Content uploaded by Michael Murray
Author content
All content in this area was uploaded by Michael Murray on Nov 04, 2014
Content may be subject to copyright.
1
Community psychology and the economics of mental health: Global perspectives
Edited by Carl Walker, Katherine Johnson and Liz Cunningham 2012
Art, social action and social change
Michael Murray
Different forms of social oppression permeate our everyday lives and require ongoing effort to
challenge and to resist. Disadvantaged communities experience multiple forms of social
oppression which have accumulated over time. The internalisation of this social oppression
contributes to feelings of powerlessness and futility. Engaging such communities in a process of
active resistance cannot be imposed but requires ongoing collaboration. Participatory action
research is premised upon this active involvement of the participants in a process of personal
and social transformation. Through individual and collective action the participants can reassess
their worlds and consider new ways of challenging various forms of social oppression.
This chapter considers the background to understanding the social psychological character of
communities and of community change as well the role of art in facilitating local action and
broader social change. Several examples are considered to illustrate the importance of
facilitating critical awareness within disadvantaged communities and the relevance of
developing interventions that are contextualised within local people’s shared values, concepts
and experiences and are supported by broader social processes.
Dimensions of community
Social action that aims to enhance the quality of life of groups and communities starts with an
understanding of how they view the world and are viewed by others as well as a clear grasp of
the broader socio-political context within which the community is situated. While change can
be promoted through collaborative social action the sustainability of this change requires
2
connection with or challenge to broader social institutions which can be the primary source of
the original disadvantage.
Here it is useful to introduce two overlapping social psychological theories which can help our
understanding of how communities think. Social representation theory is concerned with the
shared and dynamic nature of the social knowledge that develops in everyday social interaction
and provides members of a community with an orientation to their social and material world.
As Moscovici (1973) explained, social representations “do not represent simply ‘opinions
about’, ‘images of’ or ‘attitudes towards’, but ‘theories’ or ‘branches of knowledge’ in their own
right, for the discovery and organisation of reality” (p. xiii). A community can be defined as a
group or collective with a common social representation and a common identity (Howarth,
2001). It is these common assumptions that provide coherence to a community and distinguish
it from another.
Within any community, whether defined in terms of place or identity, there can co-exist a range
of conflicting interpretations of reality. However, what can give a group a sense of integrity is
the shared understanding of their own group in relation to the other. Thus the group does not
exist in isolation but always in relation to others in terms of resources and of power. The group
is aware of their own resources and power in relation to the other. Thus it has a social
representation of itself and of the other. In addition, in a dialectical fashion, it has an idea of
the other’s social representation of them. Within this symbolic universe the group acts and
reacts towards the other.
A related concept is that of narrative, which can be defined as an organised interpretation of a
sequence of events (Sarbin, 1986). The process of developing narrative accounts involves
attributing agency to the characters in the narrative and inferring causal links between the
events. Research on narrative has usually focused on the individual story, but we can analyse
narrative at different social levels from the individual to the societal (Murray, 2000). A
community narrative is the shared story held by members of a community. It defines the
3
community’s history and how it is distinguished from neighbouring communities. As such,
narrative provides a temporal and historical dimension to social representations (Laszlo, 1997;
Murray, 2002). It is not only concerned with past events but can also be concerned with future
possibilities. The narrative can thus become an organising framework to facilitate social
change.
Individual stories can also become emblematic and inspirational for communities. Scott (1997)
has described the process of religious story-telling which not only conveys religious truths in
easily accessible language but also details of the lives of those who convey these truths. For the
religious evangelist the process of giving witness, or public declaration of one’s faith, was a
means of proselytising – of drawing others to one’s own beliefs. In the same way, the public
declaration of not only one’s beliefs but simply of one’s community affiliation can attract
affiliation or opprobrium from members of another community. For this reason, community
members can be circumspect in declaring their community membership to others lest it attract
unfavourable attention. Similarly, public attempts to promote a new narrative and to
challenge negative social representations are often met by indifference or resentment by those
in positions of power and influence.
In their everyday lives oppressed groups can adopt a range of forms of resistance from ridicule
and parody of the other through to overt conflict over power and resources. It is through
challenge and counter-challenge that a community becomes more aware of its strengths. In
developing strategies to enhance social and community resistance, social activists need to be
aware of the social representations held by communities and the processes involved in
developing new emancipatory narratives.
