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Familistic welfare capitalism in crisis: Social reproduction and anti-social policy in Greece

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Abstract

Familistic welfare capitalism is a model of national political economy prevalent in many regions in the world (Southern Europe, Latin America, and Asia), where the family plays a double role as the key provider of welfare and a key agent in the model's socio-economic and political reproduction. The article offers a new approach to the study this model by adopting an expanded concept of social reproduction to capture its historical evolution, using Greece as a case study. Our empirical analysis of austerity measures on employment and pensions demonstrates, how, in the Greek case, a crisis of social reproduction of the traditional form of familistic welfare capitalism was already underway prior to the well-known sovereign-debt crisis. And further we show how the adoption of austerity measures and pro-market reforms is deepening this crisis by severely undermining the key pillars of familial welfare security while rapidly transforming the model into a political economy of generalised insecurity.

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... Under conditions of continuing welfare cuts, reductions in benefit entitlements, curtailment of socio-economic rights, stagnating wages (Vaughan-Whitehead, 2016), increasing inequalities (Milanovich, 2016) and ballooning household debt (e.g. Papadopoulos and Roumpakis 2013;2017a;Hiilamo, 2018) the vast majority of households and families are now expected to act even more strategically as collective socio-economic actors to absorb the ever-increasing social risks and costs associated with their social reproduction in the era of financialized capitalism (Dixon, 2014). ...
... Reflecting on the role of familyand of women in the familymany social policy scholars writing from a feminist/gender-politics perspective have accurately highlighted the genderblindness and implicit androcentrism in traditional mainstream comparative welfare state literature. For example, Esping-Andersen's (1990) focus on decommodification was heavily criticized on the grounds that it did not acknowledge women's unpaid caring work at home; work that allowed, in the first place, men to gain access to the labour market and, thereafter, to social protection and welfare rights (Pascall and Lewis, 2004). Unpaid work was not recognised as wage work and therefore women were not able to be independently ' decommodified' (O'Connor 1998; see also Orloff, 1993). ...
... In previous empirical work we demonstrated how different welfare regimes institutionalised the conditions for families' role as both welfare providers and economic actors in the regions of Southern Europe, East and South East Asia (Papadopoulos and Roumpakis, 2013;2017b). ...
Chapter
After years of neoliberal restructuring of social welfare, families are under pressure to act more strategically in absorbing the ever-increasing social risks and costs associated with social reproduction. Thus, we consider it imperative to expand our theoretical understanding of the family as a socio-economic actor whose agency extends beyond the realm of care provision. Drawing upon Karl Polanyi’s work on the variety of moral rationalities of economic action and upon critical realist sociological literature on the family as a relational subject this chapter conceptualizes the family as a collective socio-economic actor that deploys a portfolio of moral ‘rationales’ and practices (householding, reciprocity, redistribution and market exchange) to enhance the welfare of its members. We conclude by arguing for a new research agenda that treats the terrain of family’s collective agency as a separate level of analysis, where intersections of class, racial, gender and generational inequalities can be re-imagined in studying how different welfare regimes institutionalize the conditions for families to act as socio-economic agents.
... In addition, if the economic crisis deprived young Greek adults of their salaries, according to Matsaganis (2011), the crisis also deprived them of their parents' pensions. Already by 2008, the government had introduced a series of austerity measures with changes in the pension system that reinforced the links between contributions and pensions and increased the age of retirement (Papadopoulos and Roumbakis, 2013). Moreover, a 6% pension reduction penalty for each year of early retirement was introduced into the pension calculation (Papadopoulos Roumbakis, 2013). ...
... Already by 2008, the government had introduced a series of austerity measures with changes in the pension system that reinforced the links between contributions and pensions and increased the age of retirement (Papadopoulos and Roumbakis, 2013). Moreover, a 6% pension reduction penalty for each year of early retirement was introduced into the pension calculation (Papadopoulos Roumbakis, 2013). Given the high percentage of young adults living with their parents in Greece (Albertini et al. 2007), such measures were not without influence and might have contributed, between 2009 and 2010, to the increase in poverty rates by 12.6% among the unemployed (Tzanatos and Monogios, 2013). ...
... Researchers enquiring into the consequences of the economic crisis in Greece have typically identified 2008 as the beginning of the crisis (Tragaki and Bagavos, 2014;Vaughan-Whitehead, 2013;Papadopoulos and Roumbakis, 2013). In this year, unemployment started increasing (Goldstein et al. 2013), and the first austerity measures emerged. ...
Article
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In this study, we examine the effects of the economic uncertainty of partners on the transition to first birth in Greece before and after the onset of the recent economic crisis. After selecting a sample of childless couples, we applied a random effects model to EU-SILC data for the period 2005–2013. Few studies have focused on the association between economic uncertainty and fertility in Greece considering characteristics of both partners. Even fewer studies have examined panel data in the context of the recent crisis. Our findings show that Greek couples in which both partners are employed, have a high income, or are highly educated are in a more favourable position to have a first child. During the Greek Great Recession, corresponding in our study to the period 2010–2013, the odds of having a first child decreased to half the odds in the 2005–2009 period. The recession period also modified the effect of couples’ characteristics on first childbearing. During the economic crisis, male breadwinner couples were particularly penalized in their transition to have a first child. Surprisingly, couples with at least one temporary worker, usually the woman, were encouraged to have their first child. Implications in terms of gender and social inequality are discussed in the concluding section, and selection processes at play are also discussed. Keywords Fertility, Economic uncertainty, Economic recession, Greece
... Further to the earlier discussion on the role of family and the welfare of its members, one of the issues this thesis will examine is the role of the Cypriot family, especially towards it elderly members focussing particularly on the period before the establishment of Social Insurance in 1957 and the period following the war in 1974. Within the context of familistic welfare capitalism, which means that welfare responsibilities lay with family members this thesis will examine the role of the Cypriot family and how it provided support for its members (Albertini, et al., 2007;Papadopoulos and Roumpakis, 2013). ...
... Families also act as agents of decommodification of their members who, for any reason, are out of the labour market. In addition, this role is not limited to the nuclear family but it extends throughout the extended family and kinship networks which includes in many cases friends, the neighbourhood and the local community (Papadopoulos and Roumpakis, 2013). ...
... Therefore, as it has been demonstrated already, older people lacking the necessary resources to maintain their living standards had to rely on their family members to seek assistance and protection. Effectively, the lack of adequate old-age support rendered the family the first decommodification agent (Papadopoulos and Roumpakis, 2013). ...
Chapter
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The genesis and growth of the social insurance scheme in Cyprus occurred within the timeframe of British imperial rule. This chapter considers and explores the foundations of the British colonial era. The events during the first years of the British governance of the island are of particular importance since they identify and highlight the social conditions of the Cypriot people and relate to subsequent developments in social insurance.
... In the explanatory framework of the paradigmatic turn in most (North) European countries, described as a rolling back or redeployment of the state (Harvey, 2005;Wacquant 2007;, Greece is an outlier. The Greek property regime, marked by the longstanding statist strategy of minimal involvement (Emmanouel, 2007, p. 81) rests upon the family (Allen et al., 2004;Dagkouli-Kyriakoglou, 2018;Papadopoulos & Roumpakis, 2013), emerging as a substitute social security institution. In this asset based welfare avant la lettre, linked to the plethora of the conditional proletariat inflating Greek cities, possession of residential assets secured by the working members of the family was key for subsistence and social safety. ...
... These systems constituted an effective housing policy for the integration and secure tenure of a rapidly urbanizing population, without much state spending on infrastructure and welfare. They effectively made way for the over-reliance on the family institution as a welfare buffer (Papadopoulos & Roumpakis, 2013); it emerged as a substitute social security system vis-a-vis the strategic atrophy of the administration (Leontidou, 1990). It serviced at once the double role of extracting value and of extracting political consent from the plethora of the occasional proletariat (Leontidou, 1989), by turning them into propertied individuals. ...
... This outsourced the costs of the crisis to the institution of the family to tackle state deficits. In tandem, over-indebtedness of households had a negative knock-on effect upon the three key pillars of their members' social security: employment security for households' primary earners; pension adequacy; property and home ownership (Papadopoulos & Roumpakis, 2013;. Unemployment rates skyrocketed, property taxes sextupled (Alexandri & Janoschka, 2018) and mortgage arrears swelled from 4% to more than 45% (Balabanidis et al., 2013). ...
Article
Full-text available
Encompassing data from a year of field-based work in the neighborhood of Ksiladika, Thessaloniki in Northern Greece, I uncover a campaign of vigilante evictions of migrant squatters by local property owners. To contextualize this vigilante violence historically, I point to the distinct trajectory of the Greek property regime, carved by the minimal involvement of the state in welfare provision, the role of the family as a welfare substitute and a valorized norm hybridizing familism with a laissez-faire ethos linked to the possession of (residential) assets. Geographically, I marry Wacquant's conceptualization of advanced urban marginality with rent gap theory to unearth the specificity of Ksiladika, a space at once relegated yet loaded with the promise of revaluation. I suggest that this violence is linked with what local impoverished landholders perceive as an opened rent gap that drives their pursuit to reorganize space according to the dictates of the markets as a way to secure, valorize and restore their property with its attendant meanings visa -vis the social reproduction squeeze brought about the economic restructuring of the Greek economy. Advancing Wacquant's conceptualization of advanced urban marginality as an effect of the neoliberal state crafting on a global scale I suggest (i) that within the schematization of a neoliberal Janus-like centaur state that performs liberalism for the privileged and punitive paternalism for those at the social bottom, its punitive aspects are no longer reserved for the marginalized due to the expanding zone of precarity and (ii) that neoliberal governing is attained not merely by the penal apparatus of the state, but via a diversified repertoire of state responses, including the governing through the precarized subjects who internalize the postulates of the ideology of self-reliance mediated through possession of (residential) assets in times when the resource is scarce.
... Scholars have identified considerable diversity in European family systems. They have contrasted family patterns in North-Western Europe, in which relationships between family members have grown weaker over the centuries, with those in Southern Europe, which are based on strong ties between family members (Papadopoulos and Roumpakis, 2013). There are also diverse patterns in Eastern Europe: some countries, such as Estonia, have an early home-leaving culture similar to Northern Europe; others, such as Croatia and Slovakia, have a late home-leaving culture similar to Southern Europe; whereas other Eastern European countries fall in between (Eurostat, 2020). ...
... Statistics from the Hellenic Labour Inspectorate reveal that almost 40 per cent of people working in precarious and/ or low quality jobs do not have social or health insurance. Within this context, the family is expected to serve as a social shock absorber (Karamessini, 2015) and protect its members from exposure to severe social and financial risks (Papadopoulos and Roumpakis, 2013). Italy is also considered to have a 'familistic' welfare system. ...
