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An ERP investigation of orthographic priming with superset Primes
Abstract
Prime stimuli formed by inserting unrelated letters in a given target word (called "superset" primes) provide a means to modify the relative positions of the letters shared by prime and target Here we examined the time-course of superset priming effects in an ERP study using the sandwich-priming paradigm. We compared the effects of superset primes formed by the insertion of unrelated letters (e.g., maurkdet-MARKET), or by the insertion of hyphens (e.g., ma-rk-et-MARKET), with identity priming (e.g., market-MARKET), all measured relative to unrelated control primes. Behavioral data revealed significantly greater priming in the hyphen-insert condition compared with the letter-insert condition. In the ERP signal, letter-insert priming emerged later than hyphen-insert priming and produced a reversed priming effect in the N400 time-window compared with the more typical N400 priming effects seen for both hyphen-insert priming and identity priming. The different pattern of priming effects seen for letter-insert primes and hyphen-insert primes suggests that compared with identity priming, letter superset priming reflects the joint influence of: (1) a disruption in letter position information, and (2) an inhibitory influence of mismatching letters.
... The anterior ROI was calculated by averaging the amplitudes at FC1, Fz, and FC2; the posterior ROI was comprised of CP1, Pz, and CP2. Based on the previous masked priming literature, we calculated mean amplitude for each ROI, trial, and participant between 150 and 275 ms (Grainger et al., 2012) after target onset for N250 analyses and between 350 and 550 ms after word target onset for N400 analyses (Ktori et al., 2015;Massol et al., 2010;Meade et al., 2020Meade et al., , 2018a. We expected that the N250 effects would be predominantly anterior relative to the N400 effects, which we expected would be predominantly posterior. ...
We used transposed-letter (TL) priming to test the lexical tuning hypothesis, which states that words from high-density orthographic neighborhoods have more precise orthographic codes than words from low-density neighborhoods. Replicating standard TL priming effects, target words elicited faster lexical decision responses and smaller amplitude N250s and N400s when preceded by TL primes (e.g., leomn-LEMON) compared with substitution primes (e.g., leuzn-LEMON) overall. We expected that if high-density words have more precise orthographic representations (i.e., with each letter assigned to a specific position), then they should be relatively less activated by TL primes and should give rise to smaller TL priming effects. In line with our prediction, N250 (but not N400 or behavioral) TL priming was significantly smaller for high-density words compared with low-density words over posterior sites. Such an interaction was not observed for pseudoword targets. Consistent with the lexical tuning hypothesis then, this pattern suggests that the nature of the orthographic code used to access lexical representations differs depending on the number of neighboring words in the lexicon. We conclude by discussing how lexical tuning could be implemented in current models of orthographic processing.
... The electrodes in each of three pairs of lateral columns and one midline column were analyzed in separate ANOVAs. This columnar approach has been successfully used in many studies (e.g., Ktori, Midgley, Holcomb, & Grainger, 2015;Massol, Midgley, Holcomb, & Grainger, 2011;Midgley, Holcomb, & Grainger, 2009) because it has several advantages: It allows for a thorough analysis of the entire head breaking the scalp up into regions (front and back, left and right), while at the same time allowing single or small clusters of sites to influence the analysis; it includes all sites rather than selected, presumed representative sites. ...
We investigated how the brain represents and processes proper and common names by measuring event-related brain potentials (ERPs) while participants performed a lexical decision task. We capitalized on the fact that in Italian proper names require an upper-case initial letter. Stimuli were either in their typical (proper names with upper-case letter and common names with lower-case letter, Teresa, matita 'pencil') or atypical/less frequent written format (proper names with lower-case letter and upper-case with upper-case letter, teresa, Matita). Results showed effects on both early and late negativities (N100 and N400) and early and late positivities (P200 and Late Positivity). Interestingly, the positivities showed an interaction between orthographic typicality and name category, while negativities were associated with letter case independently of name category (N100), or with category membership independently of case (N400). Our results indicate that the brain detects the difference between proper and common names early on and tracks this distinction at different points in time during processing.