Processes of community change
Community psychology attempts to work with groups or communities to identify how they see
their world and to explore opportunities for change. The initial focus is on exploring their world
in a collaborative manner, rather than imposing a particular agenda. As Jovchelovitch (2007)
4
explained: “Contrary to the idea that local representational systems need to be changed or
improved as a matter of course, the first task of researchers is to ‘understand the
understandings’ of local people and listen to the other” (p. 165). She continued: “There is an
emancipatory potential embedded in the task of recognising the validity of a community’s
knowledge and engaging in critical dialogue with it” (p. 158). It is through this process of
listening and support that residents can be encouraged to reflect upon their practices and to
grow in confidence through collective action.
Paulo Freire’s work on developing a critical pedagogy provides a conceptual framework for
exploring the process of reflecting on and challenging oppressive social representations. Freire
(1972) contrasted the traditional approach to literacy education with a more critical approach.
The former he characterised as “an act of depositing, in which the students are the depositories
and the teacher is the depositor” (p. 53). In the more critical approach the educator engages
with the student in an active dialogical manner to encourage them to consider the broader
social and structural restraints on their lives and how they can begin to challenge these through
collective action. Freire stressed that his work was “rooted in concrete situations” (p. 19)
working with the poor and excluded. He emphasised the collaborative nature of his work and
described the radical as someone who “does not become the prisoner of a ‘circle of certainty’
within which reality is also imprisoned ... This person does not consider himself or herself the
proprietor of history or of all people, or the liberator of the oppressed; but he or she does
commit himself or herself, within history, to fight at their side” (ibid., p. 21).
Freire’s philosophy highlighted a belief in the potential of ordinary people. In his writings he
stressed the need to actively engage in dialogue with people as part of the process of personal
and social transformation, the development of critical consciousness. It was the opportunity to
engage in active dialogue which is at the heart of change. It is through this process that people
learn to critique the nature of their reality. As Freire stressed, “To surmount the situation of
oppression, people must first critically recognize its causes, so that through transforming action
they can create a new situation, one which makes possible the pursuit of a fuller humanity” (p.
29).
5
Freire’s popular education is designed to promote this process of dialogue and critical
reflection. He notes how oppressed people have internalised feelings of worthlessness and
powerlessness. The challenge of the popular educator is to work with them to discover their
strengths and potentials through the process of reflection and action. At the centre of this
process is the quest for human freedom and authenticity. Freire argues that “[f]reedom is
acquired by conquest, not by gift. It must be pursued constantly and responsibly. Freedom is
not an ideal located outside of man; nor is it an idea which becomes myth. It is rather the
indispensable condition for the conquest for human completion” (p. 29).
These ideas have been the cornerstone of popular education for forty years. Although they
were developed at a time of brutal oppression they still have relevance today where the
challenge is to insert them into a world of consumer capitalism which offers the promise of
human fulfilment through individual lifestyle choice rather than collective struggle.
Interestingly, the evidence indicating the deleterious impact on mental health of the ongoing
quest for greater consumer success has led Seligman (2011) to argue that underlying his
positive psychology is a desire for social justice not personal fulfilment to the detriment of
others.
In terms of narrative psychology, the process of critique and reflection is bound up with the
development of a new direction. Stories do not only describe past events but also possibilities.
The political dimension of stories has been taken up by a range of writers. Through articulating
their experiences in stories people can attract the attention of others and develop sympathy
and solidarity. But stories about possibilities can also galvanise people to action (Selbin, 2010).
The challenge is to develop such stories out of the everyday experiences of the community or
group.
Arts and social change
The arts have historically played an important role in both discouraging and facilitating social
action and change. Art can be characterised as either anaesthetic or aesthetic. By anaesthetic
is meant that art can dull the senses and diminish questioning of the social order. Conversely
6
art as aesthetic can be concerned with increasing awareness. It can draw attention to issues
that are often ignored. It can encourage a reassessment of the everyday. In his review of the
role of arts in health care Camic (2007) argues that ‘the arts can challenge people to think
differently, engage in different behavioural experiences and experience different emotions’ (p.
