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Servants for the Knowledge-Based Economy? The Political Economy of Domestic Services in Europe

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The text can be downloaded for free at: http://sp.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/reprint/jxv006?ijkey=zOuNifzzob7dVTM&keytype=ref Over the past two decades, many countries across Europe have set up schemes to subsidize the demand for domestic services. This article suggests that these policy developments reflect a new economic strategy linked to the development of the service-based economy in coordinated market economies, as well as a new ideological orientation regarding the public sector and the role of the State in providing welfare. Specifically, the article aims to contribute to the analysis of the transformations of the role of the State, of its modes and aims of intervention, and of the social consequences of these transformations in two fields: on labor markets on the one hand, and on welfare policy on the other. In doing so, this article highlights the ways in which state policies, rather than simple market forces, are structuring new inequalities and new dualisms, and addresses the issue of the fate of the low skilled in today’s knowledge-based economy.

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... Two decades of research on the marketization or commodification of early years childcare has come a long way in terms of laying bare the complex interplay of global, national-structural, meso-institutional and, to some extent, micro-level factors that drive what seems to be very much a middle-class phenomenon regardless of national context. Scholars writing about this phenomenon have emphasized the constraints and social needs that precipitate not just families' demand for the commodification of home-based, bespoke early years childcare (as well as elder care and domestic services), but also the supply of such services, linking the discussion to the theoretical terrain of citizenship (especially Lister et al. 2007;Williams 2012;Williams and Brennan 2012) and, more recently, policy-induced deficits and solutions (Estévez-Abe and Hobson 2015; Morel 2015). ...
... More recent work has shifted the focus away from global and interacting policy regimes as the drivers of the delegation of caring and domestic work. Recognizing especially within-nation variations in the commodification of childcare, this most recent literature has evolved in tandem with the host of employment and family policy developments and policy debates, especially across EU member states, meant to address the growth of this phenomenon by subsidizing, formalizing and regulating it (Estévez-Abe and Hobson 2015; Morel 2015). Consequently, into the foreground have come explanatory frameworks able to disentangle the drivers, manifestations and experiences of different types of domestic work, with specific employment and family policy provisions and their respective implications for the expansion of private domestic service markets taking centre stage. ...
... The argument that the article builds on is that micro-social processes amounting to the expansion of new markets for home-based early years childcare services are first and foremost policy-induced (especially Estévez-Abe and Hobson 2015; Morel 2015). Two new arguments are formulated, both pertaining to the informal character of the commodification process. ...
... In addition to the above-mentioned cash-for-care policies, children's home care is subsidized by a tax credit for household work. The adaptation of the tax credit for household work in 2001 was influenced by the EU's promotion of member countries' domestic service sectors, a policy stance taken in the early 1990s (Morel, 2015). Consequently, not only Finland but also a number of countries in Continental and Northern Europe have adopted national policies that 1 Has to be used before the child is 2 years old, and 1-18 days need to coincide with when the mother is on leave. 2 Used by either mother or father. ...
... Consequently, not only Finland but also a number of countries in Continental and Northern Europe have adopted national policies that 1 Has to be used before the child is 2 years old, and 1-18 days need to coincide with when the mother is on leave. 2 Used by either mother or father. Morel (2015) notes, the decision to subsidize the demand rather than the supply of services in a sector where work takes place in the privacy of the home and where there are fewer possibilities for work regulations signifies that the state is actively supporting the privatization of domestic and care services as well as deregulating the labour market. ...
... 2. Children start school at the age of 7, but it is possible to apply to start at age 6. 3. Formal daycare refers to 'centre-based services (for example, daycare centres and pre-schools, both public and private), organised family daycare, and/ or care services provided by (paid) professional childminders, and do not include children using unpaid informal services provided by relatives, friends or neighbours' (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), 2018). 4. Since the 1990s, Germany, Belgium, France, the Netherlands, Denmark, Finland and Sweden have implemented national policies that aid private employment of domestic and care workers, including tax rebates, voucher systems and employer social contribution exemptions (Morel, 2015). ...