... High-N Low-N High-N Low-N PRIME Neighbor note-NODE, state-STALE sure-SURF, shrug-SHRUB poll-POLD, cover-SOVER blue-BLIE, civil-CIVIT Unrelated kiss-NODE, clock-STALE play-SURF, angel-SHRUB cart-POLD, watch-SOVER wish-BLIE, gleam-CIVIT High-N = high-density orthographic neighborhood; Low-N = low-density orthographic neighborhood. incorrect responses (11% on average) were excluded from analyses, which focused on the 15 representative electrode sites indicated in Fig. 7. Based on previous masked priming studies (e.g., Ktori et al., 2015;Massol et al., 2010) and visual inspection of the grand average waveforms in Figs. 1 and 5, mean amplitude was calculated between 175 and 300 ms and 350 and 550 ms to capture the N250 and N400, respectively. For both time windows, omnibus ANOVAs with factors Prime (Related, Unrelated), Neighborhood (High, Low), Laterality (Left, Midline, Right), and Anterior/Posterior (Prefrontal, Frontal, Central, Parietal, Occipital) were conducted separately for word and pseudoword targets. ...
Interactive-activation models posit that visual word recognition involves co-activation of orthographic neighbors (e.g., note, node) and competition among them via lateral inhibitory connections. Behavioral evidence of this lexical competition comes from masked priming paradigms, in which target words elicit slower responses when preceded by a neighbor (e.g., note-NODE) than when preceded by an unrelated word (e.g., kiss-NODE). In the present study, we used ERPs to investigate how masked high frequency word primes influence processing of low frequency word and pseudoword targets. Word targets preceded by a neighbor prime elicited larger negativities within the N400 window than those preceded by an unrelated prime (i.e., reversed priming) across bilateral anterior sites, which we call a reversed N400 priming effect. Consistent with the behavioral literature, the size of the reversed N400 priming effect was larger for targets from high-density orthographic neighborhoods and for participants who scored higher on a behavioral measure of spelling recognition. Indeed, the opposite effect (i.e., smaller negativities within the N400 window for word targets preceded by a neighbor) was observed for words from low-density orthographic neighborhoods and for less-skilled spellers. Traditional priming was also observed within the N250 window for word targets and within both the N250 or N400 windows for pseudoword targets. The specificity of the reversed N400 priming effect to situations in which both words have precise lexical representations suggests that this reversed N400 effect, like the behavioral interference effect, indexes lexical competition during visual word recognition.
... Overall, however, the emergence of orthographic priming effectsand whether these are inhibitory or facilitatoryseems to be conditioned by a large number of factors, which include prime duration and visibility, lexicality and neighbourhood density of the prime, nature and relative position of the coincidental letters within the string, and nature of the experimental task, among others (see, e.g. Carreiras, Armstrong, Perea, & Frost, 2014;Frisson et al., 2014;Frost, Kugler, Deutsch, & Forster, 2005;Grainger, Kiyonaga, & Holcomb, 2006;Ktori, Midgley, Holcomb, & Grainger, 2015;Lee, Rayner, & Pollatsek, 1999;Robert & Mathey, 2012;Van Heuven, Dijkstra, Grainger, & Schriefers, 2001). Despite this seeming dissociation of morphological and orthographic effects in the literature, an orthographic prime condition was included in the present studytogether with constituent to compound transparency ratingsto help determine if any potential morphological effects actually emerge from a combination of formal and semantic overlap. ...
The present research explores the degree of morphological structure of compound words in the native and non-native lexicons, and provides additional data on the access to these representations. Native and non-native speakers (L1 Spanish) of English were tested using a lexical decision task with masked priming of the compound’s constituents in isolation, including two orthographic conditions to control for a potential orthographic locus of effects. Both groups displayed reliable priming effects, unmediated by semantics, for the morphological but not the orthographic conditions as compared to an unrelated baseline. Results contribute further evidence of morphological structure in the lexicon of native speakers, and suggest that lexical representation and access in a second language are qualitatively comparable at relatively advanced levels of proficiency.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23273798.2016.1179770
eprint link for download: http://www.tandfonline.com/eprint/RKfzDkh8jWeIHpr2dv8h/full
Three masked priming paradigms, the conventional masked priming lexical-decision task (Forster & Davis, 1984), the sandwich priming task (Lupker & Davis, 2009), and the masked priming same-different task (Norris & Kinoshita, 2008), were used to investigate priming for a given target (e.g., JUDGE) from primes created by either adding a letter to the beginning of the target (e.g., zjudge) or replacing the target's initial letter (e.g., zudge). Virtually all models of orthographic coding that allow calculation of orthographic similarity measures predict that zjudge should be the better prime because zjudge contains all the letters in JUDGE in their correct order whereas zudge does not. Nonetheless, Adelman et al.'s (2014) megastudy data indicated no difference in the effectiveness of these two prime types. The present experiments provide additional support for the conclusion of no difference between these two prime types with the only observed difference being a small zudge prime advantage in Experiment 1b (sandwich priming). These results suggest that models of orthographic coding/word recognition may be well served by allowing inconsistent information (e.g., the "z" in both zjudge and zudge indicates that the presented prime is not JUDGE) to be given considerable weight during the orthographic coding/word recognition process. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved).