288).
Different forms of art can involve people emotionally. As such they can be both a source of
personal satisfaction as well as a catalyst for social action. People can be involved to varying
degrees in the arts from observers through to active participants. Artists have sought to involve
people in their work – the success of an artwork is bound up with its success in emotionally as
well as cognitively engaging the audience.
The ruling class have always been aware of the potential power of art to convey ideas and to
enthuse people. The arts have historically been used to assert certain ideas and social
arrangements. In colonial battles, an important feature has been the denigration of indigenous
culture and arts. Zerai (2002) has drawn attention to the importance of culture in colonial
struggles. She refers to the work of various anti-colonial scholars including Amilcar Cabral
(1973) who argues that an important feature of colonialism has been the repression of
indigenous forms of cultural activity. Thus indigenous people’s languages and customs are
routinely derided. Cabral states: ‘domination ...can be maintained only by the permanent
organised repression of the cultural life of the people concerned’ (p. 39).
This repression or neglect of local cultural forms also continues in advanced capitalist countries
where the majority of government funding for art goes to the more elite projects from which
working class and minority groups feel excluded. In an era of mass consumption and the
commodification of the arts, people are often quite divorced from art-making. Instead it is
often viewed as a professional practice that excludes those with limited training. Popular art
forms as well as various indigenous customs and languages are often derided by those in
positions of power. However, art can both be used by the professional to express the voice of
the excluded as well as involving the excluded in a process of challenge and transformation.
7
The promotion of indigenous art forms thus can become a form of resistance. Art can be a
means of challenging the dominant negative social representation of a community and
developing a new narrative of change and of hope. By involving people together in the process
of art-making it can provide a means of personal and collective reassessment and the
development of a new narrative of possibility. It can also provide a means for a group or
community to publicly declare their opposition to the view of the other and to assert the
legitimacy of their own perspective.
The involvement of community members in the process of art-making can be a means of
collective story-making and the discovery of new strengths and abilities. It can promote a sense
of shared identity and a way of developing a shared history. This is especially the case for
communities who have been broken up for various reasons through, for example, forced
migration or urban redevelopment.
The arts can also draw attention to particular problematic issues and engage the community in
attempting to tackle that issue. Thus the arts are not the solution but rather a means to the
solution. It encourages the participants to reflect upon their capacities and their views of the
world. Whereas repetitive routine activities can narrow our horizons, participation in creative
activities can open up new opportunities. As Jovchelovitch (2007) notes:
‘We know that forced repetitive tasks jeopardise creative thinking and we also know
that in communities where levels of deprivation are severe there is a narrowing of
cognitive resources and communicative strategies. Severe deprivation expresses itself
not only at the economic level but also at the cognitive and discursive levels, thus
shaping the process of production of knowledge’ (p. 168).
The various examples that follow were selected to illustrate the potential power of different art
forms to engage groups, to draw attention to issues, to challenge established ideas and to
promote change. Common to all three examples detailed is the extent to which the arts enable
the group or community to reflect upon their own position in relation to others and to begin to
develop a new narrative of change.
8
PhotoVoice with young farmers
The use of photography as a means of advocacy for social reform has a long tradition. Lyson-
Nibbs Robinson, Cook and King (2009) refer to Bernardo’s, the UK children’s charity, use of
photography in the nineteenth century as a means of promoting debate about vulnerable
children. More recently the collaborative use of photography as a form of social action has
been promoted through the work of Caroline Wang. In her original work, Wang and Burris
(1994) provided a group of Chinese peasants with cameras to document their life experience
and then through an exhibition convey the need for certain local measures to promote
community health. This approach is popularly known as photovoice.
An example of the use of collaborative photography to engage community members to
promote awareness of the particular health problems of farm workers was a study conducted
in North Derbyshire by Lyson-Nibbs et al (2009). Residents of rural communities often
experience a range of social and health disadvantages. This is due to a variety of factors
including material deprivation, social isolation and limited access to resources. In this study
young farmers worked with professional photographers to document their living and working
conditions. The young farmers were provided with digital cameras and given advice and
guidance from professional photographers on how to frame and edit their images in a series of
technical workshops.