Article
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Finland subsidizes caring for young children at home by several cash-for-care schemes. In 2001, it adopted a tax credit for domestic services, including care. This article adopts an everyday perspective to social policies to analyse how Finnish cash-for-care policies produce local care loops using a time-economy approach. It examines the increase in private services alongside public ones through an analysis of the organization of childcare in time and space, paying attention to the micro-mobilities and daily choreographies of care. Drawing on interviews with Finnish employers of privately employed childcarers, our results demonstrate that childcare policies and tax credits are central means through which childcare is increasingly being privatized. We argue that the notion of time as a scarce resource and the organization of care loops in a way that maximizes time available for wage labour and ‘quality time’ point towards the emergence of a classed time discipline. Time becomes a commodity with not only monetary value but also another inherent value, captured in the notion of ‘quality time with children’. Significantly, this quality time does not include time used for other reproductive labour tasks, such as cleaning or cooking.
... And in 1991, France introduced a 50% tax reduction for anyone who bought domestic services. The same goes for Belgium and Denmark, and more countries have followed the same track, for example Germany, the Netherlands, Finland and Sweden (Carbonnier 2015;Morel 2015) Morel (2015) shows how the European Union has been promoting this type of domestic services since the early 1990s. She speaks of a political economy of domestic services, where: ...
... The delegation of domestic work and the development of domestic services being encouraged and structured through specific political and economic strategies, which have been actively promoted by national governments and national lobby groups, but also by the European Commission since the 1990s. Morel (2015) tracks the EU's interest in domestic services back to a 1993 White paper, which is followed up 19 years later by the explicit "Commission staff working document on exploiting the employment potential of the personal and household services". In this paper from 2012, subsidized domestic services in France and Germany are emphasized as a good example for other countries, and there are a multitude of arguments for promoting this kind of domestic services in the report. ...
... The subsidized domestic services drive inequality, while gradually changing not only the welfare model but also our way of thinking about welfare. We let Morel (2015) summarize: ...
Chapter
Welfare to the elderly is becoming more unequally distributed due to tax breaks for privately provided elderly care. The chapter examines the so-called Rut deduction that can be used for home care as well as at retirement homes. The Rut deduction means that certain groups benefit from leaving the publicly funded system and instead pay their elderly care with a mixture of private and state money. These groups may have a reduced interest in the functioning of the public elderly care. It also implies something remarkable: if the private cost of a certain amount of home care is lower in the privately funded system than in the publicly funded system, then the privately funded system is actually more publicly funded than the publicly funded system.
... However, this trend is also driven by other types of policies. According to Morel (2015), the European Commission, as well as national governments and national lobby groups, have actively promoted the extension of the domestic service sector since the 1990s in response to the prospect of structurally sluggish employment growth among the least skilled and the perceived need for more 'social investment'. Many European countries have set up schemes to subsidize the demand for domestic services, particularly for childcare and eldercare, via the introduction of cash-for-care schemes, vouchers or different socio-fiscal measures such as social contribution exemptions and tax rebates. ...
... Many European countries have set up schemes to subsidize the demand for domestic services, particularly for childcare and eldercare, via the introduction of cash-for-care schemes, vouchers or different socio-fiscal measures such as social contribution exemptions and tax rebates. However, some countries have gone further in that they also subsidize non-carerelated domestic services such as cleaning and ironing (Morel, 2015). ...
... A number of European countries have introduced measures specifically designed to increase domestic services employment (Morel, 2015). France was the forerunner of the SVS in the European context. ...
Article
Full-text available
The European Commission, as well as national governments and national lobby groups, have actively promoted the extension of the domestic service sector since the 1990s in response to the prospect of structurally sluggish employment growth among the least skilled and the perceived need for more social investment. The Belgian service voucher scheme, the most heavily subsidized scheme of this type in the European context, yielded growing numbers of domestic service employees, users and employing companies since its enactment in January 2004. The purpose of this study is to identify whether this scheme was successful in increasing employment rates among low-skilled women in Belgium and to assess whether its employment effects have extended beyond this group of women and affected the employment rates of medium-skilled and highly skilled women. Using time-series analyses and difference-in-differences models for the period ranging from the first quarter of 1999 until the second quarter of 2014, our results demonstrate that the scheme had both short-term and long-term positive effects on employment rates of low-skilled women. However, a reversal in their employment rates during the economic recession is also found, which brought their employment rates to a nadir in 2008. We further found that the scheme’s impact extended beyond the employments of low-skilled women to positively affect the employment rates of the highly skilled women.