... In Italy, parental material support appears to constitute the most important protective factor against the harshest implications of income poverty and/ or instability, creating a phenomenon of 'hidden poverty' (Saraceno, 2015). In Greece, on the other hand, where unemployment in the general population has reached dramatic proportions, let alone the high youth unemployment rate, other family members, including parents, are also affected by unemployment and low work intensity, and the family cannot always protect young people from severe social and financial risks (Papadopoulos and Roumpakis, 2013). ...
... Under conditions of continuing welfare cuts, reductions in benefit entitlements, curtailment of socio-economic rights, stagnating wages (Vaughan-Whitehead, 2016), increasing inequalities (Milanovich, 2016) and ballooning household debt (e.g. Papadopoulos and Roumpakis 2013;2017a;Hiilamo, 2018) the vast majority of households and families are now expected to act even more strategically as collective socio-economic actors to absorb the ever-increasing social risks and costs associated with their social reproduction in the era of financialized capitalism (Dixon, 2014). ...
... Reflecting on the role of familyand of women in the familymany social policy scholars writing from a feminist/gender-politics perspective have accurately highlighted the genderblindness and implicit androcentrism in traditional mainstream comparative welfare state literature. For example, Esping-Andersen's (1990) focus on decommodification was heavily criticized on the grounds that it did not acknowledge women's unpaid caring work at home; work that allowed, in the first place, men to gain access to the labour market and, thereafter, to social protection and welfare rights (Pascall and Lewis, 2004). Unpaid work was not recognised as wage work and therefore women were not able to be independently ' decommodified' (O'Connor 1998; see also Orloff, 1993). ...
... In previous empirical work we demonstrated how different welfare regimes institutionalised the conditions for families' role as both welfare providers and economic actors in the regions of Southern Europe, East and South East Asia (Papadopoulos and Roumpakis, 2013;2017b). ...
... Statistics from the Hellenic Labour Inspectorate reveal that almost 40 per cent of people working in precarious and/ or low quality jobs do not have social or health insurance. Within this context, the family is expected to serve as a social shock absorber (Karamessini, 2015) and protect its members from exposure to severe social and financial risks (Papadopoulos and Roumpakis, 2013). Italy is also considered to have a 'familistic' welfare system. ...
... In Italy, parental material support appears to constitute the most important protective factor against the harshest implications of income poverty and/ or instability, creating a phenomenon of 'hidden poverty' (Saraceno, 2015). In Greece, on the other hand, where unemployment in the general population has reached dramatic proportions, let alone the high youth unemployment rate, other family members, including parents, are also affected by unemployment and low work intensity, and the family cannot always protect young people from severe social and financial risks (Papadopoulos and Roumpakis, 2013). ...
... In Greece people usually rely on family and relatives for housing support. 'Familistic welfare capitalism', the welfare type that is attributed to Greece, is characterized by the eminent role played by the family in most activities that, elsewhere, are managed by the market, such as the real estate sector (Papadopoulos & Roumpakis, 2013). The social services provided by the state are merely complementary to family welfare. ...
... Crisis and austerity measures reorganized housing and everyday life in Greece. The European Central Bank, the European Commission and the International Monetary Fund (also known as the Troika) dictated austerity measures that constituted the preconditions of the three bailout packages received by Greece during the global financial crisis (Papadopoulos & Roumpakis, 2013). The austerity measures imposed deep cuts in the total public expenditure, which impacted the formation of households and the related housing strategies that families adopt to face the challenges (Costa Pinto & Guerra, 2013;Naldini & Jurado, 2013;Serracant, 2015). ...
Article
Full-text available
This article explores the impact of sexual orientation on the housing practices of individuals self-identified as LGB+ in Athens, Greece. In Greece, welfare state was always inadequate to cover people’s social needs. On the contrary, the family proved to be resilient as a welfare agent covering also the housing needs of its members by employing related strategies. The support comes ‘with strings attached’, and this includes parents’ demands and wishes upon the lifestyle of the dependent children. These demands have strong gender and sexual connotations imposing a heteronormative life trajectory, which may clash with the desires of LGB+ family members. In order for them to continue receiving support they are ‘pushed’ to employ strategies regarding their ‘coming out’ or sexual identity’s concealment process. In this paper, 16 semi-structured, in-depth interviews were conducted with a double focus: a. the housing pathway of the respondents, and b. the strategic decision of coming out or staying in the closet to benefit from the family welfare.
... The state replaces the market in most welfare provisions but universal transfers are more fragmented than in the social-democratic regimes, benefiting particular classes and professions. However, in familistic regimes 4 state intervention and universal transfers affecting housing and labour are limited and there is an overreliance in the role of family as both welfare provider (not just in care services) and economic agent (Papadopoulos and Roumpakis 2013). ...
... While the corporatist model relies more on the state and so fosters the expansion of the rental sectors, the familistic regime relies more on family (and voluntary agencies) to provide welfare and housing (Mingione 1995, p. 122;Andreotti et al. 2001;Naldini 2003), reproducing a patrimonial tradition in home and land ownership. This hegemonic idea of a homeowning society prevented the proletarianisation process that occurred in Northern European societies during the full employment Keynesian policies (Leal 2004a;Moreno 2006;Papadopoulos and Roumpakis 2013; as later examined in Chapter 5). ...
Chapter
By the mid‐1990s, although immigration was a recent phenomenon, Southern European cities already displayed a complex panorama of ethnic segregation. The deconstruction of this mosaic has shown divergences but also some similarities in patterns offering a starting point from which to contextualise segregation patterns within processes of differentiation, and revealed the role of the socio‐spatial structure of the city. A pattern of spatial concentration emerges in the distinction of two clusters of cities: continental cities and port cities, with the former less ethnically segregated than the latter. High‐ and low‐income groups exhibit different degrees of concentration and geographic distribution, reinforcing the divergence between port and continental cities. The chapter establishes a correlation between the social and ethnic patterns within the socio‐spatial hierarchy of the city. The socio‐spatial hierarchy of the city still plays a role in the initial settlement, but becomes more marginal as ethnic communities consolidate.
... rural resilience narrative, aspects of an idealized countryside are highlighted and the rural family as well as the overall rural setting is perceived as a safety net for counterurbanites affected by the crisis (Anthopoulou and Petrou, 2015Anthopoulou et al., 2013Gkartzios, 2013. In Greece, as in many other Southern European countries, family and the extended network of relatives and next of kin have long provided for their own in terms of an informal network of welfare support and solidarity that substituted the insufficiency or failures of the social state (Ferrera, 1996 Papadopoulos andRoumpakis, 2013). In fact these practices of the family are mirrored not only in physical and moral support but also in practical arrangements such as housing provision. ...
Article
The article examines invisible deprivation and housing precariousness in the countryside through the phenomenon of counterurbanization as a vehicle for overcoming poverty phenomena of urban households in Greece during the economic crisis. We argue that, despite the idealized picture for living in a village, as shown in the predominantly public discourse; rural life is governed by equally unfavorable living conditions for households at the risk of poverty. Through the theoretical framework of hidden homelessness in the rural, fundamental dimensions of housing problems and inadequate living conditions in the countryside are presented. Through the analysis of the different life pathways of people returning from the city to the village, the housing and social living conditions, during the crisis, in the Greek countryside are empirically examined. In the conclusions we find that returning back to rural areas, without accompanying established social support policies, only leads to the reproduction of a situation of proletarianization of households and to the transformation of urban poverty to rural poverty.
... Esping-Andersen (1990) categorized 18 OECD countries into "three worlds of welfare capitalism" based mainly on the concept of labor decommodification. This concept is commonly seen as the degree to which individuals are able to maintain a socially acceptable standard of living regardless of their market performance (Papadopoulos & Roumpakis, 2013). The discussion of this concept raises concerns that individuals' well-being will be put at risk if they have no choice but to sell their labor power in the paid labor market regardless of the work conditions (Kroger, 2011). ...
Article
Familization and defamilization studies are increasingly seen as an important component of welfare research. They are concerned with the threats to the welfare of individuals caused by involuntary participation in the unwanted family relationship. Moreover, they address the idea that governments have the potential to reduce these threats through the provision of welfare measures. This article contributes to the familization and defamilizaion studies with the focus on the link between these studies and the studies of residualization strategies. It carries out three analytical tasks. The first is to present a new defamilization and familization framework. The second is to demonstrate the usefulness of this framework in analyzing the problem of employing the residualization strategies to reform the old‐age income security system. Our focus is particularly on the insufficient sensitivity of these strategies to women's (and men's) diverse preferences relating to ways of organizing their family life. The third is to demonstrate the empirical significance of this framework. To meet this objective, we apply the framework to the investigation of two old‐age income security measures in Hong Kong—the Mandatory Provident Fund and the Comprehensive Social Security Assistance scheme.
... The economic crisis led to a serious worsening of social problems while, at the same time, the austerity measures resulted in widespread cuts to social spending (Dimoulas & Kouzis, 2018;Papatheodorou, 2014). The deterioration of the welfare state left unwarranted gaps in the social protection system (Venieris, 2013), while it also weakened the effectiveness of social protection (Papadopoulos & Roumpakis, 2013). These gaps in Greek social policy were addressed more broadly by the increase in the number and activity of CSOs (Sotiropoulos & Bourikos, 2014). ...
Article
The 2015 crisis of refugee policies saw an upgrade in the role of civil society organizations (CSOs) as service providers for the migrant population in Greece. CSOs attempted to substitute for the government’s failure to provide a migration policy designed for the social integration of migrants, refugees and asylum seekers (MRAs). As a result, they have been overseeing a majority of services related to the integration of MRAs in the labour market. This paper aims to enrich the underdeveloped so far discussion on the role of CSOs in the integration of refugees and asylum seekers (RAs) into the Greek labour market. This will be attempted by adopting a qualitative approach. The paper is based on 34 interviews done in 2019, involving refugees, asylum seekers and representatives of third-sector organizations, namely non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and grassroots solidarity initiatives (GSIs) provide various activities that seek to improve the employability of refugees and asylum seekers and help them navigate the employment policies. The article concludes that the lack of a follow-up to the various actions, the fragmented funding schemes and the absence of a clear integration policy from public actors and support from the public administration lie behind the relatively limited role played by CSOs for refugees and asylum seekers in labour market integration.
... Southern European welfare states constitute a distinct type of social protection. 2 The social protection systems of these countries are mainly characterized by inherent underdevelopment, high fragmentation and inefficiency of public services, clientelism, and widespread social inequalities (Ferrera, 1996). The social protection offered by the informal family institution is a substitute for state inadequacy (Papadopoulos & Roumpakis, 2013). The familistic nature of Southern European welfare states produces gender inequalities with a strong impact on the labor market (Karamessini, 2008). ...
Article
This article compares homelessness policies in representative countries of the liberal and Southern European welfare regimes: Ireland, Portugal, and Greece. These are countries where austerity policies were implemented by the Troika during the crisis. After a brief review of the literature on welfare regimes and homelessness, the characteristics of homelessness policies in the liberal and Southern European model are studied. Subsequently, using the scholarly bibliography, research reports, and primary data, homelessness policies in the three countries are compared. In terms of methodology, this is achieved by developing three axes of analysis: the historical development of homelessness policies, the impact of austerity policies on the deterioration of homelessness, and the characteristics of the homelessness policies being developed during the crisis. It is established that the three countries consolidate a residual model of social intervention that fails to adequately address increasing homelessness.
