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Beyond “Inherit It or Marry It”: Exploring How Women Engaged in Sustainable Agriculture Access Farmland
Abstract
Despite an overall decrease in new farm operations, the number of women farm operators grew 30 percent between 2002 and 2007, with 300 percent growth since 1978. This research suggests, however, that opportunities for women have unfolded unevenly. We argue that women's opportunities to farm are affected by their social location and life course, suggesting that as their lives unfold across specific cultural and economic moments, different cohorts of women experience divergent opportunities to farm. Using in-depth interviews with women engaged in sustainable farming in the Inland Northwest, this article examines how women access farmland. Our findings suggest three methods for access: (1) access through the traditional means of marrying a male farmer and then carving out space for one's self as a farmer; (2) access later in life after a life-altering event like divorce and using personal financial means, such as retirement income or selling appreciated property; (3) access at a young age through the pooling of marital resources with a husband who works off the farm. Our research suggests that women's land access should not be presumed a progressive narrative and suggests the need for a more complex understanding of the challenges that women in agriculture face today despite their increased presence in farming.
... There is little research on how gender influences farmers' practices and livelihoods (Sumner and Llewelyn, 2011;Leslie et al., 2019;Ball, 2020). Research on women in sustainable agriculture explores their ideological motivations for farming rather than looking at the structural conditions that frame their participation, and remains incomplete (Pilgeram and Amos, 2015). Most of the existing findings presented here are from developed countries' perspective (US, Europe) to allow a comparison with French literature. ...
... US authors have found that sustainable agriculture networks were defined and built by male leaders, thus reflecting their gendered perspectives (Chiappe and Flora, 1998); coupled with a very slow recognition of women's contribution to the movement (Meares 1997;Leslie et al., 2019). Gender-based barriers persist, and traditional gender roles are often maintained in the sector (Pilgeram and Amos, 2015). Recent papers suggests that sustainable agriculture does not erase traditional gendered divisions, but that hegemonic masculinity is a barrier to sustainable agriculture (Leslie et al., 2019). ...
... Even though few articles combine gender and sustainable agriculture, those who do agree on the fact that there is an area to be explored when it comes to women and sustainable agriculture. They show that women relate more strongly to sustainable agriculture than male farmers, notably through field studies (Trauger, 2004;Karami and Mansoorabadi, 2008;Pilgeram and Amos, 2015;Leslie et al., 2019). A paper published by Unay-Gailhard and Bojnec (2021) using multiple recent review papers (Ball, 2020;Dunne et al., 2020;Glazebrook et al., 2020) on the theme of women farmers in developed countries concludes that "women farmers show greater sensitivity towards environmental activities and are more involved with organic farming, sustainable agriculture practices, and alternative agriculture relative to male farmers" (p.71). ...
... There appears to be a binary in how farmers describe good agriculture versus bad agriculture. New and beginning farmers tend to express their farming practices as interdependent, natural, sustainable, and holistic [11,[30][31][32][33]. Contrarily, they describe conventional agriculture as damaged, polluted, and harmful [30,34,35]. However, environmental values often clash with economic and financial interests. ...
... In the Section 2.2, we note that some new and beginning farmers left their careers because they value spending time with their families and being outdoors. Often, new farmers coming from a previous career will have personal savings they use for start-up funds [9,11,35]. One unique quality of new and beginning farmers is they are unlikely to inherit a farm. ...
... However, a few new and beginning farmers inherit land from their families, even though it has not been used for farming [17]. Personal wealth can also come in the form of a monetary inheritance, selling appreciated property, and retirement income [11,35,44]. Although these farmers can leverage start-up capital quickly and easily, there are still distinct groups among those with personal wealth: those who work for their money and those who do not. ...
This research aimed to determine salient factors affecting the decision to become a beginning organic farmer. New and beginning organic farmers have unique characteristics, showcasing their dedication to environmental justice and social justice at the expense of their own businesses. This research aimed to determine why people with no background in agriculture would start a farm when it is a high-risk and low-return business. With multigenerational farmers aging out of agriculture, we investigated the new generation and shifting demographics of people entering farming that will replace retiring farmers and feed our future. This research employed a multiple-case case study design. We conducted semi-structured interviews with 40 first-generation farmers who operate organic farms in Arkansas, Florida, or Georgia. We analyzed interview transcripts using the qualitative analysis approach of coding. Our results reveal two primary reasons why people with little practical knowledge start farms. First, they are inspired by those around them who succeed, and second, they are encouraged by influential characters in the field who assure them they can do something they love and be profitable. This research showed that first-generation farmers find inspiration and develop values rooted in food justice. Our findings have implications for developing and implementing current and future programmatic activities that aim to enhance beginning farmer training and workforce development. We identified sources of inspiration that will help researchers and service providers target newer and beginning farmers to support a vibrant food system, including burgeoning market opportunities, developing strong communities around food, and building grassroots solutions.
... There appears to be a binary in how farmers describe good agriculture versus bad agriculture. New and beginning farmers tend to express their farming practices as interdependent, natural, sustainable, and holistic [22][23][25][26][27]. Contrarily, they describe conventional agriculture as damaged, polluted, and harmful [23,[28][29]. However, environmental values often clash with economic and financial interests. ...
... In the social values section, we noted that some new and beginning farmers left their careers because they value spending time with their families and being outdoors. Often, new farmers coming from a previous career will have personal savings they use for start-up funds [20,[28][29]. One unique quality of new and beginning farmers is they are unlikely to inherit a farm. ...
... However, few new and beginning farmers will have inherited the land from family, even though it was not used for farming [28]. Personal wealth can also come in the form of a monetary inheritance, selling appreciated property, and retirement income [22,29,40]. Although these farmers can leverage start-up capital quickly and easily, there are still distinct groups among those with personal wealth: those who work for their money and those who do not. ...
This research aimed to determine salient factors affecting the decision to become a beginning organic farmer. New and beginning organic farmers have unique characteristics, showcasing their dedication to environmental justice and social justice at the expense of their own businesses. This research employed a multiple-case case study design. We conducted semi-structured interviews with 40 first-generation farmers who operate organic farms in Arkansas, Florida, or Georgia. We analyzed interview transcripts using the qualitative analysis approach of coding. Our results revealed the reasons that people with little practical knowledge start farms. They are inspired by those around them who succeed and encouraged by influential characters in the field who assure them they can do something they love and be profitable. This research showed that first-generation farmers find inspiration and develop values rooted in food justice. Our findings have implications for developing and implementing current and future programmatic activities that aim to enhance beginning farmer training and workforce development. Identifying sources of inspiration will help researchers and service providers target newer and beginning farmers to support a vibrant food system, including a burgeoning market opportunity, developing strong communities around food, and building grassroots solutions.
... Although this increase may indicate positive trends for women farmers (see Pilgeram et al. 2020 for an in-depth discussion), there are still considerable issues that women deal with in farming. Women farmers in developed countries face barriers to accessing farmland (Ball 2020;Croppenstedt et al. 2013;Pilgeram & Amos 2015), control less farmland and make lower profits than men (Ball 2020;Croppenstedt et al. 2013;Horst & Marion 2018), are left out of much agricultural programming (Ball 2020), struggle to access government funding and subsidies (Ball 2020), and are often considered secondary farm helpers even when they make substantial contributions to farm work (Hall & Mogyorody 2007;Peter et al. 2000;Pini 2005;Saugeres 2002). These patterns of gendered discrimination further intersect with race, ethnicity, and sexuality in ways that create unique challenges for farmers inhabiting these cross sections (Dentzman et al. 2021;Horst and Marion 2018;Pilgeram et al. 2022;White 2012;White 2018;Wypler 2019). ...
... Yet at the same time, women rely more on inheritance because they face serious biases and constraints on the rental market (Croppenstedt et al. 2013). When they do acquire access, it is often through a male romantic partner (Pilgeram & Amos 2015;Sachs et al. 2016). Alternatively, some women purchase farmland later in life through capital accumulated from offfarm sources or migrate to rural areas where land is more affordable (Pilgeram & Amos 2015;Pilgeram 2019). ...
... When they do acquire access, it is often through a male romantic partner (Pilgeram & Amos 2015;Sachs et al. 2016). Alternatively, some women purchase farmland later in life through capital accumulated from offfarm sources or migrate to rural areas where land is more affordable (Pilgeram & Amos 2015;Pilgeram 2019). These access methods differ depending on individuals' age, marital status, and socioeconomic class as well as larger social, economic, and cultural trends-across all cases, though, women have had to be creative in securing farmland (Pilgeram & Amos 2015;Sachs et al. 2016). ...
