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Contrôle et connaissance phonétique : Les voyelles nasales du français
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... plored acoustic, aerodynamical and articulatory properties using a varied set of techniques, including fiberoscopy, cineradiography and magnetic resonance imaging (MRI). Both Delvaux (2003) and Rossato et al. (2003) have shown that the velum lowering is not identical neither between the four different French nasal vowels, nor between the oral ones. Delvaux (2003) further found that the difference between the nasal vowel and the oral counterpart lies not only in the lowering of the velum, but also in a set of articulatory changes on e.g., tongue and lip shape to change the relation between the oral and nasal tracts. These articulatory changes lead to additional differences in the air flow and air ...
... While some of the differences may be explained by intersubject variation in speaker style, we hypothesize that others are due to anatomy, i.e., that different speakers need to use different articulations in order to achieve similar acoustic targets. This study extends the articulatory analysis made by Delvaux (2003) in some aspects, since the same four speakers are analyzed, but investigating the 3D vocal tract shape, rather than the midsagittal; the cross-sectional areas of the velum port opening, rather than the midsagittal contour; and by adding the analysis of the subjects' 3D nasal tract shape and volume. * This study was in part funded by a post-doctoral grant from the Wenner-Gren foundation. ...
... Note that, since the VPOQ is calculated over images where two passages do appear , it will always be greater than 0, even if the velum port is entirely closed. It is still relevant to calculate the VPOQ in this manner rather than setting VPOQ=0 for a closed port, as the position of the velum differs for the oral vowels, even when the velum port is closed (Rossato et al., 2003; Delvaux, 2003). Differentiating between the velum position for oral vowels thus permits to compare the relative difference that the subjects make between each nasal vowel and its oral counterpart, instead of only between different nasal vowels. ...
The articulation of the four French nasal vowels and their oral coun-terparts has been investigated for four speakers, using magnetic resonance im-ages of the three-dimensional oral and nasal tracts and the cross-sectional velar opening areas. The analysis suggests that the subjects' anatomy in the oral and nasal tracts influences the articulation, with intersubject differences in both the vocal tract shape and the velar opening, in order to achieve the appropriate relation between the oral and nasal resonators.
... Mais l'implémentation phonétique du trait phonologique de nasalité en français implique d'autres modifications articulatoires, telles que l'arrondissement des lèvres et le recul de la langue dans le pharynx. En conséquence, les voyelles nasales ont un F2 plus bas que leur contrepartie orale ; dans certains cas la fréquence de F2 est plus élevée, mais son énergie est si faible que la voyelle peut être décrite globalement comme plus grave que l'orale correspondante [1,2,3]. ...
... Soient (x,y), les coordonnées de la voyelle dans l'espace cartésien ainsi défini. En fonction des résultats obtenus en production de la parole, et au cours d'une expérience pilote [3], nous avons sélectionné les deux dimensions suivantes : en abscisse, la Gravité, soit la fréquence de F2, qui varie entre la fréquence de l'orale (1,y) et celle de la nasale correspondante (5,y) ; en ordonnée, la Compacité : entre les orales (x,1) et les nasalisées (x,5), on procède à une augmentation de la bande passante en F1 (de 100 à 250 Hz), à une diminution en F2 (de 115 à 85 Hz) et à une augmentation de la bande passante en F3, d'une telle ampleur qu'il finit par disparaitre (BF3=500 Hz). Gravité et de Compacité, observée en production de la parole, augmente la distance perceptuelle entre les voyelles qui s'opposent phonologiquement du point de vue de la nasalité. ...
The acoustic properties of French nasal vowels differ strongly from those of their oral counterpart. Nasal coupling induces a general damping of energy, and complementary articulations (lip rounding, tongue retraction) lead to the lowering of F2. This study concerns identification and discrimination perceptual experiments that have been run (i) to test the relevance of these acoustic cues for the detection of the [nasal] contrast; (ii) to address the issue of the perceptual integration (vs independence) of the acoustic dimensions. Results show that the differences in the oral articulations are as much a part of the contrast as the soft palate lowering. Moreover, the covariation of nasal coupling and oral articulations largely increases the perceptual distance between vowels for French listeners.
... evidenced by the number of dissertations that have been defended in the last years, whether on languages that were poorly described regarding nasalization (e.g. Diakoumakou [10], Onsuwan [23]) or on more documented ones (e.g. on French: Rossato [24], Delvaux [9], Amelot [3]). The scientific literature on nasal disorders developed somewhat apart from phonetic and phonological studies. ...
