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War Making and State Making as Organized Crime -Charles Tilly

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Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985). It protection rackets represent organised crime at its smoothest, then war risking and state making – quintessential protection rackets with the advantage of legitimacy – qualify as our largest examples of organised crime. Without branding all generals and statesmen as murderers or thieves, I want to urge the value of that analogy. At least for the European experience of the past few centuries, a portrait of war makers and state makers .r. coercive and self-seeking entrepreneurs bears a far greater resemblance to the facts than do its chief alternatives: the idea of a social contract, the idea of an open market in which operators of armies and states offer services to willing consumers, the idea of a society whose shared norms and expectations call forth a certain kind of government. The reflections that follow merely illustrate the analogy of war making and state making with organized crime from a few hundred years of European experience and offer tentative arguments concerning principles of change and variation underlying the experience. My reflections grow from contemporary concerns: worries about the increasing destructiveness of war, the expanding role of great powers as suppliers of arms and military o r ganization to poor countries, and the growing importance of military r tile in those same countries. They spring from the hope that the European experience, properly understood, will help us to grasp what is happening toda y , perhaps even to do something about it. The Third World of the twentieth century does not greatly resemble Europe of the sixteenth or seventeenth century. In no simple sense can we read the future of Third World countries from the pasts of European coun-tries. Yet a thoughtful exploration of European experience will serve us well. It will show us that coercive exploitation played a large part in the creation of the European states. It will show us that popular resistance to 170 Charles Tilly coercive exploitation forced would-be power holders to concede protection and constraints on their own action. It will therefore help us to eliminate faulty implicit comparisons between today's Third World and yesterday's Europe. That clarification will make it easier to understand exactly how today's world is different and what we therefore have to explain. It may even help us to explain the current looming presence of military organization and action throughout the world. Although that result would delight me, I do not promise anything so grand. This essay, then, concerns the place of organised means of violence in the growth and change of those peculiar forms of government we call national states: relatively centralized, differentiated organizations the officials of which more or less successfully claim control over the chief concentrated means of violence within a population inhabiting a large, contiguous territory. The argument grows from historical work on the formation of national states in Western Europe, especially on the growth of the French state from 1600 onward. But it takes several deliberate steps away from that work, wheels, and stares hard at it from theoretical ground. The argument brings with it few illustrations and no evidence worthy of the name. Just as one repacks a hastily filled rucksack after a few days on the trail – throwing out the waste, putting things in order of importance, and bal-ancing the load – I have repacked my theoretical baggage for the climb to come; the real test of the new packing arrives only with the next stretch of the trail. The trimmed-down argument stresses the interdependence of war making and state making and the analogy between both of those processes and what, when less successful and smaller in scale, we call organised crime. War makes states, I shall claim. Banditry, piracy, gangland rivalry, policing, and war making all belong on the same continuum – that I shall claim as well. For the historically limited period in which national states were becoming the dominant organisations in Western countries, I shall also claim that mercantile capitalism and state making reinforced each other. Double-Edged Protection In contemporary American parlance, the word "protection" sounds two contrasting tones. One is comforting, the other ominous. With one tone, "protection" calls up images of the shelter against danger provided by a powerful friend, a large insurance policy, or a sturdy roof. With the other, it evokes the racket in which a local strong man forces merchants to pay tribute in order to avoid damage – damage the strong man himself threatens to deliver. The difference, to be sure, is a matter of degree: A hell-and-damnation priest is likely to collect contributions from his parishioners only to the extent that they believe his predictions of brimstone for infidels; our neighborhood mobster may actually be, as he claims to be, a brothel's best guarantee of operation free of police interference. Which image the word "protection" brings to mind depends mainly on our assessment of the reality and eternality of the threat. Someone who

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... It has been used by economists, historians and political theorists to explain the emergence of the mod­ ern state (e.g. Lane 1958; Nozick 1974; Tilly 1985; Olson 1993, 2000). Recently, several authors have adopted it to account for the behaviour of gangs, organized crime and the Mafia (Gambetta 1993; Chu 2000; Varese 2001; 2010; Frye 2002; Hill 2003; Campana 2011; Wang 2011; Slade 2012; Campana and Varese 2013; Densley 2013; Pottenger 2014). ...
