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‘Smart students get perfect scores in tests without studying much’: why is an effortless achiever identity attractive, and for whom is it possible?

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Abstract

Download free eprint: http://www.tandfonline.com/eprint/QSWzEPI6TVCkksvrBeEp/full#.VK6DRaMZn50 Discourses about the value of effort and hard work are prevalent and powerful in many western societies and educational contexts. Yet, paradoxically, in these same contexts effortless achievement is often lauded, and in certain discourses is heralded as the pinnacle of success and a sign of genius. In this paper we interrogate discourses about effort and especially ‘effortlessness’ in Swedish and English educational contexts. Informed, in particular, by interview data generated in upper secondary schools in Sweden and secondary schools in England, we address the questions: why is effortless achievement attractive, and for whom is it possible to be discursively positioned as an effortless achiever? We argue that the subject position of ‘effortless achiever’ is not available to all categories of students equally, and for some it would be almost impossible to attain; the intersections of gender, social class, ethnicity and institutional setting are influential. We end by considering the problematic implications of effortless achievement discourses.
... This, combined with the discourse of "effortless achievement" may encourage students to disguise and publicly minimise the academic labour that they are engaged in (Jackson, 2006a). The value placed on "effortless" achievement may specifically disadvantage workingclass and some minority ethnic groups because it is easier for those students with greater access to resources to provide the impression of effortless achievement (Jackson and Nyström, 2015): ...
Thesis
Using ethnographic methods, my research investigates the “problem” of A-level underachievement in inner-city London, motivated by professional and personal concern about the consequences of underachievement. Whilst there is a long history and rich field of sociological research considering issues of educational engagement and achievement in relation to class, ethnicity, and gender (e.g. Willis, 2000; Gillborn and Youdell, 2000; Reay, 2006; Archer and Francis, 2007), very little research is focused on A-level students. At the time of starting my research, Inner London had seen dramatic improvements in its GCSE achievement and was the second-best-performing region in the country (out-performed only by Outer London). However, by several measures, it was the worst-performing region in terms of A-level achievement. This chimed with my professional experience in an inner-city London school achieving well above the national average in terms of GCSE results and far below the national average in terms of A-level outcomes. I carried out fieldwork in a school and a sixth form college, each in socio-economically deprived and ethnically diverse areas of inner-city London, and conducted in-depth interviews with 24 A-level students who had previously underachieved or were anticipated to underachieve. I draw on a range of sociological literature to understand my data, including using Bourdieu’s (1986) theoretical framework, whilst also drawing on wider educational literature. I consider a wide range of issues but argue that students’ learning careers and cultural capital are central to understanding their A-level engagement and achievement. My research makes a contribution to the sociological literature on education, drawing attention to the neglected and distinct educational phase of sixth-form.
... Many emphasised how such constructions made invisible the hard work that the majority of students invested in their studies (often outside of 'visible' contact hours), and the high levels of stress many experienced as a result of the demands of their study programmes, and having to balance these demands with paid work, internships and family responsibilities (see Chapter 6). Thus, our study participants did not seek to present themselves -or to be viewed by others -as 'effortless achievers', in order to demonstrate 'authentic intelligence' or portray an image of being 'cool', as has been documented in some other studies which have explored the relationship between learner identities and narratives of hard work and effort (for example, Jackson and Nyström, 2015). They also did not try to position themselves as 'stress-less achievers' or people who were cruising through their degrees, ably balancing academic and non-academic activities and pursuits (for example, Nyström et al, 2019). ...
Book
Amid debates about the future of both higher education and Europeanisation, this book is the first full-length exploration of how Europe’s 35 million students are understood by key social actors across different nations. The various chapters compare and contrast conceptualisations in six nations, held by policymakers, higher education staff, media and students themselves. With an emphasis on students’ lived experiences, the authors provide new perspectives about how students are understood, and the extent to which European higher education is homogenising. They explore various prominent constructions of students – including as citizens, enthusiastic learners, future workers and objects of criticism.
... Cet objectif était en fait décomposé en deux sous-objectifs : le premier était de montrer qu'effectivement l'essentialisme renforce la menace et par extension le deuxième était de montrer que le nonessentialisme est une stratégie de réduction de la menace. Le premier sous-objectif prend la suite de l'étude de Dar-Nimrod et Heine (2006) (Jackson & Nyström, 2015). D'autre part, cette tendance à la légitimation et à la justification est valable pour les dominant·e·s ainsi que pour les dominé·e·s : chez les hommes comme chez les femmes dans la justification des différences genrées par exemple (Brescoll, Uhlmann, & Newman, 2013 (Haslam et al., 2000;Haslam & Levy, 2006). ...
Thesis
La plupart des recherches a montré que l’effet de la menace du stéréotype pouvait être renforcé par l'essentialisme psychologique, c’est-à-dire par la croyance selon laquelle les caractéristiques de surface d’un groupe s’expliqueraient par une essence sous-jacente partagée par les membres de ce groupe. Dans cette thèse, nous envisageons le processus inverse en faisant l’hypothèse que la menace du stéréotype peut elle-même renforcer l’essentialisme psychologique. Selon nous, cet effet répondrait au besoin de justifier ou de rationaliser la situation d'échec dans laquelle la menace du stéréotype peut nous plonger. Ainsi, l'essentialisme offrirait cette possibilité car il serait plus confortable d’attribuer un échec à sa propre nature plutôt qu’à un manque d'apprentissage ou d'effort. De manière générale, l'essentialisme est étudié pour ses effets négatifs dans divers domaines et spécifiquement dans le paradigme de la menace du stéréotype. L'objectif englobant notre thèse est de dépasser cette conception sans toutefois la renier. Ainsi, nous tenterons d'observer l'utilité d'une telle croyance. En effet, il est possible de se demander, alors même que l’essentialisation peut renforcer la discrimination, pourquoi certaines personnes qui en sont elles-mêmes victimes usent de l’essentialisme en retour. Nous défendrons l’idée d’un essentialisme susceptible de constituer une stratégie défensive de soi, singulièrement efficace à un niveau individuel mais beaucoup moins désirable à un niveau plus groupal. Cette idée est particulièrement applicable à la menace du stéréotype dans notre optique de justification d’un échec. L'autre objectif général est d'étudier les tenants et aboutissants idéologiques de la menace du stéréotype.
... (Spain, HEI1) While various commentators have argued that, under conditions of marketisation, students have increasingly come to view a degree as a product to be bought, rather than a process of learning that requires effort on their part (e.g., Nixon et al., 2018), the responses above suggest that, not only did the focus group participants see the process of learning as central to their understandings of what it means to be a student, but also that they viewed it as not always easy and, often, requiring considerable effort. In general, there was no attempt to position themselves as 'effortless achievers' as a means of demonstrating their 'authentic intelligence', as has been documented in numerous studies of compulsory education, and some of HE (see, e.g., Jackson and Nystrom, 2015). ...
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