The population of women farm operators continues to increase in the U.S. That growth, however, is mediated by research showing that women in agriculture experience persistent barriers to equality with men. The Feminist Agriculture Food Theory (FAST) developed by Sach et al. (The Rise of Women Farmers and Sustainable Agriculture, University of Iowa Press, Iowa City, (Sachs et al., The rise of women farmers and sustainable agriculture, University of Iowa Press, 2016) posits that in the face of these barriers, women farmers in the Northeast are engaging in six strategies to increase their success. These include (1) increasing gender equality on their farms, (2) asserting an identity as a farmer, (3) gaining greater access to resources, (4) shaping new food and farming systems, (5) negotiating roles in agricultural organizations, and (6) forming women-centered farming organizations. While researchers have applied FAST to Michigan, it has not been examined at a national level. In this paper, then, we use the 2017 Census of Agriculture Data to measure how women in agriculture in the U.S. are faring on each aspect of FAST we can measure (strategies 1–5). We compare women to men farmers across these FAST strategies and across three different farm types: Non-Organic Non-Value-Added Farms, Organic Farms, and Value-Added Farms. Our findings suggest for FAST strategies 1 and 2 there is an increase in equity and ability to identify as a farmer for women on organic and value-added farms. However, our findings also suggest that for FAST strategies that require more institutional and structural resources (I.e. strategies 3–5), inequities persist across farm types.
... Whilst succession might seem highly path-dependent in which first born males are 'born-to-be-farmers', Chiswell and Lobley (2018) suggest that farmers' daughters are increasingly confident in their plans for succession. However, the extent to which women's succession plans are realised requires further research (Pilgeram and Amos, 2015). ...
... "I think I was a little bit of a threat coming into the environment … I came in with a lot of new ideas … They never really described it as a business, it was what they did, and it was farming, and it was a way of life. Well … farming is a business … if you don't treat it as a business, you don't survive, and that's what it's got to be." Whilst Michelle's entry into calf rearing was unplanned, marriage and the access to land and resources it provides is a common entry point (Pilgeram and Amos, 2015;. Taking control can also reflect strategic choices and decisions that are made when lifecycle changes trigger change and so are difficult to separate from wider affective relationships. ...
... As a set, these narratives provide further evidence that patriarchal agricultural structures continue to shape and constrain the roles and identities of farming women. The narratives reflect how female farming careers are not a 'progressive narrative' (Pilgeram and Amos, 2015) and frequently involve living and working off-farm, and returning temporarily or permanently in response to social triggers: accidents, deaths and marriages. Indeed, the narratives suggest that calf rearing careers are shaped by chance as well as established routines of family farming. ...
Environmental crises and agricultural policy reforms are key moments for the reorganisation of farming practices, which can contribute to the reconstitution of female farming roles and identities. In this paper, we consider the role of animal disease in providing an opportunity to reconstitute female farming identities, particularly emphasising female farm employees. Focusing on the careers and labour of calf rearers, the paper shows how calf rearing identities are structured and contested, and linked to cultures of care that are shaped by patriarchal farming relations. Drawing on 25 biographical interviews, the paper reveals four distinct narratives of calf rearing: natural born carers, rescue, taking back control, and from outsider to insider. Despite significant changes to the organisation of animal health and welfare for calves, these narratives reveal the marginal status of both calves and calf rearers. Calf rearers’ labour of care encompasses both affectual attachments to calves but also family and farm relationships, reflecting how careful rearing is configured by the material and cultural relations of farming. Whilst some calf rearers have been able to challenge these relationships and reconstitute calf rearing identities, the narratives suggest that calf rearers lack agency to change animal health practices. Awareness of these gendered dimensions to calf rearing and animal health is vital for policy makers seeking to improve the health of livestock.
... In recent decades, rural studies have increasingly addressed issues related to gender broadly and the experiences of women farmers, specifically. Rural geography and sociology have attended to making women in agriculture more visible in scholarship (Sachs, 1983(Sachs, , 1996Whatmore, 1991a); understanding their roles and identities (Brandth and Haugen, 1997;Brasier et al., 2014;Little, 2002;Shortall, 2014), their access to resources and decision making (Pilgeram and Amos, 2015;Sachs et al., 2016;Shortall, 1999) and how these are shaped by power relations within and beyond families and farm enterprises (Shortall, 2017;Whatmore, 1991b). A growing body of work in rural studies and environmental geography applies explicitly feminist theoretical perspectives (Little and Panelli, 2003;O'Shaughnessy and Krogman, 2011;Reed and Mitchell, 2003;Shortall, 2017;Trauger et al., 2008;Whatmore, 1988Whatmore, , 1991b and methodologies (Pini, 2002(Pini, , 2004Trauger et al., 2008). ...
... Feminist analyses of farm women's intertwined productive and reproductive roles complicated the notion of the farm household and exposed gender relations of power within farm families and enterprises, leading to the understanding of women's exploitation as unpaid farm labor (Whatmore, 1988(Whatmore, , 1991b, and more nuanced conceptions of farm decision-making (Farmar-Bowers, 2010;Whatmore, 1991b). Identification of gender disparities led to calls for greater gender specificity and women's participation in policy-making (Reed and Mitchell, 2003), and for analyses of structural sources of gender inequities, such as differential access to, use and management of land, labor, capital, technology and knowledge (Ball, 2020;Pilgeram and Amos, 2015;Sachs et al., 2016;Trauger et al., 2008). Feminist political ecologists illuminate structural barriers (Elmhirst, 2011;Meinzen-Dick et al., 2014;Rocheleau et al., 1996), but most of their work centers on the Global South. ...
... Today women's entry into livestock farming is not limited to inheritance or marriage, as in the past (Pilgeram and Amos, 2015). In our study, women who chose to enter the extensive livestock sector "from zero" were motivated by the search for a new lifestyle and by political ideologies of new rurality, as other studies of "back-to-the-landers" have found (Wilbur, 2014). ...
Rural studies has made considerable theoretical and empirical progress on gender and agriculture, yet almost none of this work focuses specifically on women involved in livestock production in the Global North. To address this gap, we explored the experiences of women involved in extensive livestock farming in Spain, including their motivations, identities, challenges, and sources of learning and support. Using a life-history approach, we interviewed 29 women across four regions of Spain and conducted follow-up participatory workshops in three regions. We investigated how women enter the extensive livestock sector, learn the occupation and business of livestock husbandry, and their experiences of power relations and discrimination, then interpreted our findings through the lens of Feminist Agrifood Systems Theory (FAST). Women's narratives reveal three primary pathways into livestock management: via family, via a partner/spouse, and from zero. Although interviewees shared common experiences and struggles, each pathway is associated with distinct motivations, challenges, and sources of learning. This variety of goals and experiences disrupts stereotypes about women's roles in extensive pastoralism and points to the need for outreach and policy grounded in the diverse realities of women's lived experiences. Our results underscore the obstacles pastoralist women face in gaining and maintaining economic and decision-making autonomy. Our findings partially support all FAST propositions, yet highlight continuing challenges for Spanish women entering a historically male-dominated sector. In the Spanish context, we found strongest support for FAST propositions 5 and 6, which posit that women must carefully navigate agricultural institutions, often encountering exclusion and discrimination, and that women create their own networks to address their specific needs and advance agroecology and rural sustainability. Increased training for officials overseeing new enterprise incorporations, and investment in women's networks could reduce institutional bias and increase support for women operators.
... These stories demonstrate that gender discrimination still exists and can be a considerable discouragement and barrier to women in the industry. This conclusion is consistent with the findings of Beach (2013) and Pilgeram and Amos (2015), who also found that women are not perceived as farm owners, and their value as producers is doubted in the agriculture industry. However, they have proven they can be successful. ...
... In this study, women farming face numerous challenges, including limited land access due to cultural norms and discriminatory land tenure policies (Ball, 2020). They also struggle to access capital for farming investments (Satyavathi et al., 2010), lack essential farming information and training, and find it challenging to balance farm work with family responsibilities (Pilgeram & Amos, 2015). Research is needed in education, training, networking, and securing financial support for women farmers. ...
This research explores the resilience of women farm owners in Georgia amidst societal gender inequality and discrimination. The study identifies barriers women face as farm owner-operators and strategies they use to overcome these obstacles. A two-stage interview process focused on participants' life histories and reflections on their experiences. The study reveals significant challenges for women in farming, including gender discrimination, the knowledge required to farm, and the dichotomy between farming and home responsibilities. Gender discrimination is prevalent, with women having to prove their legitimacy as farmers. The need to acquire farming knowledge quickly was another significant barrier. The study aligns with previous research, underscoring the unique challenges women face in the agriculture industry.
... Cisgender women, in particular, report greater access to alternative agriculture spaces (Jarosz 2008;Sachs et al. 2016;Trauger 2004;Trauger et al. 2010). Yet, cisgender women in alternative agriculture must often leverage close proximity to men to access land (Pilgeram and Amos 2015) and face sexism in several agricultural spaces (Nichols and Carter 2023), illustrating the continued need for feminist agrifood system efforts. ...
... When considering gender in the food justice literature, "women in agriculture" is seemingly studied at a different scale than food justice. Although both emphasize structural inequalities, the women in agriculture literature, including studies of productivist agriculture, emphasize how individual farmers navigate the heteropatriarchal structures that have devalued women's labor and excluded women from agricultural opportunities such as land ownership (Nichols and Carter 2023;Pilgeram and Amos 2015;Sachs et al. 2016). Similarly, scholars explore how gender is performed through crops, machinery, and farm work (Keller 2014;Trauger 2004). ...