... Because they are monopolists, protectors charge for their services more than what it costs them to produce those services and fight off attempts to encroach on their domain. Finally, building and maintaining a reputation for effective protection has the effect of enabling the protector to save on the production of the good itself (Lane 1958; Nozick 1974; Tilly 1985; Gambetta 1993; Olson 1993; Varese 2010; 2014; intellectual ancestors are Machiavelli 1532; Hobbes 1651). PT has also been used to explain state building, in particular by Tilly (1985). ...
... Finally, building and maintaining a reputation for effective protection has the effect of enabling the protector to save on the production of the good itself (Lane 1958; Nozick 1974; Tilly 1985; Gambetta 1993; Olson 1993; Varese 2010; 2014; intellectual ancestors are Machiavelli 1532; Hobbes 1651). PT has also been used to explain state building, in particular by Tilly (1985). This approach suggests that the key stimulus to building and centralizing state authority is war. ...
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... War has also played a decisive role in the advent of modernity . As Tilly ( 1985 ) , Mann ( 1993 ) , Giddens ( 1986 ) and Hirst ( 2001 ) have convincingly dem - onstrated the intensive preparations for war and the escalation of European warfare since the late 16th century onwards provided unprecedented stimulus for state development and social change . The ever - increasing geopolitical com - petition forced rulers towards greater fiscal reorganization , the expansion of administrative structures , the growth of the banking sector , and investment in the development of science , technology and the military . ...
... This process was already visible at the birth of the first empires when the expanding state power depended on the proliferation of ' social caging ' with individuals being forced to trade personal liberty for state provided security ( Mann , 1993 ) . Over the years social caging was combined with ' political rack - eteering ' , that is populations being required to pay taxes and finance costly wars in exchange for some citizenship rights and protection from other states and domestic threats ( Tilly , 1985 ) . Nevertheless it is only in the past 200 years that this cumulative bureaucratization of coercion has significantly accelerated . ...
... This obviously is not a historically novel situation . As Tilly ( 1985 ) shows , European state formation went through a very similar ...
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... Rokkan's theory as presented in Flora, Kuhnle and Urwin (1999); see also Tilly (1975; 1985; 1992), Evans, Rueschemeyer and Skocpol (1985), Mann (1988). The exceptions to my generalisation on scant attention to small states are above all those that focus on secession and related questions; they are found (e. ...
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... In fact, Varese (2006) argues that the recent proliferation of mafia groups in Northern Italy mainly depends on the lack of institutional control over certain sectors of the local economy: the 'Ndrangheta succeeded in migrating there because the state had retreated, generating a power vacuum and replicating the same conditions that flawed the Italian state-building process in the 19 th century. Whilst this explanatory pattern is backed by other authors' argumentations (Tilly, 1985; Gambetta, 1996), Varese himself talks about the migration of pre-existing mafia groups rather than the insurgence of autochthonous organised crime (Varese, 2006). Thus, holding true the importance of the historical legacy of the mafia, its account cannot be reduced to sole economic factors (Paoli, 2002; Allum and Sands, 2004). ...
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... State has been defined in different manners. Tilly (1985:170) argues that national States are: Relatively centralized, differentiated organizations the officials of which more or less successfully claim control over the chief concentrated means of violence within a population inhabiting a large, contiguous territory. Whaites (2008:4) suggests that organizing a society within a defined territory has been dominated by the model of State, and that the visible embodiment of this model is nothing but the structures: ministries, agencies and forces that have been ʻcreated to act on the instructions of the individuals who have gained political decision making power (governments)ʼ. ...
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... Violence has often been 'part of the economy, not simply a brake on it' (Cramer 2006: 17). Similarly, Tilly (1985, 1990, 2003) elucidates the importance of war and war making to the formation and transformation of European states and capitalism, processes which Tilly (1990: 196– 7) argues can be extrapolated from Europe to contemporary developing countries. Wars of conquest were also integral to the growth of early capitalist states. ...