A selection of the photographs was exhibited at a local venue. Due to its popularity the
exhibition was subsequently shown at various venues across England including the national
headquarters of the young farmers’ association, a government department and the Houses of
Parliament in London. In addition, a calendar based upon a selection of the photographs was
produced and sold widely.
Interviews and focus groups with the participants showed their enthusiasm for the project.
They emphasised their commitment to farming but concern and apprehension about the
impact of economic decline on hill farming. While the making and exhibiting of the
photographs was personally satisfying it also provided an opportunity to convey the young
farmers’ concerns about their lives to a wider audience. Besides the images themselves, some
9
of the young farmers added written text to convey specific political messages, e.g. the question
‘a fair price?’ was added to photographs comparing the cost of unprocessed with processed
produce.
It was noted that at the outset of the project that many of the young farmers expressed
frustration and anger at the government’s neglectful policy towards hill farming. After the
project many of the participants felt excited by the process which provided them with an
opportunity to learn new skills and to develop their self-confidence through taking and
exhibiting the photographs. It also provided them with a new means to express what they
thought of hill farming and rural life and what changes they would welcome. However, the
researchers concluded that on their own such projects have limited long-term efficacy. Instead,
they concluded ‘that others looking to work in a similar way with young people do so in the
context of a wider community programme sustained over at least 5-10 years’ (p.p. 165-166).
Theatre action with Mexican immigrants
Augusto Boal (1985) has developed a theatre-based approach to promoting social action. His
Theatre of the Oppressed (TO) approach draws inspiration from the ideas of Paulo Freire. It is
concerned with using forms of theatre as a way of working with participants to review their
social arrangements and to consider alternatives. The central component of this approach is
the community intensive in which a group of participants engage in a series of games and
exercises around a particular issue that has provoked concern within the community. This
community intensive builds to a public forum production which is designed to work with the
larger audience to promote debate and the potential of action for change.
This approach is designed to promote social action among disadvantaged and oppressed
groups. As Boal notes: ‘the oppressed have lost the right to express their wills and needs, and
are reduced to the condition of obedient listeners to the monologue [of power]’ (Boal, 1985, p.
143). While those who are the central actors engage in an intense process of reflection and
personal transformation about their social location and potential, the aim is to promote
broader social transformation. Boal argues that there is no room for passive spectators at
forum theatre; rather the aim is to transform the audience into spect-actors who not only
10
participate in the immediate theatrical performance but also begin to consider the need for
broader social change. More eloquently, Boal describes this process of active participation as
‘collective rehearsal for changing reality’ (Boal, 1988, p. 57).
The process of forum theatre is emotionally charged such that the spect-actors physically feel
the nature of their oppression and the nature of the obstacles to social change. Through the
process of collective participation the actors and spect-actors become energised for change.
Boal contrasts this change catharsis of forum theatre with the more tranquilising Aristotelian
catharsis of other forms of theatre which aims to sooth and pacify the audience. Instead,
forum theatre promotes a ‘catharsis of detrimental blocks’ (Boal, 1995, p. 72) and so is
designed to release the energy for change.
An example of forum theatre is the work of Sullivan and colleagues (Sullivan et al, 2008). They
were concerned about the high rates of environmental contamination in disadvantaged Latino
communities in Texas. In these communities there were many different forms of
environmental and social disadvantage. The TO project was designed to raise awareness of
these multiple hazards including ‘decrepit housing stock bearing residues of lead paint,
absentee or unengaged landlords, high frequency of children with elevated blood lead levels,
wide-spread respiratory distress, pervasive mould, high levels of ozone’ etc. The project team
collated a large amount of information on these hazards and then introduced this to the
community through a series of forum theatre projects in which the residents were not only
informed about the hazards but asked to consider how they could combat them.
In commenting on this and similar environmental justice TO projects, Sullivan et al (2008)
describe the process of working with the spect-actors to develop a change narrative and then
moving from rehearsal to actual action. Through their research/discussions with community
residents the TO project collected multiple individual stories of disadvantage which they
integrated into a collective story of oppression and resistance. This new narrative of change is
underlain with a message of hope. ‘Forum projects require a strong connection with the future
to sustain and nurture that characteristic bias toward action the process activates. Actors and
11
communities leave a good Forum resolved to do something positive about their situation and
with a hopeful feeling that real change is actually in their stars’ (p. 177).