Farmers, especially those within historically underserved populations, utilize networks to access educational training, community support, and market opportunities. Through a case study of the Pennsylvania Women's Agriculture Network's three-year Women's Rural–Urban Network (WRUN) initiative, this research analyzes the process of developing solidarity across geographic and racial lines while building a statewide farmers' network. Applying White's (2018) Collective Agency Community Resilience (CACR) theoretical framework to this initiative offers a way to evaluate how socially marginalized groups in agriculture build farmers’ networks to resist oppression within the white heteropatriarchal agricultural system. This research draws on interviews with 12 steering committee members and three years of participant observation to understand how participants assessed the initiative. Findings suggest that changes to existing programming were influential in creating a place for diverse women farmers and growers to meet, thus contributing to prefigurative politics; however, the inability to form commons as praxis and economic autonomy due to divergent needs, varying roles in the agrifood system, and different levels of engagement with racial justice deterred network-building efforts. This initiative examines food justice theory through praxis. Findings offer insights for predominately white non-profits, research institutions, and activists in future anti-racism and food justice efforts in the agrifood system.
... Research examining women farmers in the United States (US) has grown significantly in the past few decades and continues to evolve (Pilgeram et al., 2022). Scholars have studied how increased demand for value-added and locally grown foods has enabled more women to choose the farming profession (Beach, 2013;Sachs et al., 2016;Wright and Annes 2019;Trauger, 2004), how increasingly women are claiming the title of farmer or farm partner rather than farm wife (Ball, 2014;Brasier et al., 2014;Pilgeram and Amos, 2015;Sachs et al., 2016), and how gender identity and sexuality shape who has access to agricultural material resources (Hoffelmeyer, 2021;Leslie et al., 2019;Wypler, 2019). Others have taken a more focused look at the ways gender and race influence agricultural movements (White 2011;White 2018), and shape land ownership and farm operations (Horst and Marion, 2019;Pilgeram et al., 2022). ...
... 1 The contributions of these efforts are hard to track as changes in USDA Agricultural Census methods in 2012 and 2017 that allow farms to list more than one producer has made it impossible to definitively know whether women farmers numbers are increasing over time (Pilgeram et al., 2022). Yet, despite increased attention to gender in agricultural research and outreach, scholarship continues to find that US agriculture remains a highly masculinized and racialized field both in economic structuressuch as landownership (Horst and Marion 2019;Pilgeram and Amos 2015) and in sociocultural discourses that construct a "farmer" as tough, rugged white men (Carter, 2017;Carter and Lopez, 2019;Dubisar, 2021;Keller, 2014;Pini, 2005;Saugeres, 2002). ...
While women in United States agriculture are increasingly asserting control over land and assuming identities as primary producers, they continue to face significant challenges in being “read” as legitimate producers and in accessing the material resources (land, labor, capital) to do the work of farming. Although scholarship documents how women are generating new strategies to gain legitimacy as farmers and how programs have emerged to provide agricultural outreach to women, much of this work has been “colorblind” in its lack of a critical analysis of race and its intersections with gender. In this paper, we analyze the complex intersections between white supremacy and patriarchy that may benefit white women farmers as they negotiate and normalize gender-based discrimination. Viewing race and gender as materially lived and negotiated, we analyze in-depth qualitative data from 43 conventional white women producers in the US Corn Belt to identify the nuanced ways they socially navigate the white male-dominated world of production agriculture. We find while respondents universally feel that women claiming the role of farmer are subject to both dismissals and outright aggressions in agricultural encounters, many of the respondents claim this discrimination “doesn't bother” them. We argue, that in the semi-dynastic world of Corn Belt production, these white women socially position themselves by drawing on both their embodied histories of labor along with their relationalities to land and people (particularly men) in ways that facilitate a sense of collective belonging contingent on others' exclusion. We conclude by reflecting on how agricultural research on gender could incorporate more critical analyses of race to uncover continuing forms of discrimination in agricultural spaces.
... In addition to these structural opportunities, several authors also highlight the important role played by farm structural barriers observed historically in farming sectors, such as gender discrimination in regards to farm management rights, access to credit (Saugeres 2002;Ong and Lioa 2020), and farmland (Pilgeram and Amos 2015). As concluded by Ball (2020) and Perez et al. (2020), these structural barriers are the reasons that more sustainable, alternative farming is more attractive to women. ...
... For several authors, sustainable agriculture consists of smaller and less capital-intensive farms, which makes switching to agrienvironmental practices easier for women who work on smaller sized farms (Pilgeram and Amos 2015;Perez et al., 2020;Ball 2020). In line with that view, the approach of feminist political ecology considers the increasing recognition of women farmers with smaller sized farms, and calls for the consideration of gender as a group for political ecology (Zimmerer et al., 2015). ...
Although the visibility of women farmers in agriculture is increasing, we have little knowledge about the impact this will have on the environmental management of family farms. Numerous studies have documented that young women farmers show high concern for environmentally friendly farming practices relative to young male farmers. However, family farms are still a prominent business form globally, and it is still unclear whether or not we can expect young women farmers in different employment statuses (manager, or full-time farm worker and spouse) and work schedules (full-or part-time) to show any differences in the adoption of environmental practices compared to young male farmers. This study investigates the question of how increasing the visibility of women on family farms, and young women's sensitivity to environmental concerns relative to male's, plays out in the dynamic of adopting Agri-Environment-Climate Measures (AECMs). Our results confirm gender differences in AECM adoption behavior when we investigate the employment statuses of young women farmers; however, for part-time family farms, gender differences in the adoption behavior disappears, while they emerge for environmental subsidies received. We argue that gender aspects of the adoption behavior of AECMs contain several overlapping issues, particularly gender differences in the spouse's involvement in farm work.
... Achieving this will ensure that these farmers, regardless of gender, have equal access to resources and opportunities, paving the way for a more inclusive agricultural landscape. The current data support the findings of Pilgeram and Amos (2015), who found that the age distribution of extension officers substantially impacted the accessibility and support provided to farmers with disabilities. The mean age of agricultural extension agents (AEAs) in this study was much higher than the national average, with most AEAs being 45 and older. ...
The main aim of this study was to develop a comprehensive framework for improving
agricultural extension practices among farmers with disabilities (FWDs) in Ghana. To
achieve this, specific objectives were set to analyse: demographic and socio-economic
determinants of extension service contacts of FWDs, challenges faced by FWDs with key
associated factors, determinants of farm income of FWDs, and agricultural extension
mediations that could enhance agricultural practices among FWDs. The study is
organised into six chapters, covering topics from introduction to conclusions and
recommendations. Data were collected in 2022 from all 16 regions of Ghana using a
questionnaire administered to a randomly selected sample of 386 FWDs and 62
Agricultural Extension Officers (AEOs) who work directly with FWDs, and analysed using
statistical software such as SPSS, STATA, and Excel. Analyses included descriptive
statistics and inferential/regression analyses. The Fractional Outcome Regression Model
analysed the determinants of FWDs’ access to agricultural extension services per year. A
Multiple Linear Regression Model assessed the influence of agricultural extension
practices/services and other socio-economic/demographic factors on the farm income of
FWDs. Factors associated with the six essential challenges faced by FWDs were
assessed using the Pearson correlation coefficient. Key findings indicated that most
FWDs were male (68.7%), 43% had no formal education, and varied types of disabilities
were present, with physical disability being the most predominant. Several challenges
were identified, including discrimination, feelings of inferiority, and lack of tailored
programs for FWDs. The Fractional Outcome Model identified major determinants
influencing FWDs’ access to extension services as age, participation in Farmer-Based
Organizations (FBOs), and years of farming experience. The Multiple Linear Regression
analysis found that participation in non-farm activities, land size, the proportion of inputs
purchased, and the proportion of products sold were crucial determinants of FWDs'
annual farm income. Correlation analyses showed significant associations between
various challenges faced by FWDs and several factors. For instance, poor building design
was correlated with factors such as the source of disability and number of household
dependents, while discrimination against FWDs correlated with gender and household
headship, among others. The study identified several effective agricultural extension
mediations, including home visits, provision of tools, and supply of farm inputs, which
were positively perceived by FWDs. A cohesive and actionable framework was developed
for FWDs in Ghana, emphasizing social inclusion, economic empowerment, and
personalized interventions. This framework advocates for inclusive policies addressing
anti-discrimination and equitable resource access, informed by demographic variables
such as age, FBO membership, and farming experience. It underscores the need for
capacity building of AEAs, focusing on disability awareness and gender-sensitive
communication, and recommends community engagement programs to reduce stigma
and foster cooperation among FWDs, AEAs, and local communities. The study also calls
for investment in adaptive farming technologies and the implementation of a robust
monitoring and evaluation system to continuously refine these interventions. International
collaboration is encouraged to facilitate knowledge exchange and best practices, while
establishing sustainable funding mechanisms, including grants and microfinance, tailored
to FWDs' needs. These multifaceted recommendations aim to integrate FWDs into the
national agricultural development strategy, enhancing the sector's inclusivity,
effectiveness, and resilience.