... When the debt crisis started in 2008, families were the important providers of welfare, care, housing and employment; they were the pool of the resources and the network that distributes them (Papadopoulos and Roumpakis, 2013). ...
Book
Full-text available
This publication is an effort to coordinate specialists talking about four countries that have especially suffered the systemic crisis started in 2007 with subprime crisis and converted in a world financial crisis in 2008. Four countries that are a specific group –for many authors– of welfare states called «mediterranean», «southern» or «familistic». For us this work matters in the way that social welfare has been in the target of neo¬liberalist doctrine from its inception, and has been the excuse to substantial changes in social protection systems –especially hard in southern Europe– Even so, we suspect that the foundations of the welfare state are narrowed and open to a panorama where inequality within nations is increasing as reproduced be¬tween regions of the European Union. Beyond breaking phenomena such as Brexit, there is a risk to consolidate a dis-course to favour a two-speed Europe. West-Southern countries would be the slowest and, therefore, more dependent and subject to the mandates of economic orthodoxy that may dominate European community structures. This book aims to give to students and laymen in the field some contents to un-derstand what did happen with welfare states in the South of Europe. To do so, we have divided the book in five chapters being the first one a kind of overview of the general concepts of social policy and welfare state, a quick review of its history from its foundations until today. Next chapters talk about the reality of each country by academic experts in social policy of these countries. We have tried to present a framework of welfare in each country, describing social, economic and political structures, especially those more affected. We talk about the crisis, cuts and reforms during the crisis and focusing in the social policies before and after the crisis. This will lead in each chapter to final resume where to talk about changes hap-pened and the awakening of new risks of each country. This gives us the opportunity to see if we can talk or not about a retreat of social policies, how much and where if it is so. This work was devised and completed shortly before the Covid19 pandemic hit the entire planet and altered, perhaps forever, the world, as we know it. Thus, we do not address the shock that we are suffering. However, the relevance of this book may increase, because the contradictions that describe our four countries (Greece, Italy, Spain and Portugal) and their relative positions within the EU, seem to be exacerbated by the scourge of the virus and possibly its aftermath. Without the EU yet recovered from the 2008 systemic crisis, the European strategy of planning for the day after the pandemic seems to divide the EU in two. The first option, daughter of lessons learned from 2008, would opt for a kind of New Deal (some have spoken of a new Marshall Plan, which would reconstruct what has been lost, expanding the boundaries of democracy. It somewhat recalls the ideology of welfare, founder of the Europe born after the Second World War. The second option reiterates the criteria of national (individual) responsibility and compulsory reforms to adjust spending. It is workfare in a disguise of financial orthodoxy that has dictated the steps of Europe after the crisis and cleaves the EU into a north/south divide. If reason prevails, we will rebuild Europe by burying our dead and by lending ourselves to growth. If not, we will move further and further away from the European dream and from the modernity that lights it.
... This model of national political economy places the family as the key provider of welfare and the main agent in the socio-economic and political reproduction of the country. 254 Familialism is an ideology that emphasizes the family role in meeting individuals' needs (for example, families taking responsibility for their members rather than the government or social programs). The structural deficiencies of this type of social welfare were profound following the debt crisis. ...
Book
Full-text available
This publication includes case studies of Family Homelessness in Australia, The Philippines, Greece, Canada, and Indigenous Communities. Expert testimonies and voices of lived experience, paired with expert analyses on Family Homelessnes/Displacement and Trauma, and literature reviews, give insight to the current reality of increasing Family Homelessness and housing insecurity around the globe and the varying manifestations of these issues.
... Castles and Obinger (2008) Poland, Portugal, Slovak Republic, Spain] distinct from the Western "worlds of welfare services" (Stoy, 2014) although, in this case, countries belonging to a "familistic welfare capitalism" (Papadopoulos and Roumpakis, 2013) (e.g. Greece, Portugal, Spain and Italy) mix with CEE countries, signalling, once more, a hybrid arrangement. ...
... Esping-Andersen, 1990) to new cases or opting to provide more spatially nuanced and bottom up approaches (e.g. Jones, 1993;Papadopoulos and Roumpakis, 2013). ...
Article
This review article revisits the influential work of Gough (2004a, 2004b) on global welfare regimes fifteen years later. The article attempts to explore how far this literature has managed to pave a bridge between comparative social policy and development studies and explores the key contributions it offered in explaining welfare regime classification in Asia, Africa and Latin America. The article then reviews selected publications that have incorporated or applied Gough’s approach and in particular reviews how far scholars developed, complemented and questioned Gough’s approach. The review focuses on the causal properties for capturing the diversity of welfare regime classifications, empirical data, methodologies applied to classify welfare regimes, cases selected, groupings identified and finally how transitions to different welfare regime memberships are explained. In the conclusion, the article discusses findings and implications for global welfare regime classification debates.
... The idea of "informal welfare" builds on the debate about the existence of a separate southern European welfare state model, to complement Esping-Andersen's (1990) typology of three welfare regime types: liberal, conservative and social-democratic. While some theorists have described the welfare system of Spain, Portugal and Greece as a "discount edition of the continental model" (Katrougalos 1996 : 43), which differs from other conservative welfare regimes in quantity but not in quality, there is a broad body of literature supporting the existence of a separate southern European model (Ferrera 1996;Papadopoulos and Roumpakis 2013;Hespanha et al. 2018). This literature parts from a criticism of Esping-Andersen's conceptualisation of the three regimes, particularly of his narrow definition of welfare as state-sponsored income maintenance schemes and of his exclusive focus on state -market interaction, which sidelines other agents of welfare, especially the family. ...
... In the international literature, Greece and Portugal, along with Spain and Italy, are classified either as a sub-category of the corporatist welfare regime (e.g. Katrougalos, 1996;Esping-Andersen, 1999;Matsaganis, 2005), or as an additional welfare regime with distinct features (Ferrera, 1996;Petmesidou, 1996;Papadopoulos and Roumpakis, 2013). According to the second approach, institutional, political, economic and social factors led to a considerable delay in the development of the welfare state in the European South and formed a distinct group of countries which share numerous similarities in the operation of their social protection systems (Castles, 1994). ...
Article
Purpose The purpose of this paper is to compare homelessness policies in Portugal and Greece. Design/methodology/approach After a brief overview of the relationship between welfare regimes and homelessness, the characteristics of homelessness policies within the South-European regime are studied. Subsequently, by employing empirical data, a comparison between the homelessness policies of these two countries is attempted through three axes of analysis: the historical emergence of homelessness policies; the impact of the memoranda, as a series of fiscal measures associated with welfare retrenchment, on the deterioration of homelessness; and the characteristics of the social policies being developed. Findings It is noted that the two countries consolidate a residual social intervention model that fails to address homelessness adequately. Originality/value This is the first attempt to compare homelessness policies between Portugal and Greece.
... To diversify sources of support for maintaining a highly sustainable welfare society, the discussions on the welfare regimes in East Asia have integrated 'community' as the fourth actor or sector in addition to the state, market and family (Sumarto, 2017). To fill this gap, scholars have examined the impacts of broader issues, such as the changing political economy, democratization and welfare values/ expectations of citizens and the governability/legitimacy of governments in formulating welfare models/approaches that are adaptive to rapid social, economic, political and global changes (Kim, 2019;Ku & Chang, 2017;Mok, 2011;Mok, Kuhner, Yeates 2017;Papadopoulos & Roumpakis, 2013). A critical contextual analysis has resulted in the creation of different models that account for diverse pathways of welfare state development in Asia (Hwang, 2011), including productivist (Holliday, 2000), developmental (Kwon, 2001), redistributive (Lin & Wong, 2013), inclusive (Lin & Wong, 2013), protective (Kuhner, 2015), informal-liberal (Sumarto, 2017) and informal-inclusive pathways (Sumarto, 2017). ...
Article
This article aims at setting out a broader context for the debates and discussions on welfare transformations driven by rapid global challenges and restructuring. Confronted with challenges resulting from the COVID-19 pandemic, governments and societies across the globe must rethink and reimagine their social welfare approaches to make them appropriate and effective to manage the risks and crises. The papers in this special issue address three major themes: 1) democratisation and changing welfare regimes / social policy provision; 2) reflections of social service delivery; 3) rethinking state-market-society relationships when managing welfare needs.
... To answer this question, empirical research was carried out in Rome (Italy), Barcelona (Spain) and Athens (Greece), between March 2017 and June 2019. This choice has been made for these countries, not only because they often appearin the literatureto be associated with a 'Southern European' welfare model or with a 'familistic welfare capitalism' (Ferrera 1996;Papadopoulos and Roumpakis 2013), but mainly because, according to Eurostat's data (2019), they show an increase in the number of people who suffer from food deprivation. 3 ...
Article
Food insecurity is a pressing issue not only in low-income countries and rural areas, but also in affluent societies and major cities all around the world. Inequality related to access to food has, thus, become one of the main challenges to the social inclusion model based on social citizenship that is a characteristic feature of European societies. Starting from the multidimensional nature of food security, access to food is considered a necessary entitlement to make social citizenship effective, but this is not guaranteed in European societies. This contribution sets out to analyse the social inclusion/exclusion processes related to the status of food deprivation. This outcome is assessed in terms of social citizenship initiatives’ ability to stimulate a demand for institutional change, in a more inclusive direction. This aim is achieved through a comparative analysis of three different case studies of social citizenship initiatives, in three major cities of Southern Europe: Rome, Barcelona and Athens. Since food is not only a means of survival, but also holds multiple emotional, cultural and social meanings, this article shows – under what conditions – people, participating in social citizenship initiatives, can get social recognition and autonomy which can lead to reconnecting food and effective citizenship.
... The project forms an alternative option for those lacking support from their traditional networks, the resources of which have been reported to reduce significantly during the crisis, an observation predicted by earlier studies (Papadopoulos andRoumpakis, 2009, 2013). In addition, the project fosters an environment attenuating feeling of shame, creating an atmosphere of trust and promoting a personal approach to social inclusion. ...
Article
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This paper examines whether the EU co-financed project “structures for the provision of essential goods: social grocery, common meals, social pharmacy” that is implemented horizontally in Greece since 2014, can navigate its beneficiaries out of the risk of poverty and social exclusion (AROPE). To this end, the paper surveys, through in-depth semi-structured interviews, beneficiaries of the project in the municipality of Pavlos Melas. The findings of the case study suggest that the project constitutes an important safety net, helping beneficiaries experiencing severe material deprivation address manifold needs, including social and psychological. However, at the same time, the project is limited in scope, fails to meet demand and rarely addresses the root causes of poverty. While the project is suggestive of the advantages that a local approach to social policy has to offer, its implications are not far-reaching.