... Low wages in low-skill service sectors, a result of labor market liberalization and weakening trade union power, serve to stimulate domestic demand for personal and consumer services (Morel 2015; Wren, this volume). The significant wage discrepancy between high-and low-skill service jobs also boosts the demand for (higher) education. ...
... Because of comparatively high rates of growth and a dynamic labor market, people are not exposed to long spells of unemployment, hence there is less demand for social protection. The fact that only a minimal safety net against poverty is in place favors the existence of a low-wage labor market, which boosts the productivity of highly skilled workers, as they can outsource many of their non-work-related responsibilities to cheap service workers (Morel 2015). At the same time, given that domestic demand is the key driver of financialization, the state protects low-wage workers to a certain extent, for example, via income tax credits on earnings or a minimum wage, so that they do not end up having a negative effect on growth. ...
... Low wages in low-skill service sectors, a result of labor market liberalization and weakening trade union power, serve to stimulate domestic demand for personal and consumer services (Morel 2015; Wren, this volume). The significant wage discrepancy between high-and low-skill service jobs also boosts the demand for (higher) education. ...
... Because of comparatively high rates of growth and a dynamic labor market, people are not exposed to long spells of unemployment, hence there is less demand for social protection. The fact that only a minimal safety net against poverty is in place favors the existence of a low-wage labor market, which boosts the productivity of highly skilled workers, as they can outsource many of their non-work-related responsibilities to cheap service workers (Morel 2015). At the same time, given that domestic demand is the key driver of financialization, the state protects low-wage workers to a certain extent, for example, via income tax credits on earnings or a minimum wage, so that they do not end up having a negative effect on growth. ...
Book
Growth and Welfare in Advanced Capitalist Economies takes stock of the major economic challenges that advanced industrial democracies have faced since the early 1990s and the responses by governments to them. It has three goals: firstly, to further our understanding of how political economies have transformed over the past decades; secondly, to analyse the contribution of governments to these changes, by looking at their growth strategies and thirdly, to highlight and analyse the role of the reforms of welfare systems in this transformative change.In a nutshell, this book maps and provides general understanding of the evolution of growth regimes in advanced capitalist countries. It identifies five main growth regimes in contemporary advanced capitalist economies (three export-led and two domestic demand-led ones). To do so the book combines a supply side approach to economic growth as advocated by the Varieties of Capitalism Literature (OUP, 2001) with a demand side perspective as the recent discussion on growth models has exemplified. It argues that all political economies consist of growth regimes, which are based on a set of institutions that shape the supply side of the economy as well as on demand drivers such as government spending and private consumption. Both supply and demand are heavily shaped by the welfare state which provides for skills through education systems and stimulates demand through high social spending and private pension funds. The book focuses on the analysis of welfare reforms as growth strategies pursued by governments in an era characterised by financialization and the rise of the knowledge economy.
... Low wages in low-skill service sectors, a result of labor market liberalization and weakening trade union power, serve to stimulate domestic demand for personal and consumer services (Morel 2015; Wren, this volume). The significant wage discrepancy between high-and low-skill service jobs also boosts the demand for (higher) education. ...
... Because of comparatively high rates of growth and a dynamic labor market, people are not exposed to long spells of unemployment, hence there is less demand for social protection. The fact that only a minimal safety net against poverty is in place favors the existence of a low-wage labor market, which boosts the productivity of highly skilled workers, as they can outsource many of their non-work-related responsibilities to cheap service workers (Morel 2015). At the same time, given that domestic demand is the key driver of financialization, the state protects low-wage workers to a certain extent, for example, via income tax credits on earnings or a minimum wage, so that they do not end up having a negative effect on growth. ...