... One of the biggest barriers to becoming a farmer, acquiring land, is a gendered process (Sachs et al., 2016). Obtaining farmland often happens through marriage or inheritance, which requires close familial relationships (Pilgeram & Amos, 2015). As an alternative, queer farmers, especially lesbian farmers, have embraced the spirit of collectivism to acquire and share farmland (Anahita, 2009;Leslie, 2019). ...
... See for example. 1,3,43,49,53,54 However, there is some evidence that farm women experience challenges juggling their multiple roles and that these challenges have consequences on their health and well-being. 4,14,15,25,26,37,55,56 Out of the handful of empirical studies that have specifically focused on childcare for farm families, none specifically set out to study the connection to mental health. ...
... The 'not working' among rural women usually refers to housewives who are not involved in the formal or informal employment sector. They don't have any permanent source of income and depend on their husband or family members for living (Pilgeram & Amos, 2015). Especially among older rural women, the 'not-working' status is normal in Malaysia (Mohd, et al., 2018). ...
... 55 As noted by Pilgeram and Amos, while "women married into farm families … had not necessarily planned for a life in farming" they may now be "active and important contributors to the farm and the farm community." 56 Is it fair that a wife might support the family for years and work on the farm and yet not get a reasonable share of it on divorce? Prenuptial agreements could be described as setting the price of divorce in advance, even though many unexpected factors may arise in the interim to make the agreement unfair. ...
... This is compounded by the challenges women face in accessing farmland, a significant barrier to their empowerment in agriculture, often having to look beyond traditional methods such as inheritance or Page 19 of 34 Vuciterna et al. Agricultural and Food Economics (2024) 12:36 marriage (Pilgeram and Amos 2015). Women's progress in agricultural leadership roles is tentative in a male-dominated sector, with evolving perceptions placing women in new, occasionally contentious roles that challenge the traditional family farming status quo (Pini 2005;Price and Evans 2006). ...
This paper presents a comprehensive bibliometric review of the scientific literature on women’s entrepreneurship in agriculture across developed and developing countries. The paper delineates the evolving landscape, challenges, and opportunities that shape women’s entrepreneurship experiences in agriculture in the contexts of developed and developing countries. Through a detailed bibliometric analysis of 728 papers from 1992 to 2022, employing performance analysis and science mapping, our methodology distinguishes itself by quantifying contributions and mapping the thematic evolution within this domain. Our study reveals the significant contributions of women entrepreneurs to agricultural innovation, sustainability, and rural development while facing systemic biases, limited access to resources, and societal stereotypes that hinder their entrepreneurial path. The paper underscores the disparity in women’s entrepreneurship between developed and developing regions, with developed countries showcasing lower participation rates in agricultural entrepreneurship but a higher presence in decision-making roles within agribusinesses.
In contrast, developing countries display a higher engagement of women in entrepreneurship, driven by necessity and marked by significant contributions to food security and economic stability, though under challenging conditions. Notably, the paper highlights the underrepresentation of women’s agricultural endeavours in scholarly research, pointing to a gap in the documentation and understanding of their contributions. The study reveals emerging themes such as digital agriculture, climate resilience, sustainability, and innovation, pointing towards future research directions that could further empower women in agriculture. It calls for more inclusive research and policy-making to recognise and support women’s vital role in agriculture, advocating for a holistic approach to address women entrepreneurs’ challenges in different economic contexts. Through this analysis, the paper contributes to a deeper understanding of gender dynamics in agricultural entrepreneurship and suggests pathways for fostering more equitable and sustainable agricultural practices.
... McMillan Lequieu (2015) argues that white farm owners are constantly updating their cultural, patrimonial narratives to justify even economically risky actions that keep the farm in white family ownership. Processes such as these continue historical legacies of family farmland ownership and discrimination in familial wealth accrual, constantly remaking the social landscape of U.S. farming in a way that makes access to farmland particularly difficult for farmers of color, LGBTQ + farmers, and women farmers Pilgeram and Amos 2015;Sachs et al. 2016;White 2018). Even when socially marginalized farmers do achieve land access, they are faced with discrimination in the loan process, important for constructing infrastructure on that land (Carpenter 2012). ...
Infrastructure can make or break a farm’s economic viability. Farmers’ ownership and ability to invest in infrastructure is often arranged through the family farm model, where farmers are typically married to their business partners. In this paper, we analyze the implications of organizing infrastructure access through the family farm model. Through interviews with 66 farmers and key informants in New England, U.S., we identify a treadmill of infrastructure accumulation for farmers with family capital and a treadmill of high labor and low profitability for farmers without the family capital to acquire needed infrastructure. Infrastructure accumulation in the family farm model builds farms that are difficult to adapt to new systems and markets, challenging to retire from without selling to developers, and hard for beginning farmers to afford. The economic tendencies of organizing infrastructure through the family farm model can make it difficult for farmers of all social backgrounds to access farmland and infrastructure. Moreover, continued inequities in family wealth and wages, credit access, and social capital means that the family farm model systematically disadvantages farmers of color, LGBTQ + farmers, limited resource, and women farmers. We argue that infrastructure accumulation through the family farm model is a process that intensifies inequities in farm viability, exacerbates the challenges of transitioning farms to new farmers and ways of farming, and fuels land injustice.
... The previous research further reinforces the arguments advanced in this paper and has revealed that women generally have lower psychological expectations regarding the value of cultivated land use compared to men, often due to disparities in education, policy advocacy, and economic and social development [70]. Additionally, women shoulder significant childcare responsibilities [71], leading them to prefer managing smaller, less resource-intensive cultivated land [72], and they exhibit less proactive behavior in conserving cultivated land. Consequently, households led by women tend to exhibit lower levels of CLS activity. ...
Part-time farming is a widespread phenomenon associated with the long-term global trend of urbanization, especially in China since its reform and opening-up in 1978. The shift of agricultural labor to non-agricultural sectors has significantly impacted cultivated land use activities, yet the connection between part-time farming and cultivated land use sustainability (CLS) remains understudied. Here, we construct an index system for assessing CLS that integrates ecological, economic, and social sustainability. Using survey data from seven Chinese villages across three provinces, we analyze the impact pattern and mechanism of part-time farming on CLS. We find the following: (1) The impact of part-time farming on CLS presents an inverted U-shape, peaking negatively at a 45% inflection point; (2) Spatial heterogeneity exists in the effect of part-time farming on CLS; (3) A household’s non-agricultural workforce size and the gender of the household head significantly moderate the link between part-time farming and CLS; (4) CLS strongly hinges on various factors including the household head’s health, other family members’ education levels, commercial insurance, and agricultural skills training. Our findings provide empirical insights into governing part-time farming for sustainable cultivated land use and, eventually, rural human–land system sustainability.
... As elder farmers age out of the business and climate change creates the need for diversified, sustainable, agroecological farming systems, a gender-inclusive approach to engaging more young farmers is needed (Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, 2019). Agriculture often involves a high degree of gender stratification and complex social relationships in networks that make it hard for nontraditional farmers to gain access to land, information, and expertise (Leckie, 1996;Pilgeram & Amos, 2015). Female farmers report a sense of isolation within the farming community (Kiernan, Barbercheck, Brasier, Sachs, & Terman, 2012). ...
With a focus on the Commonwealth of Virginia, we reviewed literature and data associated with the prevalence and persistence of women's engagement in agriculture from youth-focused programs through to college and employment in order to learn which models of outreach may best attract women to and retain women in agricultural careers. We found that girls in Virginia have strong participation in early agriculture-related activities but that women constitute the minority of primary farm owners. Our systematic literature review shows that using science, technology, engineering, and math models of outreach and reframing agriculture as a career that builds communities and cares for the planet can engage more women in agriculture.
... For example, while rural land is often the most affordable and best suited for farming, queer people often expect to encounter discriminationbut not queer community-in rural areas, discouraging queer farmers from pursuing land access in the countryside (Hoffelmeyer, 2021;Leslie, 2019). Whereas many heterosexual farmers often access land and labor through an intimate or sexual partner in a "family farm" (Pilgeram and Amos, 2015), queer farmers are often sidelined in this model of farming due to the challenge of finding rural and/ or queer partners and incongruence between the "family farm" model and queer chosen families (Leslie, 2019). Credit is critical for turning land into a viable farm, yet queer people experience higher rates of poverty and job discrimination and have overall lower credit scores (Badgett et al., 2019;McFadden, 2020;Watson et al., 2021), thereby exacerbating related challenges, such as student loan debt, experienced by other farming subpopulations, especially young farmers (Ackoff et al., 2017). ...