However, forum theatre proponents are well aware that their process is just a rehearsal and
the real test of its benefits develops afterwards. As Sullivan et al (2008) emphasise:
‘But transformation without real world action will not persist, indeed, may morph into
deep, paralyzing cynicism. The next step – a cardinal dictum of CBPR, labor and social
justice organizing, alike – is creating a structure for sustainable, focused action’ (p. 177).
Supporting and connecting communities and groups in the movement for social justice can
begin with TO projects but the challenge is to continue to support them subsequently as they
try to implement the ideas rehearsed in the forum settings.
The potential value of theatre as a means of promoting reflection and change has been
expanded recently in discussion about performative social science. Denzin (2003) has been
particularly articulate in arguing that “the current historical moment requires morally informed
performance and arts-based disciplines that will help people recover meaning in the face of
senseless, brutal violence, violence that produces voiceless screams of terror and insanity” (p.
7). Theatre can thus become a vehicle for the development of Freire’s critical consciousness.
While there are lots of examples of this work (e.g. Peter Cheeseman’s New Vic theatre in The
Potteries) the exclusion of working class people from the modern theatre means that the more
middle class audience has a variable reaction to the message. It is for this reason that Denzin
and others call for a wider range of venues for critical theatrical activities:
‘In neighbourhoods, in experimental community theatres, in independent coffee shops
and bookstores, in local and national parks, on playing fields, in wilderness areas, in
experiences with nature, critical democratic culture is nurtured’ (p. 8).
Community arts with older people
Community arts are defined as the use of multiple forms of creative arts activities in community
settings. They require the active involvement of local people in their development and consider
12
the broader socio-political context within which the action is located (Webster & Buglass,
1997). There is increasing evidence that participation in community arts activities has a variety
of social and individual benefits. In their review of a range of studies Newman et al (2003)
concluded that community arts have positive impacts on the individual (e.g. enhanced self-
esteem) and the community (e.g. sense of community) as well as economic and educational
benefits. Meade and Shaw (2007) argue that the power of community arts lies in its capacity to
“enter attentively into the experience of others, excavating and exploring causes of flaws and
wounds in society, thinking critically about structures and relations of power and acting
creatively and collectively to transform the world for the better” (p. 414).
An example of the transformative power of community arts is the CALL-ME project. This
project was established to explore the character of social isolation among older residents of a
large English city and to investigate the potential value of various collaboratively developed
community activities, including community arts (Murray & Crummett, 2010). Over a period of
two years a group of older residents met on a weekly basis to experiment with a range of art
forms including painting, pottery and glass engraving. They met for two hours on each occasion
and were led by a local community arts worker. Over the two years the group completed a
series of different arts projects. At the completion of each project the residents organised a
community exhibition of their work. They invited not only friends and neighbours but also city
officials. The project was both personally and socially transformative. In their comments the
participants stressed the personal impact of participation. For example, one older woman said:
“I have achieved something that I didn’t know I could do. Other people would enjoy this as
well; it should be for everybody, every week. This sort of activity will go far with people” (p.
783).
The exhibitions and reports in the local press spread the news about the project. In this way the
project moved from an opportunity for social interaction to one that challenged negative social
representations about the community and became a form of social action. As one woman said:
13
‘Everyone’s talking about what we’ve been doing. Even the councillors when they came
to the meetings. See I don’t think they knew we could do these sorts of things, but then
we’ve never had it before, people coming and showing us and giving us a chance’ (p.
783).
It would seem that participation in these various community arts was a particularly effective
means of encouraging the participants to reassess themselves and their relationships with
others.
However, it was also apparent that long established negative social representations of the
community held by outsiders frustrated attempts to articulate a new narrative. For example,
newspaper reports on the project gave particular prominence to previous negative activities in
the area. Further, the residents encountered not only these negative symbolic representations
but a renewed awareness of the lack of resources. One older man reported:
“Well, you’ve been around, you’ve seen what we’ve got, bugger all. This area, and it’s
been the same since I moved in, has been forgotten by the powers that be. Ask the
others when you go round, they built this estate and then forgot about it” (p. 782).