... The idea of "informal welfare" builds on the debate about the existence of a separate southern European welfare state model, to complement Esping-Andersen's (1990) typology of three welfare regime types: liberal, conservative and social-democratic. While some theorists have described the welfare system of Spain, Portugal and Greece as a "discount edition of the continental model" (Katrougalos 1996 : 43), which differs from other conservative welfare regimes in quantity but not in quality, there is a broad body of literature supporting the existence of a separate southern European model (Ferrera 1996;Papadopoulos and Roumpakis 2013;Hespanha et al. 2018). This literature parts from a criticism of Esping-Andersen's conceptualisation of the three regimes, particularly of his narrow definition of welfare as state-sponsored income maintenance schemes and of his exclusive focus on state -market interaction, which sidelines other agents of welfare, especially the family. ...
Conference Paper
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Owing to its particular sociopolitical history and its status as a semi-peripheral country, Greece has followed a pattern of economic and urban development radically different to that of most northern European countries. A main characteristic of that pattern is informality. This paper consists of two parts. In the first part, I examine the origins of informality and its functions in recent Greek history: sustaining a high rate of growth with minimal costs for the state and employers, and maintaining social peace in the context of the familistic welfare system. Parting from an understanding of informality not as spontaneity or absence of state control, but as an alternative normativity that stems from deliberate state action or inaction, I approach informality not as an anomaly peculiar to the Greek political formation, but as an extra-institutional mechanism of redistribution, which has served to incorporate the population in the mainstream of social life. In this light, I examine the four main pillars of informal welfare in Greece: clientelism, the informal sector, familialism and homeownership. In the second part of the paper, I offer an interpretation of the institutional reforms that followed the sovereign debt crisis and the concomitant bailout programs starting in 2010 as a concerted attempt to dismantle this informal system of redistribution and to extend the reach of the state in previously informalized areas of social and economic life, without, however, reinforcing a formal system of guarantees, such as the welfare state.
... (2013) offer a nuanced approach to the issue analyzing aspects of the Greek welfare state as characteristics of family-centered capitalism of prosperity (familistic welfare capitalism). Familistic welfare capitalism is a type of national political economy where the family plays a double role both as the main provider of welfare to its members and as a key agent in the reproduction of its politicoeconomic institutional arrangement (Papadopoulos, & Roumpakis 2013). Following Kourachanis (2021) unaccompanied minor refugees (URMs) in Greece, due to the application of the specific social policies that have residual characteristics and focus on emergency housing services, are consequently directed into delinquency or precarious status as trapping them in dismal conditions that violate human rights (Kourachanis 2021). ...
... Nevertheless, many groups dismiss the argument that familial ethics inspired by Confucianism are unique to EA (Walker & Wong, 2005). For them, some similar values are espoused in other parts of the world, such as Southern Europe, of course, with a different articulation (Papadopoulos & Roumpakis, 2013). ...
Article
What drives social policy development? Most of the literature addressing this issue focuses on the economic crisis and the increase in left power as its causation. On the basis of the Indonesian case, this paper engages in a debate about the clouts of clientelism and familial ethics in shaping social policy path development. This article claims that the quick replacement of productivist welfare regimes with the more inclusive system after Asian Financial Crisis is motivated by increased elites' interest in repositioning their clientelistic network within a public institution. This is occurring while familial precepts are being used as effective moral politics in encouraging kinship networks to internalize social risks during the regime replacement process. Overall, the case of Indonesia reflects the common characteristic of welfare regimes development in East Asian countries where efforts to modernize social policy are conditioned under a situation where democracy is not well-established and the post-modern family structure has not fully matured either. Consequently, the development of social policy to a large extent is still confined within a huge clientelistic influence and implemented under the familial ideology. This situation has ultimately retarded welfare state development.
... The framework was one of fragile structural balances that allowed the society to "hold on" as long as employment was available (e.g. Ferrara, 1996;Petmesidou and Mossialos, 2006;Papadopoulos and Roumpakis, 2013) . ...
Article
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Purpose The need to alleviate poverty and achieve the United Nations (UN) 2030 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) through Universal Social Protection (USP) mechanisms is a high priority for governments and international organisations (IOs). This paper focuses on the recent introduction of a general minimum income (GMI) in Greece, in the context of the international diffusion of governing expertise. It examines whether the “universal” scheme being implemented constitutes a paradigm shift likely to offer solutions to the country's previous fragmented and unjust welfare system, and to problems the society has faced since the 2010s depression. Design/methodology/approach The paper uses critical grounded theory, with data gathering through iterative field observations and semi-structured interviews. Findings Results highlight the elusiveness of USP normative promises: rather than enhancing people's effective freedoms to act as self-determining agents, USP pushes the poor to adapt to current degraded socio-economic conditions. Participation in the shadow economy is a structural feature of USP; it is implicitly tolerated insofar as it is regarded, in the words of the World Bank (WB), an “engine for growth”. This constitutes an institutional and governance challenge for the implementation and expansion of social welfare programmes and could compromise the 2030 SDGs Agenda. Originality/value While research to date has examined the “modernisation” of the Greek welfare system in a national or comparative perspective, it adds to the literature by framing the study in the field of global social policy, shedding light on the discrepancies between internationally designed mechanisms and the normative aims of USP.
... The crises Greece was undergoing highlighted the crisis in the model of the Familistic Welfare Capitalism evident in many southern European countries. This is 'a type of national political economy where the family plays a double role both as the main provider of welfare to its members and as a key agent in the reproduction of its politicoeconomic institutional arrangements' (Papadopoulos and Roumpakis, 2013). In the absence of a structured network of social interventions, the informal institution of the immediate and extended family functioned as a crucial caretaker and shouldered its members' housing needs Simiti, 2015;Tzifakis et al., 2015;Kourachanis, 2020). ...
Thesis
This dissertation explores the intersection of care, homelessness and urban space in a context of austerity and a profound lack of resources. Based on an eight-month urban multi-sited ethnography in Athens (July 2017- February 2018), this research draws upon data collected through observation, visual methods and interviews with frontline staff, outreach workers and homeless people. Conducted at a time of multiple crises for the Greek capital, this ethnography offers a grounded analysis of urban marginality, vulnerability and care. It focuses on the urban landscape of care for homeless people. In exploring this landscape, this research unravels the different social, spatial and institutional relations that shape the interconnection of homelessness and care. It considers both macro-level and contextual factors affecting the socio-spatial formation of this landscape in the city and micro-level manifestations of care through relationships and spaces of care. Paying attention to both homeless people and care workers, I position care relationships at the epicentre of a landscape unfolding on an interpersonal, organisational, local and national level. In this regard, this dissertation provides both a panoramic view of the city and a close-up analysis of an array of spaces: from exterior, public spaces to interior, mundane spaces where care meets homelessness and other forms of vulnerability. These include the city’s Municipal Centre for the Homeless (the Municipality), its hostels and a night shelter, a drop-in centre and various public locations including a central Park. The dissertation demonstrates that the landscape of care was a space of shared vulnerability and fragilities, not just for the homeless people seeking care, but also across the organisations and workers committed to care. Revealing different dimensions of being deprived of a home, I reconceptualise homelessness as a condition of ontological insecurity. I argue that homelessness was perpetuated by the complex landscape of care as it played a role in pushing homeless people from conditions of marginality to extreme psychological and material marginality. Bringing together theories of care, care ethics and geographical perspectives on care, I analyse various encounters between homeless people and their care workers, which were shaped by an array of obstacles, adverse conditions and insufficient resources – financial, human, material, emotional and spatial. Ultimately, I show that the efforts of care workers to provide more tailored care, and of homeless people to receive it were undermined to such an extent that care workers and homeless people drifted apart, leaving care in limbo.
... The global financial crisis of 2008 and the subsequent austerity measures, re-organized housing and everyday life in Greece. The European Central Bank, the European Commission, and the International Monetary Fund dictated austerity measures that constituted the preconditions of the three bailout packages received by Greece during the crisis (Papadopoulos & Roumpakis, 2013). The austerity measures imposed deep cuts in total public expenditure, which impacted the households' formation and the related housing strategies that families adopted in order to face the challenges (Naldini & Jurado, 2013;Pinto & Guerra, 2013;Serracant, 2015). ...
Article
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This article analyzes housing vulnerability and dispossession in Greece through a focus on LGBTQ+ gender identity and sexuality. Since families often reject non-heteronormative members, LGBTQ+ subjectivities are forced into housing dispossession, displacement, and precarious living conditions. Due to lack of institutional rights or support infrastructure and the existing discrimination in regard to access to housing, LGBTQ+ people turn to coping strategies, which primarily involve support through informal, mutual aid networks. This article is based on qualitative research in Athens that included 22 semi-structured, in-depth interviews with LGBTQ+ people and solidarity networks; it explores LGBTQ+ housing pathways and coping strategies by focusing on intersectional housing vulnerability. In so doing, it further re-addresses housing precarity through LGBTQ+ agency as a generative of different narratives and articulations of vulnerability vis-a-vis traditional family networks and state institutions. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/02673037.2022.2092600
... Together with Italy and Spain, Portugal and Greece belong to a group of countries which in the literature on comparative welfare states is known as the 'Latin' rim (Leibfried, 1993), the Southern model (Ferrera, 1996) or, more recently, the 'familistic' model (Papadopoulos and Roumpakis, 2013). These terms have been used to classify a particular model of social protection that combines a Bismarckian pension system with a universal healthcare system; where families, namely women, are called to play the protective role that the state plays in other models of social protection (namely in Northern Europe); and where labour market institutions are designed to favour those in dependent employment. ...
Chapter
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Much has been written since the publication in 1990 of Esping-Andersen's The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism on the concept of welfare regime as an analytical tool to study policy stability and change in Europe and beyond. As a concept, welfare regime emphasizes both stability over change and divergence between country clusters over convergence. Studying on concrete policy instruments rather than spending patterns and focusing on policies introduced to protect workers against the risk of unemployment and the loss of income, this chapter explores potential patterns of convergence and divergence in the social policy responses to the COVID-19 pandemic in four distinct welfare regimes: the Bismarckian regime, the Nordic regime, the liberal regime, and the Southern European regime. The main conclusions of our analysis are twofold. First, we show that, regardless of the regime in which they belong, countries have generally enacted emergency measures to expand and/or supplement existing policy instruments. Second, we show that existing national policy legacies help explain key differences in the design of the policies adopted as a consequence of this imperative.
... A case that resembled a domestic-traditional ideal type was Greece. Its configuration intertwined with being a model of familistic welfare capitalism (see, Papadopoulos & Roumpakis, 2013). This means that the state locked the responsibility of the provision of social care into the family unit (Papadopoulos & Roumpakis, 2013: 206). ...