... Many issues need further exploration and the interest for nasalization remains considerable, as evidenced by the number of dissertations that have been defended in the last years, whether on languages that were poorly described regarding nasalization (e.g. Diakoumakou [10], Onsuwan [23]) or on more documented ones (e.g. on French: Rossato [24], Delvaux [9], Amelot [3]). The scientific literature on nasal disorders developed somewhat apart from phonetic and phonological studies. ...
This paper introduces to a special session on nasalization at the XVI th ICPhS. Nasal studies have a long history, at the interface between phonetics and phonology. The three invited papers of the session are presented and discussed in this framework.
... Several authors have identified measurable spectral changes related to vocalic nasality, such as a reduction in the intensity of the first formant (Delattre, 1954;Delattre & Monnot, 1968), an overall decrease of vowel intensity and increase of formant bandwidths (House & Stevens, 1956), or the flattening of spectral peaks around F1 and F2 (Maeda, 1993). Delvaux and colleagues (Delvaux, 2002;Delvaux & Metens, 2002) suggest that vowel "compactness" (operationalized as a decrease in relative intensities/increase in bandwidths of F1 and F3 with respect to F2) contributes to the perception of nasality. M. Y. Chen (1995Chen ( , 1997 created acoustic measures reflecting the intensity difference between the nasal poles (P0, P1) and the intensity of the first formant, thus providing a quantitative measure of spectral changes related to nasality, that is, "A1-P0" (intensity difference between the first nasal pole and the first formant) and "A1-P1" (intensity difference between the second nasal pole and the first formant). ...
Purpose
The objective of the present study is to investigate nasal and oral vowel production in French-speaking children with cochlear implants (CIs) and children with typical hearing (TH). Vowel nasality relies primarily on acoustic cues that may be less effectively transmitted by the implant. The study investigates how children with CIs manage to produce these segments in French, a language with contrastive vowel nasalization.
Method
The children performed a task in which they repeated sentences containing a consonant-vowel-consonant-vowel–type pseudoword, the vowel being a nasal or oral vowel from French. Thirteen children with CIs and 25 children with TH completed the task. Among the children with CIs, the level of exposure to Cued Speech (CS) was either occasional (CS−) or intense (CS+). The productions were analyzed through perceptual judgments and acoustic measurements. Different acoustic cues related to nasality were collected: segmental durations, formant values, and predicted values of nasalization. Multiple regression analyses were conducted to examine which acoustic features are associated with perceived nasality in perceptual judgments.
Results
The perceptual judgments realized on the children's speech productions indicate that children with sustained exposure to CS (CS+) exhibited the best identified and most distinct oral/nasal productions. Acoustic measures revealed different production profiles among the groups: Children in the CS+ group seem to differentiate between nasal and oral vowels by relying on segmental duration cues and variations in oropharyngeal configurations (associated with formant differences) but less through nasal resonance.
Conclusion
The study highlights (a) a benefit of sustained CS practice for CI children for the intelligibility of nasal–oral segments, (b) privileged exploitation of temporal (segmental duration) and salient acoustic cues (oropharyngeal configuration) in the CS+ group, and (c) difficulties among children with CI in distinguishing nasal–oral segments through nasal resonance.
Supplemental Material
https://doi.org/10.23641/asha.27744768
... The beginning of a nasal vowel located after an oral consonant is almost always phonetically oral (at least in French, Montagu 2007), the mid part and last of the nasal vowel phonetically nasal. The extent of carry-over of nasalisation depends in the following consonant (Delvaux 2003). For Portuguese nasal diphtongs represented as two moras, nasality aligned with the second one (Wetzels 1997). ...
... la règle de l'harmonisation vocalique, selon laquelle le timbre d'une voyelle se rapproche de celui de la voyelle accentuée qui suit, connaît une application particulière à Montréal, notamment en ce qui concerne le relâchement des voyelles (dans des mots comme difficile et ridicule, les Montréalais relâchent la voyelle en position finale et antépénultième, ce qui n'est pas le cas partout au Québec ; voir Dumas 1987, Phono). Delvaux 2003, Hansen 1998), le système des nasales en français québécois se caractérise essentiellement par un mouvement général vers l'avant de la bouche ( Gendron 1966, Charbonneau 1971, Maurais 1993). 1: La prononciation des voyelles nasales en France et au Québec Phonème France Québec /˜ E/ [˜ E] / [ ˜ ae] [˜ e] tendance actuelle vers [˜ A] / ˜ oe/ [ ˜ oe] / [ ˜ OE] [ ˜ oe] souvent confondu avec [˜ E] /˜ A/ [˜ A] / [˜ 6] [ã] tendance actuelle vers [ ...