Thus, once again, the potential value but also the limitations of arts projects were revealed. In
this case, although the local city council was very supportive of the community arts projects the
savage cuts to local authority funding by central government meant that they could not devote
any resources to maintain the project.
Art and social movements
The three projects described were initially inward facing to the extent that they were
concerned with providing an opportunity for enhanced social interaction and confidence
building within the community. They also attempted to use their artwork as a means of not
only articulating their experiences but conveying these to a wider audience and in doing so
challenge many of the negative social representations they felt. This use of art as a form of
advocacy has a long history within social movements. It provides a means of breaking out of
14
the limitations of smaller scale projects and of connecting with larger movements for social
change.
Adams (2002) has distinguished between the use of art as a framing device from art as a means
of resource mobilization within social movements. She identified a series of roles for art in
social movements. It can support the status quo, act as a safety valve for critics or challenge
dominant institutions. In challenging dominant ideas, art can provide a means of
communicating new ideas and mobilizing protestors by raising consciousness. It can also
promote change through various non-cognitive processes including providing emotionally
reassuring messages, connecting with spiritual ideas and generally lending more public
authority to a movement.
In her study, Adams investigated the role of art in a shantytown women’s protest in Pinochet’s
Chile. In particular, she was interested in the extensive arpillera workshops which were
established in shantytowns. These arpilleras were appliqué cloth pictures depicting various
political images. Adams conducted interviews with the women who participated in these
workshops. In her analysis of these interviews she argued that the art in this case was effective
because it provided a framing device, mobilized resources, communicated information, and
acted as a symbol.
Of particular interest is the role of the art as a framing device. Through their images, the art
provided information about the poor living conditions in Chile. The arpilleras were often used
by buyers in Europe and elsewhere as part of exhibitions to illustrate the conditions of hunger
and oppression. In the same way, the activist anti-Pinochet movement was able to exercise
limited power and influence through defining “the situation in its own terms” (p. 38). It was not
just through presenting a counter-argument but by emotionally framing it in the artwork that
the opposition was able to more forcefully articulate their challenge and garner support from
others. Adams refers to the study of the use of art in the anti-nuclear power movement by
Jaspers (1997) who argued similarly: “Naming is a central activity of any movement, for
attaching labels to activities and aspects of the world around us helps us change our minds, see
new vistas, and rearrange our feelings about others” (p. 11). As with the other art projects, this
15
was a process of subverting the dominant social representations of the society which were
presented in official propaganda.
Adams also argued that a central force of the artwork was that it became a symbol for the
opposition movement. It enabled members of the movement to identify others who were also
opposed to Pinochet and it provided a symbolic coherence to the opposition. One particular
power of this artwork was that it could be apprehended quickly. Historically, powerful art
symbols have been used to mark a regime. They can also be used to mark an opposition. They
provide a symbolic representation of a counter narrative which can easily be displayed and
concealed.
Lessons for practice
It was apparent that each of the arts projects described was very effective in promoting limited
social action around certain issues. To move beyond the immediate benefits to ‘empower’ the
participants for more challenging activities these projects need to develop collaborative links
with other agencies. The projects can act as a catalyst for further action. As Jovchelovitch
argues:
‘Without experiencing and feeling their power as a community of people, there is little
or no disposition to participate and to engage in the hard battles associated with
obtaining resources’ (p. 164).
In the language of forum theatre, the arts projects can prime the participants for action. It
enables them to develop strong social bonds and to begin to challenge negative social
representations of their communities. They can draw attention to evidence of injustice and
articulate a new narrative of human rights.
However, despite considerable investment in time and resources each project encountered a
similar challenge in sustaining and extending its impact. While small changes should not be
derided the challenge is more clearly to connect them with broader social movements for
change. For social activists the choice is not between widespread social change or limited local
action but how we can link the two to raise local awareness of broader social issues and local
involvement in broader social movements.
16
Fischman and McLaren (2005) draw attention to Gramsci’s description of the role of the organic
intellectual in working with oppressed communities. He described everyday action of
oppressed communities as a form of resistance. For him, the aim of a political movement is to
replace resistance with agency:
“If yesterday the subaltern element was a thing, today it is no longer a thing but a
historical person, a protagonist; if yesterday it was not responsible because ‘resisting’ a
will external to itself, now it feels itself to be responsible because it is no longer resisting
but an agent, necessarily active and taking the initiative” (Gramsci, 1971, p. 337).