Chapter
The chapter aims at building the theoretical framework to understand the evolution of growth regimes in advanced capitalist economies. It starts by recalling the main questions, approaches, and current debates on the dynamics of capitalist development in the comparative political economy literature. In a second step, it revisits the terms of the various approaches considered (Regulation School, Varieties of Capitalisms, Growth Models), defines growth regimes and growth strategies, and emphasizes the role played by welfare systems in these. Third, it presents the main economic challenges capitalist economies have been confronted with (deindustrialization, financialization, and the rise of the knowledge economy) and underlines the fact that, despite common challenges, the economies have remained distinct. Fourth, it provides an overview of five main ideal-typical growth regimes that have developed in advanced capitalist economies: the dynamic services export-led growth regime, the high-quality manufacturing export-led, the FDI-financed export-led, the finance-based domestic demand-led, and the public-financed domestic demand-led ones. Finally, the chapter summarizes the main contributions of the other chapters of the book.
... Low wages in low-skill service sectors, a result of labor market liberalization and weakening trade union power, serve to stimulate domestic demand for personal and consumer services (Morel 2015; Wren, this volume). The significant wage discrepancy between high-and low-skill service jobs also boosts the demand for (higher) education. ...
... Because of comparatively high rates of growth and a dynamic labor market, people are not exposed to long spells of unemployment, hence there is less demand for social protection. The fact that only a minimal safety net against poverty is in place favors the existence of a low-wage labor market, which boosts the productivity of highly skilled workers, as they can outsource many of their non-work-related responsibilities to cheap service workers (Morel 2015). At the same time, given that domestic demand is the key driver of financialization, the state protects low-wage workers to a certain extent, for example, via income tax credits on earnings or a minimum wage, so that they do not end up having a negative effect on growth. ...
Chapter
This chapter ends the volume's journey exploring the role of growth strategies and associated welfare reforms in the evolution of advanced capitalist economies. Its key argument is that welfare reforms are institutionally and politically linked to countries’ growth strategies, i.e. their adaptations to the new era of growth since the 1980s. Linkages between welfare systems and growth regimes (and economic activity more generally) are rarely made in the social policy literature. Usually, the main explanation for welfare state reforms refers to sociodemographic changes such as aging, entry of women into the labor market, and emergence of new social risks (Esping-Andersen 1999; Bonoli 2005; Hemerijck 2013). Recent research on the politics of the welfare state highlights the relevance of changes in citizen preferences for explaining welfare state reforms (e.g. Gingrich and Häusermann 2015). Here again, there is no link between welfare state reforms and national economic strategies. When welfare state reforms are linked to economic issues and policies, they are often portrayed as being imposed by generic global factors such as globalization, neoliberalism, and austerity, but not as mitigated by countries’ institutional and political idiosyncrasies. Yet, in practice, when welfare systems have changed (Hemerijck 2013; Palier and Hay 2017; Taylor-Gooby et al. 2017), their transformations have not been the same across all countries; they have not followed the same timing or the same logic, although the countries were exposed to the same exogenous, sociodemographic or economic forces of change.
... However, where public administration is concerned, it is important to also look to the effects of differences in the time frames of administrative reform. Similarly, differences in the increase rate for the proportion of 'lowest-skilled' occupations can be linked to a certain number of public policies that affect job expansion in certain types of services, for example, in the sector of interpersonal services, where states can either encourage the creation of these jobs or not, particularly on a fiscal level (Carbonnier and Morel, 2015;Morel, 2015). ...
... However, where public administration is concerned, it is important to also look to the effects of differences in the time frames of administrative reform. Similarly, differences in the increase rate for the proportion of 'lowest-skilled' occupations can be linked to a certain number of public policies that affect job expansion in certain types of services, for example, in the sector of interpersonal services, where states can either encourage the creation of these jobs or not, particularly on a fiscal level (Carbonnier and Morel, 2015;Morel, 2015). ...
Article
Full-text available
Is the middle class shrinking? This article contributes to the debate on job polarisation in Europe. Based on data from the European Union Labour Force Survey (EU-LFS) and looking at 12 European countries, it shows that there is an evident trend towards job polarisation. While this polarisation takes various forms, it is clearly the highest- and lowest-skilled jobs that have increased most rapidly among the active population over the past 20 years, to the detriment of middle-skilled jobs. The article then goes on to demonstrate that polarisation also exists when it comes to working conditions insofar as the lowest-skilled jobs are also where the most precarious employment conditions are found. Conversely, the remaining middle-skilled jobs are relatively shielded from this decline in working conditions.