Phonology is often assumed to play a role in the tuning of orthographic representations, but it is unknown whether deaf readers’ reduced access to spoken phonology reduces orthographic precision. To index how precisely deaf and hearing readers encode orthographic information, we used a masked transposed-letter (TL) priming paradigm. Word targets were preceded by TL primes formed by reversing two letters in the word and substitution primes in which the same two letters were replaced. The two letters that were manipulated were either in adjacent or non-adjacent positions, yielding four prime conditions: adjacent TL (e.g., chikcen-CHICKEN), adjacent substitution (e.g., chidven- CHICKEN), non-adjacent TL (e.g., ckichen-CHICKEN), and non-adjacent substitution (e.g., cticfen-CHICKEN). Replicating the standard TL priming effects, targets preceded by TL primes elicited smaller amplitude negativities and faster responses than those preceded by substitution primes overall. This indicates some degree of flexibility in the associations between letters and their positions within words. More flexible (i.e., less precise) representations are thought to be more susceptible to activation by TL primes, resulting in larger TL priming effects. However, the size of the TL priming effects was virtually identical between groups. Moreover, the ERP effects were shifted in time such that the adjacent TL priming effect arose earlier than the non-adjacent TL priming effect in both groups. These results suggest that phonological tuning is not required to represent orthographic information in a precise manner.
We compared effects of adjacent (e.g., atricle-ARTICLE) and non-adjacent (e.g., actirle-ARTICLE) transposed-letter (TL) primes in an ERP study using the sandwich priming technique. TL priming was measured relative to the standard double-substitution condition. We found significantly stronger priming effects for adjacent transpositions than non-adjacent transpositions (with 2 intervening letters) in behavioral responses (lexical decision latencies), and the adjacent priming effects emerged earlier in the ERP signal, at around 200 ms post-target onset. Non-adjacent priming effects emerged about 50 ms later and were short-lived, being significant only in the 250-300 ms time-window. Adjacent transpositions on the other hand continued to produce priming in the N400 time-window (300-500 ms post-target onset). This qualitatively different pattern of priming effects for adjacent and non-adjacent transpositions is discussed in the light of different accounts of letter transposition effects, and the utility of drawing a distinction between positional flexibility and positional noise.
In this introduction to the special issue, I will first briefly summarise past research on orthographic processing, describing some of the central areas of empirical investigation and the major theories guiding that work. Next, I will describe the more recent lines of empirical and theoretical research that have emerged over the last decade or so, and that serve as the focus of the current special issue. I will attempt to summarise the key evidence that has emerged from this research, and examine how this evidence can guide model selection. Finally, I will discuss some possible avenues for future research on orthographic processing in the hope of finally ‘cracking the orthographic code’.
We describe a leaky competing accumulator (LCA) model of the lexical decision task that can be used as a response/decision module for any computational model of word recognition. The LCA model uses evidence for a word, operationalized as some measure of lexical activity, as input to the YES decision node. Input to the NO decision node is simply a constant value minus evidence for a word. In this way, evidence for a nonword is a function of time from stimulus onset (as in standard deadline models) modulated by lexical activity via the competitive dynamics of the LCA. We propose a simple mechanism for determining the value of this constant online during the first trials of a lexical decision experiment, such that the model can rapidly optimize speed and accuracy in discriminating words from nonwords. Further optimization is achieved via trial-by-trial adjustments in response criteria as a function of task demands and list context. We show that the LCA model can simulate mean response times and response distributions for correct and incorrect YES and NO decisions for a number of benchmark experiments that have been shown to be fatal for deadline models of lexical decision. Finally, using lexical activity calculated by a computational model of word recognition as input to the LCA decision module, we provide the first item-level simulation of both word and nonword responses in a large-scale database.