Qualitative studies have begun demonstrating how heteropatriarchy negatively affects queer farmer well-being and farm viability. However, quantitative surveys of farmers rarely ask questions about gender identity and sexual orientation, precluding analyses that could connect farmers’ experiences to their queerness or to heteropatriarchy more broadly. In this article, we present data from one of the first surveys of U.S. queer farmers. This article inquires: (a) What barriers to farm viability and farmer well-being do queer farmers report? (b) How are these barriers related to or influenced by gender and sexuality? (c) How, if at all, do queer farmers mitigate heteropatriarchal barriers in farming? We find that queer farmers explicitly attributed interpersonal areas of discrimination to their queerness—or rather, to heteropatriarchy—especially anticipated discrimination, social isolation, training opportunities and/or lack of skill, and family dynamics. We assert that farmers’ reported challenges to farming success reflect areas of systemic heteropatriarchal oppression, especially in profitability, land access, health insurance, and affordable and/or available housing. At the same time, queer farmers turn to each other for support in navigating the heteropatriarchal landscape of U.S. agriculture. The top area that queer farmers found helpful for their success was LGBTQIA+ farm mentors or peers. Our findings indicate that heteropatriarchy is a central force negatively affecting queer farmers’ well-being and farm viability. This research offers critical information for farmers, farming organizations, scholars, and policymakers to bolster farmers’ contributions to U.S. agriculture and gain a more holistic understanding of (in)equity in U.S. agriculture.
... In Ireland, Beecher et al. (2019) and Cassidy (2019) point to the continued prevalence of the view that to be a farmer, one must be male and from a farm while the norm for entry to the profession of farming continues to be transgenerational succession within the farm family (Deming et al., 2019). However, the entry routes for women into farming are affected by social customs and life course as for many women access to land is directly tied to a male partner (Pilgeram & Amos, 2015). Cassidy (2019) also highlights the Irish perspective on the male farm successor as having an intuitive understanding of the land, emotionally attached to the farm and to be either privileged (because of receiving the farm) or stigmatised (because of lower educational attainment and lacking flexibility in life choices). ...
A global challenge for dairy farmers is the attraction and retention of people to careers in primary agriculture. This study aimed to explore the perceptions of Irish secondary-level students studying agricultural science towards careers in dairy farming. Quantitative data were collected via a national survey (n = 976) prior to collection of qualitative data via two focus groups. Descriptive statistics including frequencies, percentages and means were used to analyse the quantitative data. Data analysis of the survey results identified general themes, which contributed to a deductive assessment of the overarching hypothesis, supplemented by inductive reasoning based on the analysis of the data from the focus groups. From the survey, adolescents perceived dairy farming as a physically demanding job with a poor work–life balance without any extra financial reward compared to other careers. In the focus groups, participants expressed concerns about environmental sustainability and economic viability. They also identified the ageing farming population as making it a less attractive career for young people. The paper supports arguments for greater integration of actual labour market opportunities into the secondary school curriculum to raise aspirations for 21 st century careers in dairy farming, among other careers. There is an opportunity within the agricultural science curriculum to encourage students to explore the wide spectrum of emerging careers in food systems including dairy farming through classroom discussion, ideally with a variety of role models employed in the agricultural sector.
... This relationship likely contributes to the discrepancy in the proportion of white women to women of color farmers designated as the primary farmer. Further, this suggests that white, heterosexual women farmers may be more likely to rely on a male heterosexual farmer to access land and capital even when they are most responsible for the farm (Pilgeram and Amos 2015). In contrast, women of color have neither this luxury nor this barrier to farmer identity and control. ...
Research on women in U.S. agriculture highlights how, despite real challenges, women have made and continue to make spaces for themselves in this male-dominated profession. We argue that, partly due to data accessibility limitations, this work has tended to use white women’s experiences in agriculture as universal. Analyzing micro-data from the 2017 Census of Agriculture, this paper offers descriptive statistics about women and race in U.S. agriculture. We examine numerous characteristics of U.S. farms, including their spatial distribution, the average number of acres farmed, predominant crop types, and other characteristics to describe how white, Black, Indigenous, and Pacific Islander/Asian women farmers are faring. Our findings suggest significant differences in women’s farms by race. We argue that these are related to the history of forced and voluntary migration within the U.S. Our results indicate that understanding women’s experiences in farming requires understanding the impact of race and these broader historical patterns. Finally, because of these differences across races, we suggest that supporting “women in agriculture” may require tailored responses from agricultural policy and programming that addresses unique needs in specific communities.
... Another specific aspect of the effects of digital communications in terms of entry into farming is that of gender dimensions. Although there is a solid amount of background studies explaining the low involvement of females in the farming profession because of societal, cultural norms and financial and farm structural barriers (Shortall et al. 2020;Saugeres 2002;Ong and Lioa 2020;Pilgeram and Amos 2015), there is a growing body of literature focused on the switching of career identities from "farmer's wife" to "farmer" among the new generation (Ball 2020;Perez et al. 2020;Tsiaousi and Partalidou 2020;Adro and Franco 2020;Unay-Gailhard and Bojnec 2021). ...
Can the power of digital communications create opportunities for overcoming generational renewal problems on farms? This interdisciplinary review explores the reported impacts of digital communication on career initiation into farming from a global perspective via the lens of career theories. Seventy-three papers were synthesized into two domains: (1) the impact of digital communication interactions on farming career initiation, and (2) the dynamics of digital communication initiatives that create opportunities to inspire youth into farming. The finding shows that the mainstream literature primarily aims to support the continuity of farming careers but pay little attention to the potential of digital communication to attract youth into farming. This review argues that career communications for farming receives insufficient attention, and could be better integrated into agricultural communications strategies by using the potential of digital communications. Study concludes that while economic and geographic factors, as well as societal and cultural norms, lead to negative perceptions on farming careers, there are three pathways that may contribute to breaking down these negative perceptions. Firstly, taking the changing nature of career motivations, such as the trend towards sustainable farming linked to self-fulfillment, among today’s youth into consideration is essential. Secondly, highlighting technological advances in digital agriculture practices, like geographical flexibility or innovation capacity of farming, for example, is important to increase awareness about new opportunities in the profession. Lastly, communication campaigns with targeted groups (e.g., young females) play a role to change the negative perceptions of the rural way of life and the farming profession.
... The survey offered binary gender choices (male=0, female=1) which, along with (continuous) years in agritourism, acted as a control variable in the regression. Gender (Ball, 2014;Pilgeram & Amos, 2015;Schmidt et al., 2021) and experience (Sutherland & Burton, 2011) are factors that can impact the outcomes of challenges, hence their use as a control. Female-identifying operators are more likely to have smaller operations and concerns about sustainability and the environment (Ball, 2014). ...
Agritourism has become a popular pursuit for farms and ranches in the United States, aiming to diversify revenue sources and meet agricultural education and community-building goals. However, there has been limited research around the challenges experienced by operators and limited access to resources that can help address these challenges. This article fills that gap in knowledge by examining the challenges agritourism operations currently face in the Northeast, Midwest, South, and West regions of the U.S. In this study, we use a mixed-methods approach to the Five Dimensions of Access framework developed by Penchansky and Thomas (1981). We operationalize their model in an ordinal probit regression to analyze data from a national survey of agritourism operators, analyzed by region. Results from the quantitative analysis are substantiated using qualitative, open-ended comments from the same survey. The analyses show that agritourism operators encounter different challenges according to their region. We find that operators in most regions of the United States are concerned about agritourism liability. However, states in the West region experience more challenges with regulations, zoning, and permitting, while operators in the South have more problems with e-connectivity. These results can be applied in three ways: support services for agritourism, policy and regulations, and future research.
... Weber and other German male socio-historic thinkers such as Ernst Grosse and Franz Oppenheimer rejected the essence and structure of succession through a matrilineal women-centric family in the agricultural set up, and instead placed emphasis on a more patriarchal male-centric system. These norms of patrilineal inheritance and capital transfers continue to create genderbased inequitable occupational segregation on the American farm where women's access to farmland depends on marrying into the farm and inheritance doesn't occur until much later in life compared to men (Cutillo and Centra 2017;Laband and Lentz 1983;Pilgeram and Amos 2015). ...
In the field of public administration, a feminist appraisal of Weber's bureaucracy has transpired gradually. In this article, we examine the gender ramifications of Weberian bureaucracy, with a specific focus on the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA). Using the feminist critique of the field at large, and the framework of bureau men and settlement women in particular, we critically analyze Weber's ideas of an ideal bureaucracy. Our central contribution is intermeshing Stiver's critical perspectives with the theoretical frames of feminist phenomenology and feminist standpoint theory to craft a feminist model for appraising the agricultural bureaucracy in the United States. In doing so, we demonstrate how women farmers' and landowners' approach to agriculture and farm management is fundamentally different in values and orientation than the USDA's Weberian bureaucratic approach which dictates the design and implementation of agricultural policy.