Given its status as the social, economic, and cultural center of Quebec, the metropolitan area of Montreal plays a rather important role with respect to the sociolinguistic dynamics of the province as a whole. For instance, certain changes that have affected Quebec French over time are believed to have appeared in Montreal before having spread to other regions of the province. Such a scenario entails that Quebeckers perceive certain linguistic features as being part of Montreal French - sometimes without even being aware of it - and that these dialect markers take on social values that are prone to their further diffusion. This article aims to look further into this hypothesis by presenting the results of an exploratory dialect identification task. The perceptual test is part of a research program whose scope is to study the distribution of nasal vowels in Montreal French in general and that of the nasal vowel /α/ in particular.
... ivDelvaux 2003, Hansen 1998), le système des nasales en français québécois se caractérise essentiellement par un mouvement général vers l'avant de la bouche (Gendron 1966, Charbonneau 1971, Maurais 1993). De toutes les nasales, la voyelle /˜ A/, qui est aussi le phonème nasal le plus fréquent en français, est généralement considérée comme le trait nasal le plus particularisant de la langue des Québécois (Léon 1983). ...
En raison de sa position comme centre socioéconomique et culturel du Québec, la région métropolitaine de Montréal joue un rôle important dans la dynamique sociolinguistique de la province dans son ensemble. Certains changements survenus dans le français parlé au Québec au cours de son histoire, par exemple, seraient d’abord apparus dans la région montréalaise, pour ensuite se diffuser dans d’autres régions de la province. Ce scénario suppose que les Québécois perçoivent certains marqueurs dialectaux, les associent—ne fûtce que de façon inconsciente—au français montréalais, et leur attribuent certaines valeurs sociales propices à leur adoption. Dans cet article, nous présentons les résultats d’une étude perceptuelle exploratoire ayant pour but d’évaluer cette hypothèse. L’étude, qui s’inscrit dans une recherche consacrée à la prononciation des voyelles nasales en français montréalais, porte plus précisément sur la perception de la nasale /ᾶ/.
Given its status as the social, economic, and cultural center of Quebec, the metropolitan area of Montreal plays a rather important role with respect to the sociolinguistic dynamics of the province as a whole. For instance, certain changes that have affected Quebec French over time are believed to have appeared in Montreal before having spread to other regions of the province. Such a scenario entails that Quebeckers perceive certain linguistic features as being part of Montreal French — sometimes without even being aware of it — and that these dialect markers take on social values that are prone to their further diffusion. This article aims to look further into this hypothesis by presenting the results of an exploratory dialect identification task. The perceptual test is part of a research program whose scope is to study the distribution of nasal vowels in Montreal French in general and that of the nasal vowel /ᾶ/ in particular.
From the first linguistic descriptions mentioning nasal sounds (as old as Panini’s, 5th century BC) to the phonetic and phonological studies in the 20th and 21st century, passing by the work of comparative grammarians in the 19th century, nasalization has always been a topic of investigation for those who are interested in human language and speech. With the beginnings of experimental phonetics, from the end of the 19th century, essential steps were taken towards a better comprehension of nasal phenomena, via the development of inventive instrumentation devices (Rousselot, 1897). From the middle of the 20th century, the basic principles of the acoustics and perception of nasalization were determined (Delattre, 1954, House & Stevens, 1956, Fant, 1960). Approximately at the same moment, several physicists investigated the specific disabilities of cleft palate speakers, particularly hypernasality (Warren et Dubois, 1964).
Phonetic studies in the 60’s and the 70’s yielded important findings concerning the production of nasal sounds, including in pathological speech. A variety of data and techniques were used, such as (cine)radiography, electromyography, fiberoscopy, aerodynamics (Björk, 1961, Fritzell, 1969, Bell-Berti , 1976, Benguerel et al., 1977, Weinberg et al., 1968), and devices specifically dedicated to the study of nasalization were designed (e.g. the nasograph: Ohala, 1971). Nasal studies much contributed to the elaboration of coarticulation theories and models (for a review, see Chafcouloff & Marchal, 1999). More recently, in the 80’s and the 90’s, our understanding of the perception of nasalization has made much progress with the development of synthesized speech and modelling (Beddor, 1993, Kingston et MacMillan, 1995, Krakow et al., 1988, Maeda, 1993).
