux Klan rally may depend on whether elites frame it as a free speech issue or a public safety issue. An important concern is that elites face few constraints to using frames to influence and manipulate citizens’ opinions. Indeed, virtually no work has investigated the limits of framing effects. In this article, I explore these limits by focusing on one particular constraint—the credibility of the frame’s source. I present two laboratory experiments that suggest that elites face a clear and systematic constraint to using frames to influence and manipulate public opinion.
The purpose of this study is to assess the influence of corporate media owners over news content. In particular, we address the claim that the financial interests of corporate owners lead America's news bureaus to downplay the significant issues surrounding the growing concentration of ownership of the country's mass media. To do so we examine newspaper coverage of one aspect of the 1996 Telecommunications Act: the loosening of restrictions on television ownership. We compare coverage of this aspect of the Telecommunications Act in newspapers owned by companies that stood to gain from the loosening of these restrictions, with coverage in newspapers owned by companies which did not stand to gain. We find substantial differences in how newspapers reported on these proposed regulatory changes depending on the financial interests of their corporate owners.
In recent years presidential charges of maltreatment by the press have become commonplace. Various scholarly research into political communication appears to confirm the validity of these charges. However, a number of issues prevent one from inferring bias from the high levels of unfavorable presidential news these studies report. The research reported here is designed to overcome these problems and allow us to test the bias hypothesis more conclusively. Applying this design to the three networks’ evening news programs during the years 1990 through 1995, we find qualified support for the bias hypothesis but even more compelling evidence that changes in presidential approval, whether favorable or unfavorable, drive news coverage of the president's public support. We also find surprising differences in the networks’ routines and patterns of coverage that call into question the common assumption of homogenous network behavior.
This study examines the validity of newspaper indexes, lead paragraphs, and headlines as representations of full-text media content. We analyze the effects of production decisions on content and categorization in the New York Times Index, based on interviews with its senior editor. We then compare the content of three proxies with that of full-text articles by conducting a parallel content analysis of New York Times stories covering the 1986 Libya crisis and their corresponding Index entries. The study suggests that proxy data can be used to roughly estimate the broad contours of Times coverage but do not reliably represent several key aspects of New York Times reporting.
Gay Rights and American Law is a qualitative and quantitative study of all reported American appellate-court decisions dealing with lesbian-and-gay-rights claims during the last two decades of the twentieth century. The work systematically explores the impacts of more than 20 legal, attitudinal, institutional, environmental, temporal, and interest-group variables to explain why rights struggles either succeeded or failed in the approximately 400 relevant federal and state court cases rendered between 1981 and 2000. Among the book's central findings are these: 1. Attitudinal and environmental effects are dominant in courts of last resort, while legal variables prevail in intermediate-appellate tribunals. These comparative court-level findings are the first from a comprehensive database offering equal numbers of empirical measures for both the legal and attitudinal models of judicial behavior. 2. The combination of presidential appointment and life tenure of federal judges does not necessarily improve the probability that their policymaking will be more favorable to disfranchised minorities than that of state counterparts selected by other methods or for shorter terms of office. 3. About 70 percent of intermediate-appellate-court votes, predisposed to policy results contrary to those fostered by binding precedent, nonetheless yielded to stare decisis, while roughly 30 percent of pertinent court-of-last-resort votes did. Precedent constrained conservative votes at a much higher rate than liberal ones, and vertical stare decisis influenced state appellate decision making more consistently than horizontal. 4. Presidential party predicted federal-case outcome far better than any other judicial attribute in the study. In 45 federal cases not influenced by controlling precedent, 60.2 percent of votes by judges appointed by Democratic presidents supported lesbians and gay men, while only 26.7 percent of votes by Republican appointees were favorable to sexual minorities. In contrast, party identification was less important in state appellate decisions. 5. Compared to the behavior of Protestant colleagues, Roman Catholic judges negatively affected 10.6 percent of the probability "space" between success and failure for lesbian-and-gay litigants. Compared to Jewish judges, the figure for Catholic jurists was 25.2 percent negative. 6. African-American and Latino/a judges were 19.7 percent more inclined than others to vote in favor of homosexual rights, while women were 12.4 percent more positively disposed than men. Prior career experience in nonjudicial elective office produced 8.6 percent more conservative judicial action. In child custody, visitation, adoption, and foster-care cases, judges 60 years of age or older had a probability of voting against lesbian or gay care givers by 20.1 percent more than jurists under 50. 7. The presence of state consensual sodomy laws helped predict 8.1 percent more negative judicial action than in states without the criminal prohibitions. In contrast, statewide gay-civil-rights laws boded well (by 12.5 percent) for positive outcomes. Participation by lesbian-and-gay-rights interest groups as counsel or amici curiae enhanced success by 17.6 percent in non-family cases (e.g., the constitutionality of consensual sodomy laws, sexual-orientation discrimination in public accommodations, housing, and the workplace, gays in the military, and free-speech-and-association rights) and by 32.2 percent in federal-court decisions.