This paper describes a novel theoretical framework of how the position of a letter within a string is encoded, the SERIOL
model (sequential encoding regulated by inputs to oscillations within letter units). Letter order is represented by a temporal
activation pattern across letter units, as is consistent with current theories of information coding based on the precise
timing of neural spikes. The framework specifies how this pattern is invoked via an activation gradient that interacts with
subthreshold oscillations and how it is decoded via contextual units that activate word units. Using mathematical modeling,
this theoretical framework is shown to account for the experimental data from a wide variety of string-processing studies,
including hemispheric asymmetries, the optimal viewing position, and positional priming effects.
Describes a model in which perception results from excitatory and
inhibitory interactions of detectors for visual features, letters,
and words. A visual input excites detectors for visual features in
the display and for letters consistent with the active features.
Letter detectors in turn excite detectors for consistent words. It
is suggested that active word detectors mutually inhibit each other
and send feedback to the letter level, strengthening activation and
hence perceptibility of their constituent letters. Computer simulation
of the model exhibits the perceptual advantage for letters in words
over unrelated contexts and is considered consistent with basic facts
about word advantage. Most important, the model produces facilitation
for letters in pronounceable pseudowords as well as words. Pseudowords
activate detectors for words that are consistent with most active
letters, and feedback from the activated words strengthens activations
of the letters in the pseudoword. The model thus accounts for apparently
rule-governed performance without any actual rules. (50 ref) (PsycINFO
Database Record (c) 2007 APA, all rights reserved)
The representations that underlie our ability to read must encode not only the identities of the letters in a word, but also their relative positions. In recent years, many new proposals have been advanced concerning the representation of letter position in reading, but the available data do not distinguish among the competing proposals; multiple theories, each positing a different letter position representation scheme, are compatible with the evidence. In this article, we report two experiments that used the illusory word paradigm (e.g., Davis & Bowers, Journal of Experimental Psychology: Human Perception and Performance, 30: 923-941, 2004) to distinguish among alternative schemes for representing letter position in reading. The results support a scheme that uses both the beginning and the end of a word as anchoring points. This both-edges scheme has been implicated in letter position representation in spelling (Fischer-Baum, McCloskey, & Rapp, Cognition, 115: 466-490, 2010), as well as in position representation in verbal working memory (Henson, Memory & Cognition, 27: 915-927, 1999), suggesting that it may be a domain-general scheme for representing position in a sequence.
The relative position priming effect is a type of subset priming in which target word recognition is facilitated as a consequence of priming the word with some of its letters, maintaining their relative position (e.g., csn as a prime for casino). Five experiments were conducted to test whether vowel-only and consonant-only subset primes contribute equally to this effect. Experiment 1 revealed that this subset priming effect emerged when primes were composed exclusively of consonants, compared with vowel-only primes (csn-casino vs. aia-animal). Experiment 2 tested the impact of letter frequency in this asymmetry. Subset priming effects were obtained for both high- and low-frequency consonants but not for vowels, which rules out a letter frequency explanation. Experiment 3 tested the role of phonology and its contribution to the priming effects observed, by decreasing the prime duration. The results showed virtually the same effects as in the previous experiments. Finally, Experiments 4 and 5 explored the influence of repeated letters in the primes on the magnitude of the priming effects obtained for consonant and vowel subset primes (iuo-dibujo and aea-madera vs. mgn-imagen and rtr-frutero). Again, the results confirmed the priming asymmetry. We propose that a functional distinction between consonants and vowels, mainly based on the lexical constraints imposed by each of these types of letters, might provide an explanation for the whole set of results.
An orthographically similar masked nonword prime facilitates responding in a lexical decision task (Forster & Davis, 1984). Recently, this masked priming paradigm has been used to evaluate models of orthographic coding--odels that attempt to quantify prime-target similarity. One general finding is that priming effects often do not occur when prime-target similarity is moderate, a result that the authors interpret as being due to uncontrolled effects of lexical inhibition. In the present research, a new version of the masked priming paradigm, sandwich priming, was introduced in an effort to minimize the impact of lexical inhibition. Masked sandwich priming involves briefly presenting the target itself prior to the presentation of each prime. Results indicate that the new paradigm was successful. The predicted priming effects were observed for Guerrera and Forster's (2008) T-All primes (e.g., avacitno-VACATION) and for primes differing from their targets at 3 letter positions (e.g., coshure-CAPTURE)-effects that are not found with the conventional masked priming paradigm. In addition to demonstrating the usefulness of the sandwich priming technique, these results also support the assumption that inhibitory processes play an important role in lexical processing.