Thesis
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Disability policy is an important policy field. However, it exhibits many contradictions and poses dilemmas. The central dilemma is that epistemic classifications often bring negative effects, but these, in turn, are necessary to provide targeted support and redistribution. The objective of this dissertation is to shed light on social policies, social services, and educational transition schemes in the area of disability policy. Disability policy regimes are assumed to comprise policies that structure reality in education, work, and care arrangements and govern disability and disablement. To investigate the different social realities of disability policy, the author has chosen a comparative perspective with a special focus on Switzerland. The dissertation employs ontological explorations, secondary data analyses, and comparative case studies. The results of the dissertation allow, on the one hand, the classification of current Swiss disability policies in comparison to other Western countries. In doing so, policies at the interfaces between the welfare state and the labor market and between the welfare state and care and support arrangements are elucidated and rendered more comprehensible. On the other hand, by drawing on discourses of comparative welfare state research and disability studies, the results of the dissertation allow the case of Switzerland to be included in an academic field of discourse and a body of literature. The dissertation is framed by critical realism, which, in addition to its philosophy of science, also provides a very suitable ontology of emergentist materialism.
... The process of domesticating neoliberalism coincides with the extensive neoliberal restructuring of the welfare state itself that, especially after the 2008 financial crisis, has led to the institutionalisation of austerity in nearly all advanced welfare-capitalist states (Streeck 2013;Hermann, 2014;Farnsworth and Irving, 2015;Kennett, 2017;Dukelow and Kennett, 2018;Papadopoulos and Roumpakis, 2018). Under conditions of continuing welfare cuts, reductions in benefit entitlements, the curtailment of socio-economic rights, stagnating wages (Vaughan-Whitehead et al, 2016), increasing inequalities (Milanovich, 2016) and ballooning household debt (eg Papadopoulos and Roumpakis, 2013, 2017aHiilamo, 2018), the vast majority of households and families are now expected to act even more strategically as collective socio-economic actors to absorb the ever-increasing social risks and costs associated with their social reproduction in the era of financialised capitalism (Dixon, 2014). ...
Chapter
Introduction Decades of market-driven welfare reforms have resulted in ‘the reconstitution of the nature of social welfare’, marked by ‘a shift towards more market-based, privatised and individualised forms of social reproduction’ (Roberts, 2014: 235). This is increasingly manifested in what Smith and Rochovska (2007: 1175) described as the ‘domestication of neo-liberalism’, a process in which households ‘do not necessarily resist neo-liberalism (although they may under certain circumstances) but [make] attempts – sometimes unsuccessful ones – to find ways to make material life more tolerable’. The process of domesticating neoliberalism coincides with the extensive neoliberal restructuring of the welfare state itself that, especially after the 2008 financial crisis, has led to the institutionalisation of austerity in nearly all advanced welfare-capitalist states (Streeck 2013; Hermann, 2014; Farnsworth and Irving, 2015; Kennett, 2017; Dukelow and Kennett, 2018; Papadopoulos and Roumpakis, 2018). Under conditions of continuing welfare cuts, reductions in benefit entitlements, the curtailment of socio-economic rights, stagnating wages (Vaughan-Whitehead et al, 2016), increasing inequalities (Milanovich, 2016) and ballooning household debt (eg Papadopoulos and Roumpakis, 2013, 2015, 2017a; Hiilamo, 2018), the vast majority of households and families are now expected to act even more strategically as collective socio-economic actors to absorb the ever-increasing social risks and costs associated with their social reproduction in the era of financialised capitalism (Dixon, 2014). For at least two decades, the majority of comparative social policy literature had focused on the role that the family plays as a provider of care, its politics and its implications for gender relations and especially women (eg Lewis, 1992; Saraceno, 2004; Millar, 2016; Chau et al, 2017; Daly and Ferragina, 2018). However, with few exceptions (see Wheelock and Baines, 1998; Wheelock et al, 2003), less attention has been paid to the institutional conditions that enable families as collectivities to generate socio-economic security and independence for its members vis-a-vis both the market and the state. In this chapter we argue that, given the scale of change under the neoliberal reconstitution of social welfare, it is imperative to expand our theoretical understanding of families as socio-economic actors to encompass strategies and practices that extend beyond care provision.
... I contextualize the emergence of violence, historically and geographically, to suggest that this vigilant campaign is linked with the social reproduction squeeze of the familistic greek welfare model (Allen, 2004;Dagkouli-Kyriakoglou, 2018;Papadopoulos & Roumpakis, 2013), the scarcity of outright homeownership as a resource providing material security (Lorey, 2015;Smith et al., 2004) and socially sanctioned 'worth' (McKee, 2012;Flint, 2003;Smith, 2008) and the particularity of Ksiladika, that is at once a relegated neighborhood and a land of promise, marked by a rent gap (Smith, 1979;Christophers, 2021). ...
Conference Paper
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I focus on the reverse side of the medal in the relationship between the home and the square. Encompassing data from a year-long field based work in the neighborhood of Ksiladika in Thessaloniki, I will unravel a vigilant campaign of informal evictions of undocumented migrant squatters on behalf of local property owners. I contextualize the emergence of violence, historically and geographically, to suggest that this vigilant campaign is linked with the social reproduction squeeze of the familistic greek welfare model (Allen, 2004; Dagkouli-Kyriakoglou, 2018; Papadopoulos & Roumpakis, 2013), the scarcity of outright homeownership as a resource providing material security (Lorey, 2015; Smith et al., 2004) and socially sanctioned ‘worth’ (McKee, 2012; Flint, 2003; Smith, 2008) and the particularity of Ksiladika, that is at once a relegated neighborhood and a land of promise, marked by a rent gap (Smith, 1979; Christophers, 2021). I link housing insecurity and the social reproduction squeeze with the normalisation of violence in public spaces.
... In the prolonged and extensive austerity that followed the sovereign debt crisis, families began to absorb an increasingly higher share of social risks for their members under conditions of already increasing household debt partly due to the increase in their credit exposure during the decade following the introduction of the Euro. Given that saving rates collapsed during the same period (Papadopoulos and Roumpakis, 2013, 2015, 2017b, 2018 households in Southern Europe found themselves with diminished resources when the crisis erupted. Although levels began to stabilize they remained high during the period. ...
Chapter
The beginning of the twentieth century found Cyprus in the same social and economic condition as it was when the British arrived in 1878. Although there had been some economic progress with some commerce, mainly exports of agricultural products (i.e. olives, carobs), the living conditions for the mass of the population remained extremely poor. This was due not only to the maintenance of heavy taxation and the tribute, as explained in the previous chapter, which had removed a huge amount of money from the local economy but also to the fact that there was no form of state intervention in terms of social support, education, health care or social insurance.
Chapter
The primary objective of this book has been to contribute towards the understanding of the way social insurance and, in particular, pensions evolved in Cyprus, from the arrival of the British colonial forces in 1878 until currently. This book historically examined the development of the Cypriot welfare state and aimed to place Cyprus as a case study within the literature of welfare state developments. Surprisingly, while social insurance is considered to be a well-known policy measure to workers and pensioners in Cyprus today, the social aspects of its genesis and growth had remained underexplored. The exploratory character of this book followed, for the first time in Cyprus, the historical and political emergence of social insurance as a dynamic and continuing social phenomenon.
Article
This article's main argument is that what is really in question behind the present Greek economic crisis is the social model prevailing from the creation of the Greek nation-state up to the present day. The pre-modern institutional logic of the Greek social model can be depicted in terms of the notion of familism which points to the centrality of the nuclear-extended family and its friendship networks as the dominant locus of trust and moral duty. It is argued that the notion of familism sheds light on business and state relations in Greece: first on the dominant business models (mainly state-dependent and rent-seeking 'entrepreneurship'), and on the private sector's calamitous failure to produce the club goods required to enhance its competitiveness. Unsurprisingly, the neoliberal reforms imposed by 'Troika' affected only some symptoms of the familism endemic in Greece. The big question is whether the realisation of a new social contract, combining the positive values of familism with civic culture, is possible in the medium-to-long run.
Chapter
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Article
This study explores the factors that determine the attitudes of the local community of Lesvos towards the refugee and migration issue separately, emphasizing on both demographic and socio-economic factors. For this purpose, we used data collected through primary research and we conducted secondary statistical analysis. In addition, we used imputation techniques in order to handle the missing values of the sample and we created predictive and interpretive models to assess the factors that determine the attitudes of the local community of Lesvos towards the refugee and migration issue. Finally, in conjunction with the individual exploration of the research questions , we try to give a clearer and fuller picture of the issue.
Article
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In Balkans region, uneven development under global capitalism has led to significant differences in housing commodification patterns, related (social and housing) policy and associated inequalities. In this article we describe commodification patterns in Slovenia, Serbia and Greece by considering the diversity existing in the semiperiphery. We do this by comparing processes of privatisation of housing, development of the rental sector, strategies to homeownership and legal frameworks of protection of property and housing rights. We find some similarities in specific individual and familial commodification patterns and also pronounced inequalities but also semiperiphery diversity, which has been produced and maintained by the presence (or absence) of policies and state care provided for certain vulnerable groups. These diverse aspects arise from specific local, regional and global histories of housing struggles that mean the responses to them have varied. In this research, we show that Balkans semiperipheral territories must not be regarded as a passive background but as a landscape in which active agents participate in creating and transforming commodification patterns.