... The outsourcing of domestic labour by households is a result of factors related to the demand for and to the supply of such services. Morel (2015) detailed several driving forces behind the increase in domestic outsourcing: the rise in economic inequalities; the growth in unemployment; the development of a reserve of unskilled labour; transnational economic inequalities and migrations, especially the strong rise in female immigration; and public policies which emerged in the last decade in European countries with the aim of actively promoting the development of domestic services. On the demand side, there is evidence that the efficient boundaries of households have become more flexible so that households in the 21st century are increasingly becoming consumers of services that replace household production (Raz-Yurovich, 2014). ...
... This might be driven by changes in the economics of households, from a forum of shared production to a forum of shared consumption (Stevenson and Wolfers, 2008). Moreover, the increase in demand is driven by the sharp increase in women's labour force participation, the transformations in family structures, the rise of new social needs linked to population ageing, the insufficient provision of childcare and eldercare services, changing attitudes towards the domestic division of labour, and the wish for more free time for leisure and family (Cancedda, 2001;Dukhovnov and Zagheni, 2015;Estévez-Abe and Hobson, 2015;Hellgren, 2015;Morel, 2015). ...
Article
Women in developed countries still bear the brunt of care and household work, often with severe consequences for their professional careers. In addition to policies to promote gender equality in the realm of household work, state-supported outsourcing has the potential to help women reduce work-family conflict in a more optimal way and thus to realize their professional potential. We use the enactment of the Belgian Service Voucher Scheme to examine whether the introduction of a heavily state-subsidized outsourcing option increased women's employment rates at the extensive margins, especially among the highly educated. Using time-series analyses as well as difference-in-differences models, we find both short-and long-term positive changes in the employment rates of highly skilled women in Belgium after the enactment of the scheme in January 2004. Moreover, the results of our difference-in-differences models suggest that highly skilled women's increased ability to outsource housework is the main mechanism driving the change in their employment rates.
... The types and size of the private welfare benefits subsidized and regulated by the state in similar ways have continuously increased in the U.S. (Mettler, 2011, 4) to the extent that the total social expenditure including these private benefits is as big as that of European countries (Hacker, 2007, 84). In Europe, there have been studies accounting for the expanding fiscal welfare measures in the provision of pensions (Sinfield, 1999;Greve, 2007) and in domestic services (Morel, 2015;Carbonnier and Morel, 2015) in particular. ...
... Despite the different paths to the proliferation of fiscal welfare in the U.S. and Europe, these studies commonly point to the problem of regressive distributive outcomes in that privately provided benefits tend to benefit affluent households (Carbonnier and Morel, 2015) and that the tax expenditure favors redistribution from the poor to the rich (Castles and Obinger, 2007;Avram, 2014). Moreover, as many of the fiscal welfare arrangements are relatively discreet, less traceable and therefore politically less sensitive compared to direct public provision, there are concerns related to this invisibility leading to a decrease in citizen engagement in policymaking (Mettler, 2011). ...