This paper shows that the nature of letters--consonant versus vowel--modulates the process of letter position assignment during visual word recognition. We recorded Event Related Potentials while participants read words in a masked priming semantic categorization task. Half of the words included a vowel as initial, third, and fifth letters (e.g., acero [steel]). The other half included a consonant as initial, third, and fifth (e.g., farol [lantern]). Targets could be preceded 1) by the initial, third, and fifth letters (relative position; e.g., aeo-acero and frl-farol), 2) by 3 consonants or vowels that did not appear in the target word (control; e.g., iui-acero and tsb-farol), or 3) by the same words (identity: acero-acero, farol-farol). The results showed modulation in 2 time windows (175-250 and 350-450 ms). Relative position primes composed of consonants produced similar effects to the identity condition. These 2 differed from the unrelated control condition, which showed a larger negativity. In contrast, relative position primes composed of vowels produced similar effects to the unrelated control condition, and these 2 showed larger negativities as compared with the identity condition. This finding has important consequences for cracking the orthographic code and developing computational models of visual word recognition.
Recent research has shown that letter identity and letter position are not integral perceptual dimensions (e.g., jugde primes judge in word-recognition experiments). Most comprehensive computational models of visual word recognition (e.g., the interactive activation model, J. L. McClelland & D. E. Rumelhart, 1981, and its successors) assume that the position of each letter within a word is perfectly encoded. Thus, these models are unable to explain the presence of effects of letter transposition (trial-trail), letter migration (beard-bread), repeated letters (moose-mouse), or subset/superset effects (faulty-faculty). The authors extend R. Ratcliff's (1981) theory of order relations for encoding of letter positions and show that the model can successfully deal with these effects. The basic assumption is that letters in the visual stimulus have distributions over positions so that the representation of one letter will extend into adjacent letter positions. To test the model, the authors conducted a series of forced-choice perceptual identification experiments. The overlap model produced very good fits to the empirical data, and even a simplified 2-parameter model was capable of producing fits for 104 observed data points with a correlation coefficient of .91.
Four experiments are reported investigating orthographic priming effects in French by varying the number and the position of letters shared by prime and target stimuli. Using both standard masked priming and the novel incremental priming technique (Jacobs, Grainger, & Ferrand, 1995), it is shown that net priming effects are affected not only by the number of letters shared by prime and target stimuli but also by the number of letters in the prime not present in the target. Several null results are thus explained as a tradeoff between the facilitation generated by common letters and the inhibition generated by different letters. Inhibition was significantly reduced when different letters were replaced by nonalphabetic symbols. Facilitation effects disappeared when the common letters did not have the same relative position in the prime and target strings, thus supporting a relative-position coding scheme for letters in words.
This article describes the Dual Route Cascaded (DRC) model, a computational model of visual word recognition and reading aloud. The DRC is a computational realization of the dual-route theory of reading, and is the only computational model of reading that can perform the 2 tasks most commonly used to study reading: lexical decision and reading aloud. For both tasks, the authors show that a wide variety of variables that influence human latencies influence the DRC model's latencies in exactly the same way. The DRC model simulates a number of such effects that other computational models of reading do not, but there appear to be no effects that any other current computational model of reading can simulate but that the DRC model cannot. The authors conclude that the DRC model is the most successful of the existing computational models of reading.
Four lexical decision experiments are reported that use the masked priming paradigm to study the role of letter position information in orthographic processing. In Experiments 1 and 2, superset primes, formed by repetition of 1 or 2 letters of the target (e.g., jusstice-JUSTICE) or by insertion of 1 or 2 unrelated letters (e.g., juastice-JUSTICE), generated significant priming compared with unrelated primes and did not differ significantly from an identity priming condition. In Experiment 3, identity primes generated significantly faster responses than subset primes formed by removal of 2 letters from the target (e.g., jutie-JUSTICE), and subset primes generated faster responses than substitution primes formed by substitution of 2 letters of the target with unrelated letters (e.g., jumlice-JUSTICE). In Experiment 4, insertion of 3 unrelated letters continued to generate facilitation relative to unrelated primes but significantly less so than the identity prime condition. The authors discuss the implications of these results for letter-position coding schemes.