Research
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Η πρόσβαση σε επαρκή στέγαση αποτελεί ανθρώπινο δικαίωμα και προϋπόθεση για μια αξιοπρεπή ζωή. Ωστόσο, παραμένει ένα δικαίωμα ανεκπλήρωτο για μεγάλα κομμάτια του πληθυσμού. Το ελληνικό στεγαστικό μοντέλο διαφέρει ριζικά από το μεταπολεμικό (Βόρειο) Ευρωπαϊκό παράδειγμα της κεντρικά σχεδιασμένης και παρεχόμενης κατοικίας στον πληθυσμό, κυρίως γιατί το ελληνικό κράτος μετακύλισε μεταπολεμικά την ευθύνη της πρόσβασης σε κατοικία στον θεσμό της οικογένειας και υποστήριξε με άμεσους και έμμεσους τρόπους την ιδιοκατοίκηση. Ωστόσο, μετά τη χρηματοπιστωτική κρίση του 2008 και την οικονομική κρίση που ακολούθησε, οι βασικοί πυλώνες του ελληνικού μοντέλου στέγασης έχουν αποδυναμωθεί σε σημείο κατάρρευσης. Οι υλικοί πόροι των νοικοκυριών έχουν συρρικνωθεί, τα επίπεδα ανεργίας και φτώχειας έχουν εκτοξευθεί με αποτέλεσμα όλο και μεγαλύτερα τμήματα του πληθυσμού να αντιμετωπίζουν έλλειψη στέγης. Το οικογενειοκεντρικό, ελληνικό στεγαστικό μοντέλο είναι σε εμφανή κρίση, αλλά η απόκριση του κράτους είναι περιορισμένη και σίγουρα ανεπαρκής. Οι μελέτες που συνδέονται με την εξέταση ζητημάτων και προβλημάτων γύρω από τη στέγαση, επικεντρώνονται κυρίως στα μεγαλύτερα αστικά κέντρα, παραβλέποντας τη μορφή των στεγαστικών προκλήσεων στην ελληνική περιφέρεια. Η παρούσα μελέτη επιχειρεί να κάνει ένα πρώτο βήμα, συμβάλλοντας στη κάλυψη αυτού του κενού, σκιαγραφώντας το στεγαστικό παράδοξο που συναντάται σε έναν μικρό Δήμο και αποτυπώνοντας στεγαστικές προκλήσεις πληθυσμών που διαμένουν σε αυτόν. Ως μελέτη περίπτωσης επιλέχθηκε ο Δήμος Νάουσας, με αφορμή τα γεγονότα που διαδραματίστηκαν τον Νοέμβριο του 2019, όταν το Υπουργείο Μετανάστευσης αποφάσισε να μετεγκατασταθούν σε ξενοδοχεία γύρω από την πόλη της Νάουσας περίπου διακόσιες οικογένειες αιτούσες άσυλο. Ένα μέρος της τοπικής κοινωνίας αντέδρασε, προβαίνοντας ακόμα και σε άσκηση σωματικής βίας ενάντια στις αφιχθείσες οικογένειες, ενώ πολλοί εκλεγμένοι αντιπρόσωποι στο δημοτικό συμβούλιο της Νάουσας κράτησαν αμυντική στάση, χρησιμοποιώντας το επιχείρημα ότι «η φέρουσα ικανότητα του Δήμου είναι περιορισμένη» και ότι αυτός δε μπορεί να φιλοξενήσει οικογένειες προσφύγων. Η μελέτη αυτή αφενός επιχειρεί να αναδείξει ότι ο Δήμος Νάουσας διαθέτει πολλούς, κενούς, καλής ποιότητας στεγαστικούς πόρους. Αφετέρου επιχειρεί να δείξει ότι η άρνηση της τοπικής διοίκησης και της κεντρικής κυβέρνησης να προσφέρει στεγαστική βοήθεια στους αιτούντες άσυλο, με έναν συγκροτημένο και μακροπρόθεσμο σχεδιασμό, είχε άμεσες επιπτώσεις στα φτωχά τμήματα του τοπικού πληθυσμού. Αν υπήρχε ένας μηχανισμός καταγραφής και χρήσης των κενών κατοικιών στο πλαίσιο μιας τοπικής στεγαστικής πολιτικής, αυτό δε θα ωφελούσε μόνο τους αιτούντες άσυλο αλλά και τα μεγάλα τμήματα του τοπικού πληθυσμού που αντιμετωπίζουν έλλειψη στέγης. Με αφορμή αυτή την έρευνα ευελπιστούμε να «εμφανίσουμε» τις μέχρι τώρα αποσιωπημένες στεγαστικές προκλήσεις με τις οποίες έρχονται αντιμέτωποι όλο και περισσότεροι άνθρωποι σε μικρούς Δήμους της χώρας. Η μελέτη χωρίζεται σε έξι ενότητες. Η πρώτη ενότητα παρουσιάζει συνοπτικά ορισμένα ιδιαίτερα χαρακτηριστικά του ελληνικού στεγαστικού μοντέλου και την εμβάθυνση των πιέσεων που αυτό υφίσταται κυρίως μετά την οικονομική κρίση του 2008. Η δεύτερη ενότητα ξεκαθαρίζει τη χρησιμότητα εστίασης σε έναν μικρό Δήμο. Η τρίτη ενότητα εισάγει τον αναγνώστη σε έναν πιο ευρύ ορισμό της έλλειψης στέγης, που χρησιμοποιείται για αυτή τη μελέτη. Στην τέταρτη ενότητα χρησιμοποιούνται δεδομένα κυρίως της προηγούμενης απογραφικής περιόδου αλλά και πιο επικαιροποιημένα δεδομένα των ωφελουμένων βασικών επιδομάτων, για να εκτιμηθούν οι δημογραφικές, οικονομικές και κοινωνικές τάσεις στον Δήμο Νάουσας, ο αριθμός και η κατάσταση του αποθέματος κατοικιών καθώς και ο αριθμός και τα χαρακτηριστικά πληθυσμών που είναι πιθανό να αντιμετωπίζουν έλλειψη στέγης. Επιχειρούμε να αποτυπώσουμε το στεγαστικό παράδοξο στο Δήμο Νάουσας: δηλαδή την ύπαρξη κενών, καλής ποιότητας σπιτιών με την ταυτόχρονη ύπαρξη μεγάλων τμημάτων του πληθυσμού που αντιμετωπίζουν στεγαστική έλλειψη. Η επόμενη ενότητα στηρίζεται σε συνεντεύξεις με ανθρώπους που υφίστανται έλλειψη στέγης και αποτυπώνει το δομικό στεγαστικό πρόβλημα μέσα από προσωπικές ιστορίες. Η τελευταία ενότητα επιχειρεί να συνοψίσει τα ευρήματα και να παρουσιάσει τους βασικούς λόγους για τους οποίους η εξασφάλιση επαρκούς στέγασης στον πληθυσμό πρέπει να τεθεί ως διοικητική και κοινωνική προτεραιότητα σε μικρούς Δήμους. Access to adequate housing is a human right and a prerequisite for a decent life. However, it remains an unfulfilled right for large parts of the population. The Greek housing model differs from the post-war (Northern) European paradigm of centrally planned and centrally provided housing for the population; mainly because the Greek state, after the civil war (1946-1949) shifted the responsibility for access to housing to the institution of the family and supported owner-occupation in direct and indirect ways. Yet, since the financial crisis of 2008 and the economic crisis that followed, the main pillars of the Greek housing model have been weakened to the point of collapse. Households' material resources have shrunk, unemployment and poverty levels have soared, relegating increasing segments of the population to rooflessness, hidden homelessness and housing precarity. The familistic Greek housing model is destabilized, but the response on behalf of state authorities is limited and certainly inadequate. Studies related to the examination of issues and problems around housing are mainly focused on the larger urban centres, overlooking the form of housing challenges in the Greek periphery. This study attempts to take a first step, contributing to fill this gap by outlining the housing paradox found in a small municipality and capturing housing challenges of populations residing in it. The small municipality of Naousa was chosen as a case study, based on the events that took place in November 2019, when the Ministry of Immigration decided to relocate about two hundred asylum seeking families to hotels around the city of Naoussa. A part of the local community reacted, even resorting to physical violence against the arriving families, while many elected representatives in the Naoussa city council took a defensive stance, using the argument that "the carrying capacity of the Municipality is limited" and cannot accommodate refugee families. On the one hand, this study attempts to show that Naoussa has many, vacant, good quality residential resources. On the other hand, it attempts to show that the refusal of the local administration and the central government to provide housing assistance to asylum seekers, with a coherent and long-term planning, has had a direct impact on poor sections of the local population. If there was a mechanism to record and use vacant housing as part of a local housing policy, this would not only benefit asylum seekers but also large sections of the local population facing homelessness. On the basis of this research, we hope to 'showcase' the hitherto silenced housing challenges that more and more people in small municipalities across the country are facing. The study is divided into six sections. The first section briefly presents some of the specific characteristics of the Greek housing model and the deepening of the pressures it is under, especially after the 2008 financial crisis. The second section clarifies the choice of focusing on a small municipality. The third section introduces the reader to a broader definition of homelessness, which is used for this study. The fourth section uses data mainly from the previous census period but also more up-to-date data of basic benefit recipients to assess demographic, economic and social trends in Naoussa Municipality, the number and condition of the housing stock, and the number and characteristics of populations likely to experience homelessness. We attempt to capture the housing paradox in Naoussa: i.e. the existence of vacant, good quality houses with the simultaneous existence of large segments of the population facing housing deprivation. The next section is based on interviews with people experiencing homelessness and captures the structural cause of housing precarization through personal stories. The final section attempts to summarize the findings and present the main reasons why ensuring adequate housing for the population should be an administrative and social priority in small municipalities.
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The path-breaking work of Gosta Esping-Andersen (1990) has dominated comparative social policy for the last 25 years (Powell and Barrientos, 2015). He classified 18 nations into 'three worlds' of social democratic, conservative and liberal regimes. However, his typology was based on 1980 data, neglecting many nations, including Central and Eastern European countries (CEECs). Therefore, it has little to say about the momentous changes in Central and Eastern European (CEE) nations in the last 25 years. First, it provides a review of the comparative studies on the CEE welfare state developments. Second, it proposes a new direction of research along two dimensions: (1) ideal types versus real types in the classifications of welfare states in the CEE (2) assessing the validity of typology across time.
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Rental housing has been regarded as the new ‘frontier for financialisation’ since the 2007 financial crisis. But research examining financialisation of de-commodified rental housing is limited and is primarily focused on stock acquisitions by financial investors and the enabling role of either national or local governments. This critically overlooks the emergence of the financialised production of social rented housing, the interplay between levels of government (particularly with the regional level), and the leading role of the state in these processes. By combining a political sociology approach to policy instruments with a housing system studies perspective, the paper investigates how Italy, through the interplay between national, regional (Lombardy) and local (Milan) governments, led the financialisation of its social rented housing production. Through analyses of six decades of financial-legislative changes in the housing system regarding production/provision, finance and land supply, it identifies a three-stage journey towards financialisation: (1) the rise and fall of publicly-owned rental social housing (1950s to 1990s); (2) the regionalisation and marketisation of the sector up to the late 2000s; and (3) the upward transfer from the first local-scale experiment with the real estate mutual investment fund in Milan to the creation of a national-scale System of Funds for the production of social rented housing. The study shows that the re-commodification of housing and land initiated in the 1980s were intertwined and a conditio-sine-qua-non for financialisation; that the state played a crafting—rather than solely enabling—role in this process; and that trans-scalar legislative–financial innovations transformed social rented housing into a liquid asset class.
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This chapter will discuss and offer an analysis of the social insurance system within the independent state of Cyprus by exploring the scheme’s further development, especially the first major amendment to the scheme and the appearance and role of the elderly people’s movement. The chapter will also explore the impact of the 1974 war on the social insurance scheme and the elderly population in particular.
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This chapter is a critical presentation of the mosaic of institutional arrangements that comprised the 'system' of social security in Greece in late 1990s. The first section provides a brief overview of its administrative arrangements and examines the levels of its financing and expenditure at the time. The second section gives an overview of key sectors, namely pensions, health insurance, unemployment insurance and family allowances. The third section offers an account of the historical evolution of social insurance in Greece. In this section, references are made to the wider socio-political and economic environment forming the backdrop for this evolution. The chapter ends with a discussion of the challenges facing the welfare system of Greece and those of other countries of the European Union semi-periphery. One of the main conclusion of this chapter is that, at the time of writing, the countries in EU's semi-periphery are experiencing a structural crisis, the dimensions of which are qualitatively and quantitatively different from the crisis experienced by the welfare states of the ‘core’ countries of the European Union. It is argued that the combination of their particular institutional arrangements (and associated reforms) and the potential for a political alternative to the dominant neo-liberal consensus that will determine the answer to these challenges.