Book
Full-text available
The unemployed in Sweden today have to relate to several types of benefit schemes. Apart from the public unemployment insurance program, different workplaces are covered by different complementary benefit arrangements regulated by collective agreements between employer and union organizations. These Employment Transitional Agreements have existed since the 1970s but have expanded further in scope to include the entire labor market. Besides this occupational welfare arrangement, there are complementary income insurance schemes that the majority of labor unions provide for their members, covering half of the working population today. These are meant to top-up the benefits from the public unemployment insurance program or prolong the benefit payment period. Complementary income insurance schemes first appeared in the late 1990s and expanded quickly during the last fifteen years. While union-provided, group-based insurance schemes dominate the market, there are also private income insurance plans operating based on risk assessment and premium-setting practices on the individual level. This dissertation addresses the questions of how and why these complementary benefits for the unemployed developed and their distributive outcomes. As the public unemployment insurance program has continued to retrench since the 1990s in terms of benefit generosity, coverage as well as recipiency rate, understanding the role of the occupational and private pillars providing the complementary benefits and the interactions between these becomes crucial if we want to understand the actual outcome of the unemployment benefit provision system as a whole. Theoretically, this dissertation accounts for the institutional changes and outcomes of the Swedish unemployment benefit provision system through a multi-pillar perspective. The pillar perspective helps us analyze changes despite relatively stable institutional structure of the Swedish public unemployment insurance program, by highlighting the new roles and distributive logics of the newer loci of the unemployment benefit provision system. Without launching a sweeping statutory institutional reform, the division of responsibility over income protection for the unemployed has been redefined between the state, unions, individuals and market actors – which has implications for the outcomes of unemployment protection. Empirically, the dissertation provides a comprehensive overview of the different pillars of the Swedish unemployment benefit provision system today and analyzes the interactions between the pillars as well as the distributive implications of the system. Moreover, the dissertation explores the outcome of multi-pillarization through a benefit recipiency study targeting unemployed retail workers, using both register as well as survey data. The results highlight that in spite of the institutionalization of both the occupational and private pillars formally achieving a comprehensive coverage for a large part of the working population, in practice there is not only differentiated access to the complementary benefits across different occupations and sectors but also different barriers and mechanisms leading to certain groups of individuals becoming disentitled from the institutionalized unemployment protection system. This gap between the output-level of multi-pillarization and the outcome of the Swedish unemployment benefit provision system may be accounted for by the specific path to multi-pillarization that has been strongly shaped by the institutional legacies of the Ghent system, where unions have played a significant role, as well as labor market developments characterized by a dualization tendency.
... e European Union has played a key role in promoting policies for gender equality; equal pay, nondiscrimination in promotion and in pensions, gender neutral parental leaves, and targets for childcare coverage. Nonetheless, regarding the barriers to agency and capabilities for WLB, one cannot ignore the role of the EU in its neoliberal agenda, including ceilings on decits and pressures to reduce public expenditures through privatization of care services, advocated in EU discourse and policy papers (Morel 2015). e solution to care de cits advocated in European societies has been policies to support the expansion in private markets in personal household services that have a low wage labor force, of which migrants comprise a large share. ...
... e solution to care de cits advocated in European societies has been policies to support the expansion in private markets in personal household services that have a low wage labor force, of which migrants comprise a large share. is strategy ts together with other EU strategies to decrease unemployment that encourage de-regulation and weakened job protections, which result in expansions in poor quality jobs (Morel 2015). Sweden has initiated one of the most generous tax subsidies for encouraging private markets in domestic services to solve the time de cit for dual-earner couples, which has produced a capabilities gap in WLB between families who can a ord these services and those who cannot (Fahlén et al. 2015). ...
Article
Among researchers and policymakers there is recognition that men’s involvement in care is essential for the work-life balance project. This article focuses on Sweden, a country that is profiled as the one of the most gender equal societies and which scores highest in indices of father friendly policies. The key question addressed is to what extent state policies for WLB, including parental leave, flexibility in work hours and reduced hours, engender a sense of entitlement for fathers to claim rights for WLB, considering which fathers and in which contexts. Using Sen’s capabilities framework, I argue throughout that understanding men’s agency for WLB requires a multi-level framework that looks from the state, to the firm and to the household levels as well as looking beyond the state to global processes and institutions. I conclude with a discussion of the unfinished/stalled revolution in gender equality in employment and care and the lessons to be learned from the Swedish case.
... An essential aspect of the growth of domestic services has been the active promotion and subsidization of domestic and care services in several European countries (Hellgren, 2015;Marx and Vandelanoote, 2015;Morel, 2015). Such policies are seen as a vehicle for ensuring service sector job growth to the benefit of the low-skilled without having to accept higher wage inequality. ...