Vincent J. Samar is Adjunct Professor of Philosophy at Loyola University of Chicago and a law professor at Illinois Institute of Technology, Chicago/Kent College of Law. A practicing attorney, he is an activist in Chicago's gay and lesbian communities.
A Guide to America's Sex Laws is the first concise compendium of the nation's sex laws. It summarizes the laws regulating personal sexual activity, revealing gaps, anachronisms, anomalies, inequalities, and irrationalities, and providing an empirical basis for studies of sexual regulation. Judge Richard A. Posner and Katharine B. Silbaugh cover broadly defined areas of regulation, providing background and definitions and placing the laws in their historical and constitutional context. From Alabama to Wyoming, this informative and fascinating reference book will be an essential resource. "It takes only a few minutes with A Guide to [America's] Sex to realize that the nation's laws governing what two consenting adults can do with one another are an odd jumble."—Eric Fidler, San Diego Commerce "Especially noteworthy is how laws governing various sexual activities vary from state to state."—Library Journal "Fascinating and often surprising facts are concisely documented and conveniently organized in A Guide."—Carlin Meyer, New York Law Journal
In this innovative account of the way policy issues rise and fall on the national agenda—the first detailed study of so many issues over an extended period—Frank R. Baumgartner and Bryan D. Jones show that rapid change not only can but does happen in the hidebound institutions of government. Short-term, single-issue analyses of public policy, the authors contend, give a narrow and distorted view of public policy as the result of a cozy arrangement between politicians, interest groups, and the media. Baumgartner and Jones upset these notions by focusing on several issues—including civilian nuclear power, urban affairs, smoking, and auto safety—over a much longer period of time to reveal patterns of stability alternating with bursts of rapid, unpredictable change. A welcome corrective to conventional political wisdom, Agendas and Instability revises our understanding of the dynamics of agenda-setting and clarifies a subject at the very center of the study of American politics.
A disturbingly cautionary tale, Is Anyone Responsible? anchors with powerful evidence suspicions about the way in which television has impoverished political discourse in the United States and at the same time molds American political consciousness. It is essential reading for media critics, psychologists, political analysts, and all the citizens who want to be sure that their political opinions are their own. "Not only does it provide convincing evidence for particular effects of media fragmentation, but it also explores some of the specific mechanisms by which television works its damage. . . . Here is powerful additional evidence for those of us who like to flay television for its contributions to the trivialization of public discourse and the erosion of democratic accountability."—William A. Gamson, Contemporary Sociology "Iyengar's book has substantial merit. . . . [His] experimental methods offer a precision of measurement that media effects research seldom attains. I believe, moreover, that Iyengar's notion of framing effects is one of the truly important theoretical concepts to appear in recent years."—Thomas E. Patterson, American Political Science Review
Objective. Although research suggests that national forces can play a role in local and state elections, most of this work has only recently begun to examine the potential role of national forces in state or local ballot initiative or referenda elections. Methods. Our research addresses this gap in the literature by exploring the influence of national forces, such as the timing of elections, Supreme Court rulings, the activities of interest groups, and public opinion, on state direct legislation elections. We incorporate national forces into the morality politics framework and derive specific hypotheses. We then test these hypotheses by conducting a multivariate analysis of county-level voting patterns across 16 abortion-related direct legislation elections. Results. Our results confirm most of the hypotheses derived from the morality politics framework, including those concerning the role of national forces. Conclusions. Voting patterns on abortion tend to be influenced by the presence of presidential elections, Supreme Court rulings, interest-group activity, public opinion, partisanship, college education, and conservative religious forces. We discuss the implications of our findings for research on elections, abortion policy, and morality politics.
Objective. Researchers have found a distinct difference between expressed supportfor the death penalty (which garners a majority of Americans) and expressed preference for the death penalty over other sentences (which attracts only a minority). Despite the strength of this finding in academic circles, the media tend to cover the death penalty as if it were indisputably favored by a majority of Americans. This article tests the effect of this disparity in coverage. Methods. Using an experimental design, respondents were placed in three groups: Condition 1 read a typical media portrayal depicting widespread support for the death penalty, Condition 2 read a realistic portrayal of the mix of preferences for the death penalty and an alternative sentence, and Condition 3 (the control group) read an article unrelated to the death penalty. Results. Compared to the control group and Condition 1, those who read a more realistic account of public opinion on the death penalty (Condition 2) were less supportive of capital punishment, more likely to think death penalty opponents would talk comfortably about their position, and believed the death penalty would become less prevalent in the future. Conclusions. These findings suggest that the unrealistic media portrayal of public opinion on the death penalty is bolstering a sense of inevitability about the issue.