Working together with groups and communities the social activist explores new ways of making
that connection to promote agency and broader social transformation.
17
References
Adams, J. (2002). Art in social movements: shantytown women’s protest in Pinochet’s Chile.
Sociological Forum, 17, 21-56.
Boal, A. (1985). Theatre of the oppressed. New York: Theatre Communications Group.
Boal, A. (1995). The rainbow of desire: the Boal method of theatre and therapy. London:
Routledge.
Cabral, A. (1973). Return to the source. New York: Monthly Review Press.
Camic, P.M. (2007). Playing in the mud: health psychology, the arts and creative approaches to
health care. Journal of Health Psychology, 13, 287-298.
Denzin, N.K. (2003). Performance ethnography: critical pedagogy and the politics of culture.
Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Fischman, G.E., & McLaren, P. (2005). Rethinking critical pedagogy and the Gramscian and
Freirean legacies: From organic to committee intellectuals or critical pedagogy, commitment,
and praxis. Cultural Studies <> Critical Methodologies, 5, 425-447.
Freire, P. (1972). Pedagogy of the Oppressed. Harmondsworth: Penguin.
Gramsci, A. (1971). Selections from prison notebooks. New York: International Publishers.
Howarth, C. (2000). Towards a social psychology of community: a social representations
perspective. Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour, 31, 223-238.
Jovchelovitch, S. (2007). Knowledge in context: Representations, community and culture.
London: Routledge.
Laszlo, J. (2007). The science of stories: Introduction to narrative psychology. London:
Routledge.
Meade, R., & Shaw, M. (2007). Community development and the arts: reviving the democratic
imagination. Community Development Journal, 42, 413-421.
18
Moscovici, S. (2001). Social representations: Explorations in social psychology. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Murray, M. (2000). Levels of narrative analysis in health psychology. Journal of Health
Psychology, 5(3), 331-342.
Murray, M. (2002). Connecting narrative and social representation theory in health research.
Social Science Information, 41, 653-763.
Murray, M., & Crummett, A. (2010). ‘I don’t think they knew we could do these sorts of things’.
Social representations of community and participation in community arts by older
people. Journal of Health Psychology, 15, 777-785.
Newman, T., Curtis, K., & Stephens, J. (2003) Do community-based arts projects result in social
gains? A review of the literature. Community Development Journal, 38, 31-322.
Sarbin, T.R. (1986). The narrative as a root metaphor for psychology. In T.R. Sarbin (ed.)
Narrative psychology: the storied nature of human conduct. New York: Praeger.
Scott, J.S. (1997). Dietrich Bonhoeffer, Letters and papers from prison and Paul Ricoeur’s
“Hermeneutics of testimony”. In M. Joy (ed.) Paul Ricoeur and narrative: context and
contestation. Calgary: University of Calgary Press.
Selbin, E. (2010). Revolution, rebellion, resistance: the power of story. London: Zed Books.
Seligman, M.E.P. (2011). Flourish: A new understanding of happiness and well-Being - and how
to achieve them. London: Nicholas Brealey.
Stephens, C. (2007). Community as practice: social representations of community and their
implications for health promotion. Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology,
87, 103-114.
Sullivan, J., Petronella, S., Brooks, E., Murillo, M., Primeau, L., & Ward, J. (2008). Theatre of the
oppressed and environmental justice communities: a transformational therapy fort eh
body politic. Journal of Health Psychology, 13, 166-179.
Syson-Nibbs, L., Robinson, A., Cook, J., & King, I. (2009). Young farmers’ photographic mental
health promotion programme; a case study. Arts & Health, 1, 151-167.
19
Thomas, R.E., & Rappaport, J. (1996). Art as community narrative: a resource for social change.
In M.B. Lykes, A. Banuazizi, R. Liem & M. Morris (Eds.) Myths about the powerless: contesting
social inequalities. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press.
Webster, C., & Buglass, G. (eds.) Finding voices, making choices: Creativity for social change.
Nottingham, UK: Educational Heretics Press.
Zerai, A. (2002). Models for unity between scholarship and grassroots activism. Critical
Sociology, 28, 201-216.