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This paper surveys the debate regarding Esping-Andersen's typology of welfare states and reviews the modified or alternative typologies ensuing from this debate. We confine ourselves to the classifications which have been developed by Esping-Andersen's critics in order to cope with the following alleged shortcomings of his typology: (1) the misspecification of the Mediterranean welfare states as immature Continental ones; (2) the labelling of the Antipodean welfare states as belonging to the `liberal' regime type; (3) a neglect of the gender-dimension in social policy. We reconstruct several typologies of welfare states in order to establish, first, whether real welfare states are quite similar to others or whether they are rather unique specimens, and, second, whether there are three ideal-typical worlds of welfare capitalism or more. We conclude that real welfare states are hardly ever pure types and are usually hybrid cases; and that the issue of ideal-typical welfare states cannot be satisfactorily answered given the lack of formal theorizing and the still inconclusive outcomes of comparative research. In spite of this conclusion there is plenty of reason to continue to work on and with the original or modified typologies.
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This article examines government support for the unemployed and their families in the European Union and attempts to demonstrate why the debate concerning the adequacy of unemployment benefit is based on a partial understanding of the income packages available to the unemployed. Conventional methods of assessing the standard of unemployment insurance have focused on the benefits available to a single head of household rather than the resources available to both the unemployed and their families. We argue that the manner in which unemployment benefit is supplemented by family allowances and housing benefit makes a significant difference to household income. Our results have important implications for our theoretical understanding of welfare state regimes, and, in particular the evaluation of the extent to which income‐maintenance systems free individuals from the need to participate in the labour market in order to be assured of economic security. We argue that the procedure adopted by Esping‐Andersen in The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (1990) to measure this process of de‐commodification does not take account of the experience of the unemployed and their families, and we use our results to construct a revised and expanded index of de‐commodification which provides us with a clearer impression of each country's characteristics.
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This chapter explores the welfare support for the unemployed in Greece and its role in the reproduction of the Greek welfare regime. It consists of four sections. The first section provides a conceptual framework for the concepts of ‘the welfare system’ and ‘welfare regime ’, as well as an alternative conceptualization of ‘passive’ and ‘active’ labour market policies. The second section examines the structure of employment and unemployment in Greece in the light of the economic restructuring that the country currently is experiencing. The third section examines the state’s response to the increase in unemployment and the policies that aim to support the unemployed both in term s of their income and their opportunities to find employment. The fourth section explores in more detail the policies for income support for the unemployed and offers a comparative evaluation of the income packages available to different types of households experiencing unemployment. The analysis ends with some reflections on the character of the Greek welfare regime and the role of unemployment compensation.
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In this article we evaluate two claims made in recent studies of the welfare states of advanced industrial societies: first, that welfare states have remained quite resilient in the face of demands for retrenchment; and second, that partisan politics have ceased to play a decisive role in their evolution. Addressing the first claim, we present analysis from a new data set on unemployment insurance and sickness benefit replacement rates for 18 countries for the years 1975-99. We find considerably more evidence of welfare retrenchment during the last two decades than do recent cross-national studies. Second, we examine the "end of partisanship" claim by estimating the effects of government partisanship on changes in income replacement rates in sickness and unemployment programs. Our results suggest that, contrary to claims that partisanship has little impact on welfare state commitments, traditional partisanship continues to have a considerable effect on welfare state entitlements in the era of retrenchment.
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T he relevance of socioeconomic class and of class-related parties for policymaking is a recurring issue in the social sciences. The "new politics" perspective holds that in the present era of austerity, class-based parties once driving welfare state expansion have been superseded by powerful new interest groups of welfare-state clients capable of largely resisting retrenchment pressures emanating from postindustrial forces. We argue that retrenchment can fruitfully be analyzed as distributive conflict involving a remaking of the early postwar social contract based on the full employment welfare state, a conflict in which partisan politics and welfare-state institutions are likely to matter. Pointing to problems of conceptualization and measurement of the dependent variable in previous research, we bring in new data on the extent of retrenchment in social citizenship rights and show that the long increase in social rights has been turned into a decline and that significant retrenchment has taken place in several countries. Our analyses demonstrate that partisan politics remains significant for retrenchment also when we take account of contextual indictors, such as constitutional veto points, economic factors, and globalization. W hat is the relevance of socioeconomic class and of class-related parties for government policymaking in the Western democracies? For at least half a century this question has generated intensive debates in political science as well as in sociology. In retrospect we can discern a cyclical pattern in the relative significance accorded to class in debates within the social sciences, a pattern evident also in analyses of welfare state development, one major arena for policymaking. During the first decades after the Second World War, the role of class and class pol-itics waned as social scientists pronounced the end of ideology and the "embourgeoisement" of the working class, and the logic of industrialism saw welfare states as functional necessities of industrial societies. 1 Such interpretations of social change did, however, meet em-pirical as well as theoretical resistance from scholars asserting the continued relevance of class. 2 In the area Walter Korpi is Professor, as well as other participants in these meetings. We want to thank Olof Bäckman, Stefan Englund, Ingrid Esser, Helena ö og, and Annita Nässt om for very valuable help and Dennis Quinn for providing us his data on international financial deregulation. Our thanks are also due to three anonymous referees for careful reading.
Book
Applying the new economics of organization and relational theories of the firm to the problem of understanding cross‐national variation in the political economy, this volume elaborates a new understanding of the institutional differences that characterize the ‘varieties of capitalism’ found among the developed economies. Building on a distinction between ‘liberal market economies’ and ‘coordinated market economies’, it explores the impact of these variations on economic performance and many spheres of policy‐making, including macroeconomic policy, social policy, vocational training, legal decision‐making, and international economic negotiations. The volume examines the institutional complementarities across spheres of the political economy, including labour markets, markets for corporate finance, the system of skill formation, and inter‐firm collaboration on research and development that reinforce national equilibria and give rise to comparative institutional advantages, notably in the sphere of innovation where LMEs are better placed to sponsor radical innovation and CMEs to sponsor incremental innovation. By linking managerial strategy to national institutions, the volume builds a firm‐centred comparative political economy that can be used to assess the response of firms and governments to the pressures associated with globalization. Its new perspectives on the welfare state emphasize the role of business interests and of economic systems built on general or specific skills in the development of social policy. It explores the relationship between national legal systems, as well as systems of standards setting, and the political economy. The analysis has many implications for economic policy‐making, at national and international levels, in the global age.
Book
The Golden Age of post‐war capitalism has been eclipsed, and with it seemingly also the possibility of harmonizing equality and welfare with efficiency and jobs. Most analyses believe that the emerging post‐industrial society is overdetermined by massive, convergent forces, such as tertiarization, new technologies, or globalization, all conspiring to make welfare states unsustainable in the future. This book takes a second, more sociological and institutional look at the driving forces of economic transformation. What stands out as a result is that there is post‐industrial diversity rather than convergence. Macroscopic, global trends are undoubtedly powerful, yet their influence is easily rivalled by domestic institutional traditions, by the kind of welfare regime that, some generations ago, was put in place. It is, however, especially the family economy that holds the key as to what kind of post‐industrial model will emerge, and to how evolving trade‐offs will be managed. Twentieth‐century economic analysis depended on a set of sociological assumptions that now are invalid. Hence, to grasp better what drives today's economy, it is necessary to begin with its social foundations. After an Introduction, the book is arranged in three parts: I, Varieties of Welfare Capitalism (four chapters); II, The New Political Economy (two chapters); and III, Welfare Capitalism Recast? (two chapters).
Chapter
This chapter is centred on the Capitalisation of Unemployment Benefits programme, which is the most important employment scheme in Spain. It explains that this programme allows the unemployed who are entitled to unemployment benefits to capitalise the total value of these benefits and invest it in a new or already-established social company. It details the specific characteristics of the scheme and how it differs from the mainstream of employment programmes in the EU countries. It also explores the experiences of participants in the scheme in terms of its contribution to inclusion and exclusion. It highlights that by capitalising unemployment benefits in a social economy, workers become co-owners of the company where they work, thus, promoting ‘entrepreneurial activation’. It explains that this scheme allows a limited role of the state and increases autonomy and responsibility at work, which elicits different reactions and is experienced in different ways by the participants.
Article
In this article, we empirically analyse the factors which determined consumer credit in Greece in the period before and after the financial liberalization, while accounting for significant changes in structure due to the lifting of credit restrictions and the subsequent impressive boom of consumer loans. We use multivariate cointegration techniques to estimate a vector error correction model (VECM) and identify separate demand and supply relationships for consumer loans. We introduce demand and supply-related shifts in parameters through the inclusion of appropriate dummy variables and trends in the long-run relationships. We partly deviate from the typical Johansen procedure and estimate the model in two steps. We find that the theoretical exclusion and coefficient-size restrictions on the demand and supply cointegrating vectors are valid. Our results are consistent with the operation of a bank lending channel in Greece. We also find that the supply side was mostly responsible for the acceleration of consumer loan growth following credit liberalization.
Book
The growing literature on comparative European housing policy has played a major part in developing our understanding of the way housing in provided in different countries, and in the way the interaction between the stat, market and civil society is conceptualized. However, much of this analysis is rooted without question in the welfare states of northern Europe – there has been almost no research published in English on the provision of housing in southern Europe. Such research as exists deals with specific feature of housing policy, invariably in a single country. There is probably a better understanding of the housing systems of the former communist countries than those of southern Europe. Housing and Welfare in Southern Europe fills a major gap in the literature on comparative European housing policy. It shows how the relationship between state, market and civil society in Portugal, Spain, Italy and Greece is fundamentally different from northern Europe. By providing a southern view of housing provision, it throws new light on difficult social and housing policy issues throughout Europe. This book will be of direct interest to academics, policy makers and students involved in housing as it - Offers a fresh new way to analyse comparative housing policy and practices - Highlights the distinctive relationships among state, market, civil society and households in southern Europe - Draws out lessons for developing alternative models of housing provision
Article
The relevance of socioeconomic class and of class-related parties for policymaking is a recurring issue in the social sciences. The perspective holds that in the present era of austerity, class-based parties once driving welfare state expansion have been superseded by powerful new interest groups of welfare-state clients capable of largely resisting retrenchment pressures emanating from postindustrial forces. We argue that retrenchment can fruitfully be analyzed as distributive conflict involving a remaking of the early postwar social contract based on the full employment welfare state, a conflict in which partisan politics and welfare-state institutions are likely to matter. Pointing to problems of conceptualization and measurement of the dependent variable in previous research, we bring in new data on the extent of retrenchment in social citizenship rights and show that the long increase in social rights has been turned into a decline and that significant retrenchment has taken place in several countries. Our analyses demonstrate that partisan politics remains significant for retrenchment also when we take account of contextual indictors, such as constitutional veto points, economic factors, and globalization.