Six experiments apply the masked priming paradigm to investigate how letter position information is computed during printed word perception. Primes formed by a subset of the target's letters facilitated target recognition as long as the relative position of letters was respected across prime and target (e.g., "arict" vs. "acirt" as primes for the target "apricot"). Priming effects were not influenced by whether or not absolute, length-dependent position was respected (e.g., "a-ric-t" vs. "arict"/"ar-i-ct"). Position of overlap of relative-position primes (e.g., apric-apricot; ricot-apricot; arict-apricot) was found to have little influence on the size of priming effects, particularly in conditions (i.e., 33 ms prime durations) where there was no evidence for phonological priming. The results constrain possible schemes for letter position coding.
The English Lexicon Project is a multiuniversity effort to provide a standardized behavioral and descriptive data set for 40,481 words and 40,481 nonwords. It is available via the Internet at elexicon.wustl.edu. Data from 816 participants across six universities were collected in a lexical decision task (approximately 3400 responses per participant), and data from 444 participants were collected in a speeded naming task (approximately 2500 responses per participant). The present paper describes the motivation for this project, the methods used to collect the data, and the search engine that affords access to the behavioral measures and descriptive lexical statistics for these stimuli.
Three masked priming experiments investigated the effects of target word length and number of inserted letters on superset priming, where irrelevant letters are added to targets to form prime stimuli (e.g., tanble-table). Effects of one, two, three, and four-letter insertions were measured relative to an unrelated prime condition, the identity prime condition, and a condition where the order of letters of the superset primes was reversed. Superset primes facilitated performance compared with unrelated primes and reversed primes, and the overall pattern showed a small cost of letter insertion that was independent of target word length and that increased linearly as a function of the number of inserted letters. A meta-analysis incorporating data from the present study and two other studies investigating superset priming, showed an average estimated processing cost of 11 ms per letter insertion. Models of letter position coding are examined in the light of this result.
We report four experiments investigating the effects of repeated and transposed letters in orthographic processing. Orthographically related primes were formed by removing one letter from the target word, by transposing two adjacent letters, or by replacing two adjacent letters with different letters. Robust masked priming in a lexical decision task was found for primes formed by removing a single letter (e.g., mircle-MIRACLE), and this was not influenced by whether or not the prime contained a letter repetition (e.g., balace vs. balnce as a prime for BALANCE ). Target words containing a repeated letter tended to be harder to respond to than words without a letter repetition, but the nonwords formed by removing a repeated letter (e.g., BALNCE) were no harder to reject than nonwords formed by removing a non-repeated letter (e.g., MIRCLE, BALACE). Significant transposition priming effects were found for 7-letter words (e.g., sevriceSERVICE), and these priming effects did not vary as a function of the position of the transposition (initial, final, or inner letter pair). Priming effects disappeared when primes were formed by replacing the two transposed letters with different letters (e.g., sedlice-SERVICE), and fiveletter words only showed priming effects with inner letter transpositions (e.g.,
Early on during word recognition, letter positions are not accurately coded. Evidence for this comes from transposed-letter (TL) priming effects, in which letter strings generated by transposing two adjacent letters (e.g., jugde) produce large priming effects, more than primes with the letters replaced in the corresponding position (e.g., junpe). Dominant accounts of TL priming effect such as the Open Bigrams model (Grainger & van Heuven, 2003; Whitney & Cornelissen, 2008) and the SOLAR model (Davis & Bowers, 2006) explain this effect by proposing a higher level of representation than individual letter identities in which letter position is not coded accurately. An alternative to this is to assume that position coding is noisy (e.g., Gomez, Ratcliff, & Perea, 2008). We propose an extension to the Bayesian Reader (Norris, 2006) that incorporates letter position noise during sampling from perceptual input. This model predicts “leakage” of letter identity to nearby positions, which is not expected from models incorporating alternative position coding schemes. We report three masked priming experiments testing predictions from this model.
We describe the results of a study that combines ERP recordings and sandwich priming, a variant of masked priming that provides a brief preview of the target prior to prime presentation (S. J. Lupker & C. J. Davis, 2009). This has been shown to increase the size of masked priming effects seen in behavioral responses. We found the same increase in sensitivity to ERP priming effects in an orthographic priming experiment manipulating the position of overlap of letters shared by primes and targets. Targets were 6-letter words and primes were formed of the 1st, 3rd, 4th, and 6th letters of targets in the related condition. Primes could be concatenated or hyphenated and could be centered on fixation or displaced by two letter spaces to the left or right. Priming effects with concatenated and/or displaced primes only started to emerge at 250 ms post-target onset, whereas priming effects from centrally located hyphenated primes emerged about 100 ms earlier.