... One could marry with the aim to achieve specific advantages, e.g. governmental incentives, access to wealth or international citizenship (Ash & Badgett, 2006;Wray, 2006;Maskens, 2015;Hatch, 2017;Pilgeram & Amos, 2015), deciding on the sentimental life area in a cold/rational fashion; on the contrary, one could be driven towards the selection of a job by the necessity to regulate emotions and stress (Firth et al., 2004;) or also by authentic passion for it (Smith & Manna, 2005). We will hypothesize that Systems 1 and 2 will be associated to a greater extent respectively to the sentimental and the work-related life choices, at least in terms of recollection, taking into account the literature outlined above but also the complexity of life choices as they develop in real life scenarios. ...
People often make life choices that will affect their future (e.g. getting married). However, research on decision making focuses more on abstract dilemmas than on decision making. The aim of this study is threefold: to analyze (1) whether people rely mainly on intuitive or rational processing (System 1 or 2) when making life choices; (2) whether some characteristics of recalled life choices (e.g., difficulty in making the decision) differ between life areas (sentimental and work contexts); (3) whether personality traits and System 1 or 2 utilization may predict final satisfaction in life choices. By conducting a cross-sectional study on 188 participants' recall of selected life decisions (in the sentimental and work life areas) we found that System 1 is more involved than System 2 in sentimental choices while the opposite happens for work ones. Lastly, satisfaction in life choices is partially predicted by the involvement of cognitive systems and individual differences, with different predictors emerging across life areas. Discussion suggests directions for future research on naturalistic decision making.
... Property rights, for instance, have long been reserved for white men; then, women were able to access some of these rights via heteronormative marriages and their husbands (which continues to limit queer folx's access to land) (Leslie 2019). Because of the challenges associated with purchasing land, many marginalized groups rent land or rely on an intimate partner's non-farm income to buy land (Pilgeram and Amos 2015). While leasing can offer a solution to land access, it poses its own challenges, including uncertainties regarding long-term access and rights surrounding infrastructure. ...
While the agricultural knowledges and practices of Black, Indigenous, and People of Color (BIPOC) and women have shaped agriculture in the US, these knowledges have been colonized, exploited, and appropriated, cleaving space for the presently dominant white male agricultural narrative. Simultaneously, these knowledges and practices have been transformed to fit within a society that values individualism, production, efficiency, and profit. The authors use a decolonial Feminist Political Ecology framework to highlight the ways in which the knowledges of Indigenous, Black, and women farmers have been and are being colonized; a tradition that makes alternative agriculture a predominantly white space. The authors interviewed 10 BIPOC and women farmers in Colorado to understand what values and knowledges were shaping their often-appropriated agricultural practices. Three themes emerged: people, place, and patterns. By centering these values, farmers create relational agricultural practices that support the well-being of human and more-than-human beings. To support the widespread implementation of these practices, food systems practitioners must elevate the voices and knowledges of historically excluded farmers. Only then can truly just and equitable alternative agricultural practices be realized in the US.
... The quintessential embodiment of U.S. farming-the family farm-is based on a foundation of heteronuclear relationships, which brings together business partners as romantic partners, thereby reproducing heteronormativity in both professional and private spaces (Keller 2015;. Gender scholars have highlighted how traditional gender and (hetero)sexual relations undermine women's position in farming through undervalued farm work, patriarchal land inheritance, and exclusion from the farmer identity (Pilgeram and Amos 2015;Sachs 1983). The implicit heteronormativity within gendered farming relationships reveals a hegemonic discourse in rural spaces that constructs farming as a purely heterosexual domain (Little 2003). ...
In agriculture, heterosexual and cisgender farmers benefit from merging the public and private spheres through the “family farm” model. In comparison, heterosexist expectations relegate queerness to the private sphere and burden queer farmers with the work of gaining acceptance among rural and agrarian communities. Based on interviews with 20 queer farmers in the northeastern United States, this article examines the role of queerness in shaping farmers' participation in agriculture. Findings show that queer farmers actively maneuver their identity based on presumptions of heterosexism, illustrating how queerness, as an aspect of identity, is widely overlooked as a critical vector that influences participation in farming. Through daily interactions with customers, other farmers, and community members, queer farmers develop strategies to mitigate heterosexism's negative implications. Queer farmers participated in alternative agriculture, leveraged the rural politics of recognition, and selectively outed themselves. As a structural issue, however, heterosexism remains an embodied hardship for queer farmers. Queer farmers' experiences offer new pathways for understanding rural community development in the agrarian transition. These results illustrate that agricultural organizations, farm policy, and rural community theorizing would benefit from viewing queerness as a critical axis of consideration in farming rather than a private matter not suitable for farming spaces.
... Examples of specific concerns include barriers to enter farming, lower profitability of operations, constraints to networking with other female farmers, and a general lack of government support (Ball, 2019). Female farmers' challenges in acquiring farmland, both historically and ongoing, have also been documented in the literature (Effland et al., 1993;Pilgeram and Amos 2015;Sachs et al., 2016). ...
The literature on women in agricultural production in developing countries is vast. While female farmers in the United States have recently received more attention, their general characteristics and practices pursued have not received as much consideration by agricultural economists. Here we examine U.S. female farmers’ characteristics and factors associated with county level female farm shares using Census data. We find that these shares are higher near metropolitan core counties and that their presence is associated with agritourism activity as well as horticultural and small livestock production. We conclude with several policy questions and future research needed to assess the roles and impacts of female farm operators in the U.S.
... The small size of this sample limits the generalizability of this research but this method allows for an in-depth understanding of the individual participant's experiences. It is a similar sample size to other research on women in agriculture such as Keller (2014) and Pilgeram and Amos (2015). Prior to conducting this research ethics approval was sought and received. ...
This article examines the experiences of female farmers in the Australian context who neither married into nor were born into farming and how they construct their farmer identity. Drawing on interviews with seventeen first generation female farmers it demonstrates a detraditionalized farmer identity created in response to concern for environmental and social sustainability. They are enabled by an online, global community of practice and shifting narratives of what constitutes responsible farming. Participants leveraged their skills from previous occupations to their farming enterprises to internalize a managerial and entrepreneurial farming identity. First generation female farmers have been empowered as new actors in Australian agriculture, reflecting a disruption in traditional patterns of gendered privilege.
Traditional gender expectations and societal norms, along with unique occupational and organizational policies, may make it difficult for women to work in the agricultural industry. The purpose of this study is to apply Role Congruity Theory to female farmers' experience of occupational stress, and to explore behavioral adaptations used to cope with working in a male‐dominated occupation in areas where conventional gender norms are more prominent. Structured interviews were conducted with 16 female farm owners and managers and a thematic analysis approach was used to analyze data. Female farmers reported stress associated with gender stereotyping, misogyny, role expectations, and lack of respect. This study found that women are perceived as incongruent with the male‐dominated agricultural sector, and experience prejudice and harassment substantiating Role Congruity Theory . In addition, participants reported behavioral adaptations such as adopting masculine traits, dressing differently, and overworking or overcompensating, which may be contributing to higher stress levels. Women participating in this study took pride in defying expectations and succeeding in a male‐dominated occupation, but more effort should be made to promote diversity and inclusion in the agricultural industry.
Women own or co-own almost half of the land in the US Midwest and women landowners are playing an increasingly important role in production and financial decision-making. Despite their growing influence, women landowners are less engaged in conservation programs and networks, primarily due to inadequate access to conservation services and resources, leading to a scenario where men continue to dominate participation in both governmental and private conservation initiatives. The existing body of literature further echoes this disparity, with women's perspectives and voices markedly underrepresented in the United States' conservation discourse. Aiming to bridge this gap, this article delves into the attitudes of women landowners toward conservation using a 2021 survey conducted with 135 Iowa women landowners. The survey sought to shed light on their interests in various conservation topics, their concerns regarding conservation decision-making, and their preferences concerning the sources of information and the methods through which educational content is delivered. We find that women landowners are most interested in government conservation programs, followed by soil erosion control, soil fertilizer improvement, and cover crops. We provide statistical evidence that more women operating landowners are interested in conservation topics and concerned about conservation issues than women non-operating landowners in general. We further explore the variations in conservation interests among women landowners, considering their demographic and farm-specific characteristics, to highlight the diverse perspectives within this group. Additionally, we examine the preferred channels through which women landowners wish to receive educational information, offering valuable insights for policymaking and extension services. The results underscore a preference for a mix of delivery methods among women landowners, with a particular inclination toward virtual platforms, such as periodic (e-)newsletters and webinars, and printed materials such as fact sheets or infographics, over traditional in-person formats. This nuanced understanding of women landowners' educational preferences and conservation interests serves as a foundational step toward fostering more inclusive conservation programs and networks that effectively engage and represent women in the agricultural sector.
Rural social scientists have long sought to understand what the structure of agriculture will look like in the future, who is going to do the work, and under what conditions with a focus on family owned and operated farms. Central to the theorization of farm families' ability to continue farming in the midst of on-going changes are the deep inter-connections between the farm household and the farm operation and farm families’ ability to adjust how resources are used within the farm household and operation spheres. Yet in this paper we argue that the interface between the household and operation has largely been treated as a black box and when it has been considered, it has largely been from the vantage point of the farm operation at the expense of the farm household. We substantiate our argument by drawing on insights from our individual research and collective discussions during a three-day workshop around three themes (i.e. gender, life course and farm business cycle, formal and informal support systems). As an invitation for others to join us in opening a new line of research, we propose a research agenda and discuss considerations around research designs, data, funding, and collaborations to tackle this research agenda.
