The article is based on an ethnographic observation of a crew of graffiti writers in the northeast of Italy. Extending some considerations emerging from the case study, the article advances a reflection on the territorial dimension of graffiti writing in urban environments and the relationship between walls, social relationships and the public domain. This task entails understanding walls as artefacts that are subject to both strategic and tactical uses, as well as the relationship between walls and the public domain as a territorial configuration. In particular, graffiti writing is observed as an interstitial practice that creates its own specific way of using walls: it is a “longitudinal” rather than a “perpendicular” style, which transform the wall into a fragment of a “prolongable” series, a part of a continuing conversation.
In this article, we offer an account of how the French Marxist philosopher and sociologist Henri Lefebvre can be read as a theorist of territory. While Lefebvre’s writings on state space have generated some interest in recent years, the territorial dimensions of his thinking on this issue have not been explored. Meanwhile, the question of territory has been oddly undertheorized in the post-1970s literatures on international relations and spatialized political economy. Against this background, we suggest that Lefebvre’s work contains some insightful, if unsystematic, observations on the relationship between states, space and territory. Following consideration of Agnew’s (1994) influential injunction that social scientists transcend the “territorial trap,” we develop this reading of Lefebvre with reference to three key dimensions of his approach to state space as territory—first, the production of territory; second, state territorial strategies; and third, the “territory effect,” namely, the state’s tendency, through its territorial form, to naturalize its own transformative effects on sociospatial relations. Thus construed, Lefebvre’s approach productively raises the issue of how the territorial trap is actually constructed and reproduced.
Graffiti act as a medium through which political (including socio-political unmentionables are mentioned without the writer attracting any political or social sanctions. Graffiti in Legon (Ghana) have anonymous authors. Through graffiti, people of lower social/political status (students) express their opinions on political actors (people holding public office) and political decision making processes. They also express their anger and frustration about Ghana's political situation. Sequentially, the graffiti consist of stimuli followed by responses. They could therefore be said to constitute discourses with participants taking turns. Syntactically, the sentences are often short, and are of a simple sentence type. Graffiti exhibit all the properties of interaction - turn-taking, repair, opening and closing, adjacency pairs, indirectness, among other features.
This study suggests that cartoons are important sites for the construction of the identity of the self and other. Using techniques culled from social psychology, cognition, and anthropology, in conjunction with the cartoon code, this study examines the way cartoonist Naji al-Ali constructed Palestinian refugee and Arab identity. This study illustrates the power of the cartoon as a mode of political expression in the Arab world and discusses the ways cartoons have been utilized in the Middle East and abroad. This study argues that because cartoons provide a stream of social and political commentary and yet are artistic works, they demand a layered interpretation that gets at the symbolism that may lurk in the artistry of the image, in the captions, or in the relationship between the cartoonist and his or her interpretive community.
This paper examines the practice of naming events, actions, places and people in the Palestine?–?Israel conflict. It explores the way colonialism and the national project deploy transformations in naming to construct places and identities and craft widespread imaginaries about these places. Names form part of cultural systems that structure and nuance the way we imagine and understand the world. They embody ideological significance and moral attributes and can be consciously mobilised for various projects of power. Words and names reference a moral grammar that underwrites and reproduces power. As such, our analytical approaches to lexicons must be embedded in historical, political and cultural frameworks.
The article analyses the discursive function of graffiti on the separation wall in the contested space of Abu Dis on the boundary between Jerusalem and the Occupied Territories. This study explores the role of graffiti as micro-level, political discourse designed to influence national and international actions concerning the Palestinian-Israeli conflict over national borders, self determination and human rights. The data for this study consisted of photographic documentation of the Abu Dis graffiti. This data was analysed for its linguistic and informational characteristic, its political functions, and discursive construction. The results of the study reveal that the separation wall is constructed in five different ways that directly interact with the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The graffiti on the wall at Abu Dis is a microcosm of the broader conflict and offers an insight into the different chains of political discourse in action in the discussion of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.
An ever‐expanding number of urban authorities have declared ‘war’ on graffiti. This paper explores the role the wars on graffiti have played in the creeping militarization of everyday life in the city. Wars on graffiti have contributed to the diffusion of military technologies and operational techniques into the realm of urban policy and policing. Furthermore, new Western military doctrines of urban warfare have sought to ‘learn lessons’ from the wars on graffiti (and other crime) in their efforts to achieve dominance over cities in both the global South and the Western ‘homeland’. The blurring of war and policing has deepened with the declaration of wars on terror. The stakes have been raised in urban social control efforts intended to protect communities from threats of ‘disorder’ such as graffiti, for the existence of even ‘minor’ infractions is thought to send a message to both ‘the community’ and ‘enemies within’ that there are vulnerabilities to be exploited with potentially more devastating consequences. Increasingly, there is a convergence around the notion that situational crime prevention strategies are crucial in combating both graffiti and terror threats, because even if graffiti writers and terrorists don’t share the same motivations, they do exploit the same urban vulnerabilities. The paper concludes with a critical reflection on what graffiti writers might be able to teach us about how to evade and/or contest the militarization of urban life.
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