Despite these progresses, nasalization is one of those phenomena still resisting to extensive linguistic knowledge. Nasalization processes can only be described in linguistic terms using a rare complexity in instrumental techniques, as well as in methods and concepts, and they are hard to integrate with the most powerful models and theories. Although there have been numerous studies on various aspects of the production of nasal sounds, we still lack a fully operational data-driven model of nasal production including the non linearities between the articulatory, aerodynamic and acoustic phase. Moreover, despite the first advances made on articulatory modelling (Maeda, 1982, 1993), it remains unclear how exactly the spatial extent of the nasal gesture is related with the percept of nasalization. Also, the issue of the realization of nasalization in the time domain still remain vastly unresolved. Each language has its own coarticulation patterns, involving specific gestural adjustments and coordination patterns, but the phonetic and phonological constraints that limit (or determine) these patterns still need to be established, e.g. the role of prosodic structure (Vaissière, 1988, Fougeron, 2001), the relationships within a given phoneme inventory, the covariation between nasalization and other features/gestures (Solé, 2007) such as voicing and frication for consonants and tongue height and place of articulation for vowels, etc. The perception of nasal coarticulation across languages is among the most promising directions of research towards a better understanding of nasal phenomena (Beddor, 2007).
Finally, the diversity of human languages generates undefinite variability. Many languages of the world still remain poorly described, and some of them host intriguing nasal phenomena. Whether on pre-nasalized nasal fricatives in kinyarwanda (Demolin, 2005) or on pre and post-oralized nasal stops in karitiana (Storto & Demolin, 2008), the most recent work on the world’s languages nasal variants allows researchers to test previous hypotheses and modelling proposals.
Indeed, although nasals and nasalization challenge the researcher in speech and language sciences, at the same moment they provide a valuable opportunity to investigate the core of the language faculty, in both its functional and cognitive dimensions. Nasalization processes give us an opportunity to investigate what is universal, and what is language-specific, in the sound patterns we work on describing and explaining (e.g. Maddieson, 2007). Similarly, nasal studies have contributed, and will undoubtedly contribute again, in designing and developing tools, theories and models on basic issues in phonetics and phonology such as acoustic and articulatory modelling, coarticulation theories, foreign language acquisition models, etc. Nasal studies can play a central role in our quest towards a better understanding of human spoken language.
The aim of this international workshop is to allow researchers around the world to meet and exchange about their recent work on nasals and nasalization. We welcome every submission concerning nasalization, in particular those concerning : speech production (articulatory measurements, aerodynamic studies, acoustic analysis, etc.), perception of nasalization, phonological studies, phonetic universals, modelling, poorly described languages, pathological and clinical aspects of nasalization, language acquisition, L2 learning, etc. We are specifically interested in proposals aiming at interconnecting these discipline subfields: relationships between production and perception, cross-linguistic studies, multi-instrumentation, links between phonological patterns and phonetic constraints, convergences and divergences between L1 acquisition and L2 learning, etc.
Les grands corpus oraux constituent des ressources scientifiques essentielles et de plus en plus centrales dans l'élaboration des théories sur la parole et le langage, à tous les niveaux du fonctionnement et de la structuration linguistiques et du comportement verbal : pragmatique, sémantique, syntaxique, morphologique, phonologique, phonétique, etc. Dans tous ces domaines, l'automatisation de procédures de segmentation, d'étiquetage, d'annotation, d'extraction de paramètres, de prise de mesures, de collecte, de traitement et d'analyse de données précises et variées est un enjeu fondamental pour l'assise de modèles et d'hypothèses linguistiques sur des descriptions factuelles et empiriques à grande échelle, notamment dans une approche écologique de la parole. Dans cet enjeu, la phonétique acoustique occupe une place décisive, puisque tout niveau linguistique d'analyse (semi-)automatique de grands corpus oraux implique ou présuppose une lecture, un traitement ou une analyse du signal acoustique de paroles enregistrées. Les connaissances acoustiques sont donc indispensables, non seulement pour les études phonétiques, mais bien au-delà, pour toute étude de larges corpus de parole, même si la matière sonore n'est pas précisément l'objet linguistique investigué. Avant d'aborder les traitements spécifiques appliqués pour l'analyse phonétique de grands corpus oraux, il convient d'introduire l'acoustique et la phonétique acoustique, segmentale et suprasegmentale. Ainsi, ce chapitre expose les notions et paramètres de base nécessaires à l'analyse et la description acoustiques des sons de la parole, ainsi que les principales propriétés acoustiques des voyelles et des consonnes du français, en lien avec leur articulation et leur coarticulation dans la parole spontanée.