The present study combined masked priming with electrophysiological recordings to investigate orthographic priming effects with nonword targets. Targets were pronounceable nonwords (e.g., STRENG) or consonant strings (e.g., STRBNG), that both differed from a real word by a single letter substitution (STRONG). Targets were preceded by related primes that could be the same as the target (e.g., streng-STRENG, strbng-STRBNG) or the real word neighbor of the target (e.g., strong-STRENG, strong-STRBNG). Independently of priming, pronounceable nonwords were associated with larger negativities than consonant strings, starting at 290ms post-target onset. Overall, priming effects were stronger and longer-lasting with pronounceable nonwords than consonant strings. However, consonant string targets showed an early effect of word neighbor priming in the absence of an effect of repetition priming, whereas pronounceable nonwords showed both repetition and word neighbor priming effects in the same time window. This pattern of priming effects is taken as evidence for feedback from whole-word orthographic representations activated by the prime stimulus that influences bottom-up processing of prelexical representations during target processing.
Visual word identification requires readers to code the identity and order of the letters in a word and match this code against previously learned codes. Current models of this lexical matching process posit context-specific letter codes in which letter representations are tied to either specific serial positions or specific local contexts (e.g., letter clusters). The spatial coding model described here adopts a different approach to letter position coding and lexical matching based on context-independent letter representations. In this model, letter position is coded dynamically, with a scheme called spatial coding. Lexical matching is achieved via a method called superposition matching, in which input codes and learned codes are matched on the basis of the relative positions of their common letters. Simulations of the model illustrate its ability to explain a broad range of results from the masked form priming literature, as well as to capture benchmark findings from the unprimed lexical decision task.
We describe a functional architecture for word recognition that focuses on how orthographic and phonological information cooperates in initial form-based processing of printed word stimuli prior to accessing semantic information. Component processes of orthographic processing and orthography-to-phonology translation are described, and the behavioral evidence in favor of such mechanisms is briefly summarized. Our theoretical framework is then used to interpret the results of a large number of recent experiments that have combined the masked priming paradigm with electrophysiological recordings. These experiments revealed a series of components in the event-related potential (ERP), thought to reflect the cascade of underlying processes involved in the transition from visual feature extraction to semantic activation. We provide a tentative mapping of ERP components onto component processes in the model, hence specifying the relative time-course of these processes and their functional significance.
The present study used event-related potentials to examine the time-course of relative-position and absolute-position orthographic priming. Relative-position priming was examined using primes formed by a concatenated subset of the target word's letters (e.g., cllet/COLLECT vs. dlema/COLLECT), and absolute-position priming was investigated using hyphenated versions of these primes (c-lle-t/COLLECT vs. d-lem-a/COLLECT). Both manipulations modulated the ERP waveform starting at around 100 ms post-target onset and extending into the N400 component. The first clear manifestation of priming was found in the N250 component, where hyphenated primes were found to have an earlier, more robust and more widely distributed effect than the concatenated primes. On the other hand, both prime types had similar effects on N400 amplitude. These results provide important information about the time-course of activation of location-specific and location-invariant (word-centered) orthographic representations during visual word recognition.
A series of experiments is reported examining orthographic priming effects between briefly presented pairs of letter strings. The experiments investigate the effects of the number and position of letters shared by primes and targets, and the effects of prime-target length. Priming effects increase nonlinearly as a function of both the number and the position of shared letters, and they are dependent on the positions of letters relative to both the end positions in the string and to the identities of their nearest neighbours. There is little effect of absolute string length on priming. These priming effects can be distinguished from intrusion errors where letters from primes are reported in response to targets. An account of orthographic processing is outlined which attributes priming to cooperative interactions between coarse relative-position coded letter cluster representations activated by primes and targets. The implications of the findings for understanding other effects in word recognition and reading are discussed.
How to say " no " to a nonword: a leaky competing accumulator model of lexical decision The relative position priming effect depends on whether letters are vowels or consonants Both-edges representation of letter position in reading
- S Dufau
- J Grainger
- J C Ziegler
- J A Duñ Abeitia
- M Carreiras
- S Fischer-Baum
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