Agriculture is the highest employment sector in Namibia, yet evidence of social protection measures specifically for those involved in farming in Namibia is lacking despite recurring drought events that affect more women than men. Existing studies with a focus on gender participation and social protection in agriculture do not focus on Namibia. Further, extant research also underlines the importance of collecting data beyond time-use surveys with heads of household and rather asking women farmers specific questions about their needs to help tailor policy measures accordingly, hence a qualitative methodology is employed. The article focuses on the role and challenges of obtaining social assistance or agriculture insurance for women to encourage agricultural production. Twenty-one (21) women farmers interviewed assert that the role of social protection as insurance protection is to cover for any losses in farming. However, many participants perceive social farming protection to be unaffordable due to poor access to markets and subsequently low income from farming or were unaware of its availability. Furthermore, many participants do not own the land they farm as it is either leased or inherited from elders by men and therefore they are not encouraged to take out social protection for farming. The article recommends providing accessible information on the availability of agricultural insurance and how women could access it, but also ensuring that issues such as access to land and markets are dealt with. Lastly, the involvement in high value agricultural value chains is encouraged for better income prospects and to possibly make insurance more affordable.
Successful farms—in the public imagination, agricultural policy, and more—tend to be highly profitable and operate at extremely large scales. Research has shown that women are less likely to operate these types of farms, possibly due to their preferences and lifestyle choices. There is evidence, however, that these gaps are additionally the result of differences in access to resources due to gender discrimination. Patterns of inequity in land inheritance and other resources limit women's farm size and choice of crops, and thus their opportunities to farm at larger, more profitable scales. Nonetheless, women farmers also employ creative strategies to make farming work for them. Our study uses 2017 Census of Agriculture data to compare women and men farmers at 7 different farm scales, revealing gendered strategies and comparing men and women farmers on equal footing. This presents a more nuanced picture of women's participation in farming at various scales. Overall, we find that within farm scales, women are often doing just as well as men—usually with fewer or different resources and approaches. Women's unbalanced representation at each farm scale, however, helps to explain why women are not always envisioned as “real farmers” in the popular conscience.
Beginning and female farmers are crucial for the succession of the next generation of farming. Despite policy interventions to provide access to credit, land, and capital, little is known about whether the end‐market consumers support the business ventures of beginning farmers and their products. Using an incentivized online experiment, this study assesses consumers' willingness to support beginning and female farmers in direct monetary donations, real effort volunteerism support, and willingness‐to‐pay for products. The results show that consumers, in general, do not differentiate their support for beginning farmers relative to generic farmers except in the case of voluntary effort exertion.
Despite ample scientific evidence proving climate change is occurring, climate change skepticism and denial remain heavily politicized and polarizing issues across the Appalachian region. Personal accounts can provide an accessible entry point for alleviating skepticism and contributing to an increased understanding of climate change and its local consequences. This exploratory study complements existing literature regarding climate change perception by providing an experiential and localized understanding and awareness of climate change from an often-marginalized group: rural, female farmers in Appalachian Kentucky. This study aims to examine the impact that personal experience has on Kentucky female farmers’ perception of climate change and their willingness to adopt adaptation and mitigation strategies. Six semi-structured interviews were conducted and coded using a hierarchical coding framework to inform this study. This research note highlights the observations and perspectives of six Appalachian farmers in Kentucky as they navigate farming during climate change.
In this paper we assess the relationship between how women access the land they farm, and their farming identities, roles, and future succession plans. Utilizing a Bourdieusian approach, we conceptualize inheritance of farmland as a long‐term process of symbolic and economic investment. We conducted a cohort analysis of women living or working on farms in Scotland, UK who (a) were or were not raised on farms; and (b) bought into or inherited agricultural land (directly or through their spouses). Data comprised on‐line survey responses, qualitative interviews and focus groups. Analysis demonstrated that women who were raised on farms and either inherited farms or established new farms, were more likely to identify themselves as farmers, engage in machinery work and identify female successors. Women who accessed farmland through marriage tended to engage in more home‐making tasks, to identify themselves as farmers' wives, and to occupy larger farms. These largest, potentially most viable farms thus continue to be inherited by men. However, when women inherit farms, a step change occurs, where daughters are much more likely to be identified as future successors. Enabling women raised on farms to inherit and/or establish new farms is thus critical to altering patriarchal succession cycles.
Using Census of Agriculture (2017) data, we investigate the association between the principal operator's sexual orientation and farm profitability. Farms run by a male principal operator married to another male (MMM) have higher profits than farms run by a male principal operator married to a woman (MMW), a woman married to a man (WMM), and a woman married to another woman (WMW). Having two men on farm confers profit advantages. Compared with other marital combinations studied, MMM operate large‐scale farms, are more experienced farmers, and are more likely to engage in commodity agriculture. Findings suggest gender, not sexual orientation, is driving the observed profit gaps.
This paper presents a synthetic reading of the food regime and gender regime concepts to consider current trends in deagrarianization. Its goal is to articulate a research agenda for studying the food regime through the lens of gender and labor relations. Combining insights from feminist scholarship and early debates on family farming, it underscores the role of social reproduction in shaping agro-food systems. It reconsiders family, kinship, and strong ties as a form of social organization in capitalist production, emphasizes the significance of ideology on the household level, and underscores the role of temporalities of social and biological reproduction in conceptualizing the food regime evolution.
Farm operation is among the most gender‐unequal occupations in the U.S. Data from the 2017 U.S. Census of Agriculture reveals that average net farm income was 151% higher on farms with a male versus a female principal operator. Decomposition analysis indicates the gender gap is almost entirely explained by differences in endowments. Female farmers have lower farm profitability than their male counterparts because their operations use far less capital (land, machinery, and labor), they have less farming experience, and they engage in the production of commodities that are less profitable.
First paragraphs:
Candan Turkkan’s Feeding Istanbul: The Political Economy of Urban Provisioning begins with an intimate anecdote about her grandmother’s experiences of hunger during the Second World War and the centrality of bread in her family. She reflects on the fragility of food systems that belie appearances of food abundance in urban areas and the lasting psychological impacts of hunger. This personal story introduces the focus of the book: the political economies of urban food provisioning in Istanbul.
Feeding Istanbul chronologically discusses food provisioning in Istanbul from the 16th century to the present. Turkkan uses an impressive range of sources, including secondary historical materials, archival documents and collections, and ethnographic research, to suggest that Istanbul has experienced three food regimes, each with unique relationships between the central authority, economics, and food supplies. . . .
Purpose
Beginning farmers and ranchers (BFRs) are more likely to access land through an unrelated landowner than through family. Thus, farm and ranch owners who might transfer their land or businesses out of family are potential sources of land access for BFRs and are the most frequent participants in incentive programs to facilitate land transfer to BFRs. To assist in identifying landowners who might transfer out of family, the paper aims to explore similarities and differences between landowners according to their expectations for intra-familial versus extra-familial farm transfer.
Design/methodology/approach
Pairwise and regression analysis of USA Midwestern and Plains landowners' responses to an online survey ( n = 322).
Findings
Landowners who might transfer out of family were likely to need the proceeds from a land sale to finance their retirement. Landowners' financial needs interacted with their widespread interest in transferring to a BFR such that 97% of owners who expected extra-familial transfer wanted to transfer to a BFR. There were also statistical patterns around the size of owners' landholdings in relation to their transfer plans.
Research limitations/implications
This exploratory inquiry suggests patterns for future research to examine, especially around landowners' juxtaposition of their retirement income and their interest in transferring to a BFR and how to align these priorities and values.
Originality/value
By exploring the characteristics of landowners who are the most likely to provide land access to BFRs, the authors begin to examine how to target these owners in program outreach. Patterns for further exploration point to landowners' financial needs in relation to their interest in helping a BFR to get started in agriculture.
This article explores gender and intergenerational farm succession, with a particular focus on the Australian context. We conducted a systematic literature review (SLR) of extant research in gender and farm succession patterns internationally, coupled with a systematic sampling of legal databases to see how farm succession has been addressed in the Australian legal system. From the SLR, we established that internationally there are changing roles on farms; proactively addressing succession is recognized as contributing to the ongoing viability of the family farm; gender norms continue to privilege sons and dismiss daughters; and the commitment to maintaining the family farm intact is a priority. From the legal databases we found limited attention has been paid to gender and farm succession in the Australian context. Challenges to legal arrangements for farm succession are usually made on the grounds of unfair distribution of assets between siblings (adequacy of provision) rather than a claim to farm inheritance, and these cases rarely rest on accusations of gender discrimination. We argue that succession disputes are either largely resolved through mediation, or never attempted, as the family farm remaining intact trumps gender in succession planning. Through drawing the SLR and legal cases together, we provide insights for the farm advisory community to better inform future intergenerational farm transfer.