CBS Radio) Times Vary (daily) 1/03/94-Current Saturday Night with Connie Chung-2
  • Osgood File
Osgood File (CBS Radio) Times Vary (daily) 1/03/94-Current Saturday Night with Connie Chung-2/3/90-3/3/90
Texas Case Challenges 1986 Ruling That Upheld Georgia Sodomy Law
  • Mark Helm
Helm, Mark. "Texas Case Challenges 1986 Ruling That Upheld Georgia Sodomy Law." Atlanta Journal Constitution, 23 March 2003.
DOMA and ENDA: Congress Votes on Gay Rights
  • Gregory B Lewis
  • Jonathan L Edelson
Lewis, Gregory B., and Jonathan L. Edelson. 2000. "DOMA and ENDA: Congress Votes on Gay Rights." In The Politics of Gay Rights, eds. Kenneth D. Wald, Craig A. Rimmerman, and Clyde Wilcox. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
By the Books: D.C. Ranks Second in Survey of States Treatment of Gays
  • Lisa Keen
Keen, Lisa. "By the Books: D.C. Ranks Second in Survey of States Treatment of Gays." The Washington Blade 9 November 2001.
Anti-Gay Rights: Assessing Voter Initiatives
  • Stephanie L Witt
  • Suzanne Mccorkle
Witt, Stephanie L., and Suzanne McCorkle. Eds. 1997. Anti-Gay Rights: Assessing Voter Initiatives. Westport, CT: Praeger.
-A multi-part series of pieces offering perspective and depth to coverage of important articles in the news
  • A Closer
A Closer Look" --A multi-part series of pieces offering perspective and depth to coverage of important articles in the news;
Creating Change-Holding the Line: Agenda Setting on Lesbian and Gay Issues at the National Level In Gays and Lesbians in The Democratic Process: Public Policy, Public Opinion and Political Representation
  • Donald P Haider-Markel
Haider-Markel, Donald P. 1999. "Creating Change-Holding the Line: Agenda Setting on Lesbian and Gay Issues at the National Level." In Gays and Lesbians in The Democratic Process: Public Policy, Public Opinion and Political Representation, eds. Ellen D. B. Riggle and Barry Tadlock. New York: Columbia University Press.
  • Shanto Iyengar
  • Donald R Kinder
Iyengar, Shanto, and Donald R. Kinder. 1987. News That Matters. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Family Groups Gear up for Battle Over Gay Marriage
  • Evelyn Nieves
Nieves, Evelyn. "Family Groups Gear up for Battle Over Gay Marriage." The Washington Post, 17 August 2003.
Framing Hate: A Comparison of Media 117
  • Kimberly Gross
  • Seth Goldman
Gross, Kimberly, and Seth Goldman. 2003. "Framing Hate: A Comparison of Media 117
  • Steve Sanders
  • Garner V Lawrence
  • Texas
Sanders, Steve. 2003. " Lawrence and Garner v. Texas. " Michigan Bar Journal Online 82:5. 30 June 2003 < article.cfm?articleID=569&volumeID=43&viewType=archive/>.
  • Frank R Baumgartner
  • Bryan D Jones
Baumgartner, Frank R., and Bryan D. Jones. Eds. 2002. Policy Dynamics. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association
  • Blade
Blade. " Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Philadelphia.
Respondent's Brief in Opposition filed in Lawrence and Garner v
  • Delmore Rosenthal
Rosenthal, Delmore, and Durfee. 2003. Respondent's Brief in Opposition filed in Lawrence and Garner v. Texas. Washington, D.C.: Supreme Court of the United States.
Sodomy Ruling Prompts Promises of Activism
  • Steven Ginsberg
  • Griff Witte
Ginsberg, Steven, and Griff Witte. "Sodomy Ruling Prompts Promises of Activism," The Washington Post, 28 June 2003.
Physician-Assisted Suicide: Agenda Setting and the Elements of Morality Policy
  • Henry R Glick
  • Amy Hutchinson
Glick, Henry R., and Amy Hutchinson. 2001. "Physician-Assisted Suicide: Agenda Setting and the Elements of Morality Policy." In The Public Clash of Private Values, ed. Christopher Z. Mooney. New York, Chatham House.
The Long Road to Freedom
  • Mark Thompson
Thompson, Mark. ed. 1994. The Long Road to Freedom. New York: St. Martin's Press.
New Battle Line in 'Culture War': Gay Marriage
  • Linda Feldmann
Feldmann, Linda. "New Battle Line in 'Culture War': Gay Marriage," The Christian Science Monitor, 1 July 2003.
Perfect Enemies: The Religious Right, the Gay Movement, and the Politics of the 1990s
  • Chris Bull
  • John Gallagher
Bull, Chris, and John Gallagher. 1996. Perfect Enemies: The Religious Right, the Gay Movement, and the Politics of the 1990s. New York: Crown Publishers.