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... State has been defined in different manners. Tilly (1985:170) argues that national States are: ...
... 1 Second, criminal enterprises will seek to establish political and social control of territory in the absence of an effective authority that can mitigate the costs of illicit market competition (see Gambetta 1993). 2 Specifically, where the state is incapable or unwilling to effectively investigate and punish homicide, criminal groups will attempt to protect themselves by securing territorial sovereignty, which serves as a safe zone for market activity as well as physical survival. To the extent they achieve this, they may resemble primitive forms of predatory states (Tilly 1985; Skaperdas 2001). ...
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The year 2009 marks several significant anniversaries for China, some triumphant, some tragic. Indisputably the leading light of the year’s BRIC summit and the stellar performer amidst the global financial crisis, China has also celebrated without a doubt her return to the centre of the world by her successful hosting of the Olympics and her first spacewalk a year before, though a series of other incidents have made such triumph far from unequivocal. Beyond her borders, China’s material rise and miraculous accomplishments have been closely watched by her Northeast Asian and Southeast Asian neighbours, for the economic well-being and national security of countries big and small in these regions are now very much tied to China’s ascendance as a global and regional economic power, engine of growth, political force and potential military juggernaut to be fully reckoned with. This book examines and critically analyzes the regional political and economic implications of the rise of China from the perspectives of her Northeast and Southeast Asian neighbours, the rural and urban developmental dilemmas and challenges the Asian giant is facing on the domestic front, as well as the future of the country’s continued odyssey of development, modernization and reform against the backdrop of consequential policy responses at momentous critical junctures and subsequent State policy development within the context of the exigencies engendered by ethnoterritoriality and the interplay of central State and peripheral nationalisms. <https://www.dropbox.com/s/vraf9e24oielfyk/PaxSinicaCRC05-11-09-corrected-pdf-seem-pg201-cover-combined-for-web.pdf
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In face of linked dynamics of society and nature as well as social, technological and Ecological transformation processes, a shift towards pathways of sustainable development is needed. This challenges societies to establish new forms of governance. Innovation of governance has to be based on an understanding of contemporary governance and specific policies in relation to the named broader processes of transformation in order to explore possible future pathways of governance change. To generate such an understanding a genealogy of particular policies is necessary. This article presents conceptual and methodological grounds to study the genesis, continuity and dynamics of policies through time and space. It presents an analytical and methodical framework which fits for the analytical reconstruction of policies' historical pathways of development in order to understand processes of generation, stabilization and change. Such a purpose requires some stock-taking with respect to different concepts and strands of empirical research that underlie the particular perspectives and approaches of the analytical framework. Furthermore, it presupposes the theoretical and conceptual positioning of the elaborated analytical approach.
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Emile Kok-Kheng Yeoh (2009), "China and Spain: Critical Junctures, Ethnoterritoriality and Paths of Reform and Devolution", in Emile Kok-Kheng Yeoh (ed.), Towards Pax Sinica? – China's Rise and Transformation: Impacts and Implications, Kuala Lumpur: Institute of China Studies, University of Malaya, pp. 173-304. <https://www.dropbox.com/s/kh07nvwxnze9qia/PaxSinica-chapter10-yeoh-criticaljunctures-corrected-pdf-seem-pg201.pdf>
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How revolutionary would it be if the reallocation of caring responsibility could be the core agenda of current Japanese politics? What could lead to the actual occurrence of the caring revolution, despite the strong belief in traditional families and the neoliberal emphasis on self-responsibility? This chapter explores these questions by applying Joan Tronto’s conceptualizations regarding caring democracy to the Japanese socio-political situation, especially that of women in Japan. The chapter begins with a short introduction to the history of the Japanese model of social protection as ‘welfare through work.’ Subsequently, it discusses the current arguments regarding the constitutional amendments in Japan, and then closely explores how family ideologies and the social protection system not only worsen conditions for women but also render them invisible. The final section argues that the nongovernmental organization (NGO), Moyai’s, caring activities provide the seedling for a caring democracy and the possibility of escaping the vicious cycle in Japanese society of weakening social protection while strengthening military protection.
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