This paper attempts to look at some of the phonological theses put forward by Jakobson
(1941/1968) concerning language acquisition and language impairment. Our paper argues, with
special reference to French and on the basis of aphasiological data, that the notion of markedness,
which played a central role in Jakobson’s work, still proves relevant. If built into our representation
machinery, markedness can provide an insightful account of the development of phonology and its
destructuring and restructuring in various types of aphasia.
The aim of this paper is to differentiate between universal phonetic processes and language-specific phonological processes. Cross-linguistic data on coarticulatory nasalization of vowels preceding a nasal consonant were obtained across different speech rates in American English and Spanish. The data show that in American English the temporal extent of vowel nasalization varies with speech rate, whereas in Spanish, nasalization has a constant temporal extent across speech rates. It is argued that the different behavior of nasalization in these two languages reflects different inputs to speech production: In Spanish, vowels followed by a nasal are targeted as oral and nasalization is an unintended vocal tract constraint, whereas, in American English, vowels are targeted as nasalized and vowel nasalization is a phonological effect, intentionally implemented by the speaker. It is suggested that in American English, vowels followed by a tautosyllabic nasal are phonologically specified as nasal as a result of sound change. Data on perceived vowel nasalization in American English are reviewed and shown to be compatible with this proposal.
This collection of papers presents current research in speech science. The unifying theme of the collection is the relationship between phonological representations of the grammatical structure of speech, and physical models of the production and perception of actual utterances. The authors, including leading specialists from the fields of phonology, electrical engineering, linguistic phonetics and psychology, provide a wide range of views on this question. There are papers dealing with the relationship between phonology and phonetics as it applies to tone in Hausa, to intonation, stress and phrasing in English and German, to universals of patterning in sonority and syllable structure, and in consonant place assimilation, to speech synthesis tools for testing phonological and phonetic theories, and to three different models of articulatory structure. An introductory chapter by the editors outlines the aim of the volume and provides a short overview of the papers. The book is aimed at specialists in all areas of speech science.
Listeners labeling members of an acoustic series modeling VOT (e.g., /ba/‐/pa/) are more likely to identify tokens with higher f0 as voiceless than they are for otherwise‐identical tokens with lower f0s. This pattern of results may arise because a high f0 enhances perception of voicelessness, in line with auditory enhancement accounts of speech perception. Alternatively, because f0 and VOT covary in English production, it is possible that listeners respond in this manner due to experience with VOT/ f0 covariation in the speech signal. The present investigation was designed to tease apart the relative contributions of these two potential mechanisms. Japanese quail (Coturnix coturnix japonica) were trained to ‘‘label’’ stimuli drawn from VOT series by pecking a key. During training, each quail experienced one of three styles of VOT/ f0 covariation. For one group of quail, VOT and f0 covaried naturally with voiceless series members having higher f0s than voiced members. Another group of quail heard the inverse, ‘‘unnatural’’ covariation. A final group experienced stimuli for which there was no covariation between VOT and f0. Results indicate that experience with VOT/ f0 covariation is the predominant force in shaping perception. Thus, general learning mechanisms may account for this symmetry between perception and production.
This chapter discusses the variations in the supraglottal air pressure waveform and their articulatory interpretation. An air pressure increase in the supraglottal cavity is associated with the production of many consonants. This rapid change in pressure results from the sudden narrowing of the vocal tract at the consonantal point of articulation in the presence of positive pulmonic pressure. The purposes of the research presented in the chapter were (1) to investigate the relationship between variations in supraglottal air pressure and stop consonant articulation and (2) to determine the additional information such data may yield concerning the underlying motor programming of this class of consonants. Regarding the motor programming of stop consonants, the findings point to the possibility that voiced stops incorporate a rapid supraglottal volume change in synchrony with the laryngeal adjustment to induce the additional transglottal air flow necessary to momentarily sustain voicing during the occluded portion of the stop. The motor program controlling the production of voiced stops must include not only a laryngeal, but also a supraglottal adjustment to compensate for the aerodynamic effects of the stop occlusion.