This paper reviews 115 articles and books published since 1971 that comprise almost all of the scholarly research on black farmers and land loss. It provides a general overview as well as discussion of the benefits of landownership for the black community. Several causes of black land and farm loss are reviewed: forced sales due to "heir property," lack of access to government programs, and continuing racial discrimination by lenders and government agencies. A number of the works cited provide possible ways to slow the loss of black- owned land, including strategies to increase the profitability of individual farms and increased finding of programs (e.g., by 1890 land grant universities and community-based organizations) that provide assistance to small-scale, limited-resource farmers. The paper concludes with suggestions for additional research and legislative action.
A bstract
Using interviews and participant observation at Pacific Northwest sustainable farming operations, this article analyzes the complex ways that class privileges and labor practices impact the social sustainability of sustainable agriculture. While the farmers in this study were highly aware of and reflexive about the class politics of sustainable agriculture, they also participated in a classed system that restricts access to sustainable farming as an occupation even as it exploits the labor of the farmer in order to regulate prices. In particular, the farmers in the study benefited from educational privileges and often‐lucrative off‐farm income, they expressed a desire to make their goods more accessible and affordable even as they marketed their foods to their upper‐middle‐class consumers, and they used their own idealism as justification to exploit their own difficult labor on the farm. Using a qualitative, ethnographic approach, this research explores the negotiations between farmers' social ideals and the actual practice of sustainable agriculture in a capitalist system.
In the United States, for various reasons, fewer farm families rely solely on their farming operations for their livelihoods. As the structure of agriculture changes and farm families adjust their livelihood strategies, do the discourses around gender relations in households also change? This article analyzes the portrayal of women's roles in farming households by drawing on interviews with Kansas field crop farmers, primarily regarding their land-use decisions, but also inquiring about their farms and communities. The article addresses the following question: How do farmers' discourses compare to Brandth's (2002a) categorizations of three dominant discourses in the literature on gender in European family farming—the discourse of the family farm, the discourse of masculinization, and the discourse of detraditionalization and diversity? While Brandth finds the discourse of the family farm prevalent in the literature, overall, the discourse apparent from 30 farmer interviews is more characteristic of detraditionalization and diversity. Although men are primarily the principal operators in farming, overall, women were not portrayed simply as helpers. Rather, their roles are depicted as diverse and important to farm operations.
Women throughout the West are up to three times more likely to be the operator of a farm in sustainable agricultural models than in productivist models. When women assume the role of farmer they transgress traditional gender identities on farms, which dictate that women are ‘farmwives’ and men are ‘farmers’; these gender identities intersect with spaces in the agricultural community to imply appropriate behavior for women as farmwives. This research demonstrates that the sustainable agriculture community provides spaces that promote and are compatible with women's identities as farmers. Feminist analyses of space and agriculture suggest that productivist agricultural models marginalize women from spaces of knowledge, while sustainable agriculture provides spaces of empowerment for women farmers. The fieldwork for this project involved a purposive survey, in‐depth interviews and participant observation with twenty women farmers over an 18‐month period in the sustainable agriculture community of Central Pennsylvania.
The main objective of this study was to analyze and compare the socio-economic characteristics, attitude and beliefs of sustainable and conventional farmers. The results show that there was a significant difference in the use of Sustainable Agriculture System (SAS) practices by conventional and sustainable farmers. The response on two agriculture paradigms was significantly different among the two groups of farmers. The probit coefficient showed that there was positive relationship between farmers' education, number of new farming practices adopted, and SAS. The results suggest that sustainable farmers were younger and have more off-farm income compared to conventional farmers. It was also concluded that affiliations with different farmer groups/organizations does affect the farmer's perception toward SAS. The results of this study would be helpful to policy makers in developing strategies and policies to enhance SAS in order to improve the environment and rural communities.
Jennifer Sumner and Sophie Llewelyn focus on gender and organic farming in the age of industrial agriculture. Industrial agriculture involves non-household-based production units, typically with absentee ownership and control over production factors. The development of industrial agriculture has not only separated many farmers from their land and undermined many rural communities, it has also marginalized women from agricultural processes. The organic pioneers espoused a set of values that promoted the health and welfare of people, animals, communities and the environment. Research in Canada also offers some insights into gender relations. After studying women organic farmers resisting globalization, McMahon argues that small-scale farmers and urban farmers are very often women, especially in the Third World but also among organic farmers in British Columbia. They found that males were generally not involved in day-to-day domestic purchases, management, or child care, but were invariably involved.
This article examines the motivations of women farmers actively involved in community supported agriculture. Drawing from interviews with farmers situated in a metropolitan region of the USA, it argues that these women's motivations are expressive of an ethics of care that defines their work as centered upon nourishing themselves and others. Women came to this work as a conscious choice to change their life-work. These choices are shaped by the urban context of their farming practices and also by their race and middle class status. These motivations and choices express a care ethics centered in self-care. Drawing from Foucault's ethics of self-care, these motivations express a liberatory transformation of self that is also radically responsible to others and expressive of a post-capitalist politics. These ethically informed agricultural practices correspond to the development of a post-capitalist politics that challenges neoliberal subject formation in food production and consumption. Feminist care ethics contributes to feminist political ecology by focusing upon the social relations of caring practice, and also revealing how self-care is ethically embodied and politically transformative in the case of middle class urban farmers active in community supported agriculture.
Starting from a theoretical discussion on the relations between women and nature, the overall aim of the paper is to discuss how the ongoing structural changes in organic agriculture affect the everyday life, roles and positions of professional women in the sector and relate to the construction of gender and identity in organic farming. When organic farming was implemented in Denmark, both women and men were active participants in defining its principles and practises. Hence organic farming has the potential for creating alternative relations and for reviving female values and interests in agriculture. To day however, organic farming has become more commercialised leading to the gradual penetration and dominance of the values and practises of conventional farming. So how sustainable will future organic farming be with respect to gender relations? The paper focuses on the recent development of organic farming and explores some of the dilemmas and prospects related to different discourses of organic farming. The dominating institutionalised discourse primarily aims at reducing or eliminating environmental problems or dilemmas characteristic of conventional farming. This is notably distinct from a more holistic discourse emphasising broader and more emancipatory organic principles and practises. Our view is that most professional women in the organic sector relate to the latter category and hence are in danger of becoming a ‘threatened species’ within the sector. Empirically we have challenged this view by interviewing women on their values, interests and practises within organic farming.
Abstract This paper seeks to explain variations in gender participation in farm production and decision-making through an analysis of organic farm types, sizes, and orientations. Based on both survey and case study data, the analysis shows that female farmers on vegetable farms and mixed livestock/cash crop farms are more likely to be involved in farm production and management than women on field crop farms, where mechanization and capital intensive production is much higher. The links to ideological orientations and motivations are also examined, suggesting that farmers with more conventional orientations to organic farming are also less likely to support gender equality.
Abstract This qualitative study of a non-random sample of six farm couples in southeastern Minnesota was shaped by a question originally posed by the participating couples: Is quality of life changing in the same ways for women and men as a consequence of the transition to sustainable farming systems? Historically, the family farm has been treated in research and policy debates as a single unit, with little analysis applied to the multiplicity of interests and roles within the family. Some organizations of the sustainable agriculture movement have followed suit and largely ignored women's roles on the farm, despite their importance to farm operations. The social construct of gender has implications for how farmers in this study define quality of life which, in turn, affects participation in the sustainable agriculture movement. Much of what men emphasize in describing quality of life reflects the values the sustainable agriculture movement itself espouses. For their wives, descriptions of quality of life are largely entwined with their highly elastic gendered roles and responsibilities on the farm, in the household, in paid and unpaid work in the community, and much less with their involvement in the movement. Because women's different and important contributions to the farm and family are not institutionally recognized and addressed by the sustainable agriculture movement, the movement's goals, vision, and activities are gender-specific, dominated by men's participation and contributions.
Women farmers are underserved in agricultural education and technical assistance. Long held social constructions of farming women as ‘farmwives’ and in some cases ‘the bookkeepers’ rather than farmers or decision-makers influence the direction of most educational programming delivered through extension programs in land-grant universities in the United States. Consequently, many women farmers generally view these spaces as hostile, rather than helpful environments. This paper uses the agricultural training framework developed by Liepins and Schick (1998) to analyze our research on developing educational programming for women farmers. We conducted five focus groups with members of the Pennsylvania Women's Agricultural Network (PA-WAgN) to better understand women farmers’ needs for education. Women farmers reported the kinds of knowledge and information they want, in what kinds of contexts, and through what means of communication. We adapt and extend the original theoretical framework developed by Liepins and Schick to incorporate the seriality of women's identities, their discourses of embodiment and the agency granted to them through social networks. Through a presentation of the results of these focus groups, we discuss both the relevance of gender to agricultural education and the importance of the network model in providing education to women farmers.