Article
In this article I explore the hypothesis that the four countries which make up the southern part of the European Union constitute variants on a particular model of capitalist development. This model is char acterized by relatively dynamic family enterprises and self-employment, non-wage contributions to house hold livelihood strategies; and the relatively limited formation of a fully proletarianized working class engaged in manufacturing industry.
Article
The aim of this article is not to describe in detail the social protection system in Greece or in the other southern European countries. Its mam ambition is to offer a general overview of its formation and an explanation for its parti cularities. The basic thesis is that essentially the Greek Welfare State belongs to the conti nental model. Its consolidation is very recent, because the post-civil war 'dual society' (1946-74) did not allow the formation of a viable social consensus, a necessary prerequi site for the welfare state. There are, conse quently, important distortions in the develop ment of the social security system. Although many of these institutional particularities are common in the Mediterranean South, they are not qualitatively sufficient so as to create a new institutional paradigm or a 'South-European' Welfare model. In the first section an attempt is made to clarify the problem of the existence of a 'Latin-rim' welfare model and the classifi cation of the Greek social protection system within it, in order subsequently to examine its specific characteristics in relation to the turbu lent history of this country. The conclusion of the author is that although there is a clear trend in the direction of convergence of the Greek welfare system with the median Euro pean standards, Greece still has a considerable lag to overcome.
Article
This article provides a general overview of social protection in Greece in the framework of the southern European welfare model. The late development of the Greek welfare state is attributed to institutional and organizational particularities, closely connected with the country's political history and socio-economic development after World War II. The principal characteristics of the Greek welfare state are inadequacy, lack of uniformity and inefficiency in the benefits provided, an absence of co-ordination between individual services, centralized administrative and operating structures and disparities in coverage. A sectoral analysis reveals the system's weaknesses. Informal care is widely practised through the family, with women playing the main role. A'mixed economy of welfare' and a search for new forms of interaction between the'public' and the'private' are required, while general reforms are needed in the sector of formal care.
Article
This article tries to identify some common traits of the welfare states of Italy, Spain, Portugal and Greece, with special attention to institutional and political aspects. The main traits identified are: (1) a highly fragmented and 'corporatist' income maintenance system, displaying a marked internal polarization: peaks of generosity (e.g. as regards pensions) accompanied by macroscopic gaps of protection; (2) the departure from corporatist traditions in the field of health care and the establishment (at least partially) of National Health Services based on universalistic principles; (3) a low degree of state penetration of the welfare sphere and a highly collusive mix between public and non public actors and institutions; (4) the persistence of clientelism and the formation - in some cases - of fairly elaborated 'patronage machines' for the selective distribution of cash subsidies. A number of factors are then discussed to explain these peculiarities of the Southern model. Among these, the historical weakness of the state apparatus in this area of Europe; the preminence of parties as main actors for interest articulation and aggregation; ideological polarizations and, in particular, the presence of a maximalist and divided Left. In the last section, the article addresses the severe problems which are currently confronting - in various degrees - the four southern European welfare states. Both the exogenous challenges, connected with market globalization and EMU, and the endogenous challenges (which as rapid ageing, mass unemployment, etc.) are discussed. It is concluded that the adaptation of the southern model to these challenges will be a very difficult process in the years ahead, in both social and political terms.
Article
This article discusses welfare policy and the trends of development of public expenditure and the social budget in Greece in the post war period. Particular emphasis is given to the expansion of income transfers during the 1980s under the conditions of economic recession. An understanding of the relationship between the state and civil society in Greece is crucial for explaining social policy developments. Our analysis focuses on the strong grip of politics on civil society, which constitutes a major aspect of Greek statism and contributes to an increased fragmentation of social demands and conflicts. The main argument of this article is that the growing size and political weight of the middle classes since the mid-1970s intensified social fragmentation and the contradictions of Greek statism, and made it more difficult to achieve any consensus about social policy aims. Public expenditure and the social budget increased significantly during the 1980s, as a result of presstrre from various middle-class strata, yet no major changes occurred in the logic of the distribution of social provision. Competition among the middle classes for access to political power and the state apparatus intensified, and this put severe limitations on the possibilities of any reforms aimed at redistribution on the basis of social need.
Article
This article summarizes social assistance programmes and outcomes in Italy, Spain, Portugal, Greece and Turkey drawing material from a comparative study of OECD countries. A distinct social assistance regime is identified, characterized by the absence of a national minimum income safety net with categorical schemes for the aged and local discretionary relief for most other groups. Benefits are low or non‐existent and out of line with the rest of Europe. These characteristics are explained in terms of their common structural features and political processes. It is argued that fundamental reforms are unlikely owing to the marginality of social assistance programmes in southern Europe.
Article
The concept of Sozialpolitik (social policy) has rarely been considered in the English-language literature thus far. The present article surveys the pertinent English, American and German literature which led to the initiation of the Verein für Sozialpolitik (Social Policy Association) in 1873. All these efforts culminated in Otto von Zwiedineck's classic book, Sozialpolitik (1911). A chapter of this book, now printed in Zwiedineck's collected essays, Mensch und Wirtschaft, is offered in English translation for the first time. The article presents and clarifies the concept of Sozialpolitik in terms of social action directed toward problems affecting society as a whole and the continued attainment of society's goals. However, the definition of these goals remains subject to change. A theoretical foundation for the integration of scientific and normative perspectives in the social sciences is thereby provided.
Article
This article begins with a survey of some influential classifications of welfare states based on different dimensions of social policy. Advantages and shortcomings are pointed out in relation to each classification reviewed. It is argued that none of these single-dimension classifications is in fact adequate to understand past and current developments in European social policy. An alternative classification, which combines elements of the ones reviewed above into a two-dimension approach, is proposed. This two-dimension classification is then related to past developments and current debates in European welfare states. The strength of this approach is its ability to reflect social policy developments in terms of both the expansion/contraction of state welfare and the convergence/divergence of European social policies.
Article
The paper starts out by identifying a substantial increase in the use of welfare state typologies within comparative studies. This has developed to a degree where many authors take it for granted that the world consists of a limited number of well-defined welfare regimes. This discussion took off in 1990 and it is expected to continue as an important dimension of welfare and social policy research long into the next millennium. It is shown that the idea of ordering welfare states according to ideal-typical models dates back to the late 1950s and was elaborated substantially during the early 1970s, though rather unnoticed. The publication of Esping-Andersen's The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism in 1990 is identified as the starting point for what has now become a whole academic industry, here entitled the Welfare Modelling Business. Different typologies with different degrees of differentiation are discussed: should we consider welfare capitalism to come in two, three, four or more models? Though the differentiation into regimes is widely recognized, there have, of course, been many discussions about problems and shortcomings. Two major issues are elaborated: the one-sided focus on social insurance provisions and the simultaneous neglect of personal social services; and the parallel one-sided focus on state and market and the neglect of civil societal institutions such as family and networks. The paper concludes that welfare typologizing must take into account the kinds of programmes analysed: context matters.
Article
Over the past 20 years or so, the southern European model has undergone substantial change in every way. The changes in industrial relations, wage-setting and employment protection legislation have tended to increase wage and labour flexibility and restrict labour market segmentation. Changes within the welfare state have sought to improve labour force skills, fill gaps in social protection, reduce inequalities in social security and contain social expenditure growth. Yet institutional change has not eliminated the main features of this model: pronounced labour market segmentation and familialism; however, extremely low fertility rates are indicative of the limits of familialism in the near future.
Book
The Golden Age of postwar capitalism has been eclipsed, and with it seemingly also the possibility of harmonizing equality and welfare with efficiency and jobs. Most analyses believe the the emerging postindustrial society is overdetermined by massive, convergent forces, such as tertiarization, new technologies, or globalization, all conspiring to make welfare states unsustainable in the future. Social Foundations of Postindustrial Economies takes a second, more sociological and more institutional, look at the driving forces of economic transformation. What, as a result, stands out is postindustrial diversity, not convergence. Macroscopic, global trends are undoubtedly powerful, yet their influence is easily rivalled by domestic institutional traditions, by the kind of welfare regime that, some generations ago, was put in place. It is, however, especially the family economy that hold the key as to what kind of postindustrial model will emerge, and to how evolving tradeoffs will be managed. Twentieth-century economic analysis depended on a set of sociological assumptions that, now, are invalid. Hence, to better grasp what drives today's economy, we must begin with its social foundations. Available in OSO: http://www.oxfordscholarship.com/oso/public/content/politicalscience/0198742002/toc.html
Article
This article reviews the feminist critique of Gøsta Esping-Andersen's typology of welfare regimes and revisits my earlier (1992) analysis of gender and welfare regimes together with criticisms of that work. I briefly discuss some methodological issues and attempt to justify my own choice of variables and of an explanatory model derived from empirical historical work. I pay particular attention to critiques that insist on the use of caring regimes as a basis for gender-centered typologies, not least because the two main questions for feminists concerning the provision of unpaid work remain (i) how to value it, and (ii) how to share it more equally between men and women. I argue that women's relationship to paid work, unpaid work and to welfare makes the search for gender-centered measures complicated.
7 out of 10 households can't make it
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Εξαρτημϵνη Ανάπτυξη: Η πϵρίπτωση της Ελλάδας
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Έρɛυνα ɛισοδήματος και συνθηκών διαβίωσης των νοικοκυριών 2011 [Household income and living conditions research in 2011] Athens: Greek Statistical Bureau (ELSTAT) Retrieved from http://www.statistics.gr
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Ελάχιστο Εγγυημένο Εισόδημα Για Ανέργους [Minimum guaran-teed income for the unemployed] Kathimerini (Newspaper) Retrieved from http New politics and class politics in the context of austerity and globa-lization: Welfare state regress in 18 countries
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Kopsini, C. (2012, November 2). Ελάχιστο Εγγυημένο Εισόδημα Για Ανέργους [Minimum guaran-teed income for the unemployed]. Kathimerini (Newspaper). Retrieved from http://news. kathimerini.gr/4dcgi/_w_articles_economy_2_02/11/2012_500351 Korpi, W., & Palme, J. (2003). New politics and class politics in the context of austerity and globa-lization: Welfare state regress in 18 countries, 1975–95.
The Eurozone between austerity and default (RMF Occasional report) Retrieved from http://www.researchonmoneyandfinance.org/media/reports/RMF-Eurozone-Austerity-and-Default Gender and welfare regimes: Some further thoughts
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Lapavitsas, C., Kaltenbrunner, A., Lambrinidis, G., Lindo, D., Meadway, J., Michell, J., … Teles, N. (2010). The Eurozone between austerity and default (RMF Occasional report). Retrieved from http://www.researchonmoneyandfinance.org/media/reports/RMF-Eurozone-Austerity-and-Default.pdf Lewis, J. (1997). Gender and welfare regimes: Some further thoughts. Social Politics, 4, 160–177.
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Marinakou, M. (1997). 'Latin-Rim' or semipheripheral welfare states? The case of Greece. In R. Sykes & P. Alcock (Eds.), Developments in European social policy: Convergence and diversity (pp. 231-248). Bristol: The Policy Press.
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