Article
Seen as an alternative to precarious, informal work or no job at all, several European countries have started to use tax money to boost the demand for domestic services. This article asks whether this makes sense. We consider the case of the heavily subsidized and highly popular service voucher scheme in Belgium. Close to a quarter of households there employ domestic service workers under the scheme, making it in relative terms the largest scheme of its kind in Europe. The workers employed under the scheme enjoy extensive labour and social security rights. Does the service voucher scheme provide a model to be followed if we care about labour market exclusion and precariousness or is this a case of institutionalized second-tier work? To that end we trace workers’ labour market pathways over a considerable length of time. We find that a substantial share of women find a way out of vulnerable labour market situations through the scheme. However, a very significant number enter from steady employment. This is clearly at odds with the original objective of offering a stepping stone to women with a precarious labour market position. The scheme also plays an ambivalent role in the labour market integration process of immigrant newcomers. At least in part, the Belgian scheme can be seen as a case of policy overshooting. We suggest some potential improvements.
... This signified that the targets for employment rates and flexibilization, linked closely to the EMU, were prioritized, whereas quality in work, high-quality childcare, and lifelong learning were deemphasized (de la Porte & Natali, 2018). During the financial crisis, employment subsidies and targeted reductions of non-wage labor costs as well as the promotion of self-employment-arguably of precarious character in the context of a major economic crisis-were among the measures proposed in the Europe 2020 strategy to stimulate job creation (de la Porte & Heins, 2015;Morel, 2015). ...
... This signified that the targets for employment rates and flexibilization, linked closely to the EMU, were prioritized, whereas quality in work, high-quality childcare, and lifelong learning were deemphasized (de la Porte & Natali, 2018). During the financial crisis, employment subsidies and targeted reductions of non-wage labor costs as well as the promotion of self-employment-arguably of precarious character in the context of a major economic crisis-were among the measures proposed in the Europe 2020 strategy to stimulate job creation (de la Porte & Heins, 2015;Morel, 2015). ...
... This signified that the targets for employment rates and flexibilization, linked closely to the EMU, were prioritized, whereas quality in work, high-quality childcare, and lifelong learning were deemphasized (de la Porte & Natali, 2018). During the financial crisis, employment subsidies and targeted reductions of non-wage labor costs as well as the promotion of self-employment-arguably of precarious character in the context of a major economic crisis-were among the measures proposed in the Europe 2020 strategy to stimulate job creation (de la Porte & Heins, 2015;Morel, 2015). ...
Chapter
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This chapter focuses on why and how social investment has developed at the European Union level. The chapter identifies five main sequences in the development of the European social investment strategy. The perspective proposed by the EU institutions started with a focus on labor market participation (hence focusing on the skill mobilization function of social investment) before being broadened in 2000 to a perspective that included skill creation as much as skill mobilization and preservation. It then changed again toward a return to workforce mobilization and experienced a specific “social investment moment” with the Social Investment Package, before being embedded within a broader pillar of social rights. Two main dynamics explain the metamorphoses of the EU’s approach to social investment. First, there is an “internal” dynamic, consisting of internal battles within the European institutions between European “economically oriented” actors and “socially oriented” ones. Second, the changes in emphasis on social investment in the EU over time reflect political priorities in member states. The higher the number of left-leaning governments within the EU, the more inclusive and broad are the proposed social investment perspectives. Conversely, the higher the number of right-leaning governments, the more concentration on stratified and targeted social investment, focused merely on workforce mobilization.
... Examples include the French Che`que Emploi-Service Universel, the Belgian Dienstencheques, and the Austrian Dienstleistungsscheck. The German Minijobs, Denmark's law on home service (''lov om hjemmeservice''), and tax deduction schemes in Finland and Sweden, are other types of housework-related programs (for more details see Morel (2015)). These housework-related policies share three main goals: (1) creating jobs in the low-wage sector; (2) tackling undeclared work, and (3) facilitating work-life balance within households. ...
Article
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Economic theories predict that with modernity and with the increase in standards of living, individuals will aspire for more leisure. However, the results of empirical studies which examined period trends in leisure time across developed countries do not confirm this presumption. The current study asks: If changes in leisure stem from ideational changes among different generations, will trends in leisure look different if examined across cohorts, or if measured differently? By integrating theoretical definitions of leisure based on literatures in economics, sociology, and psychology, this research derives three main macro-level empirical measures of leisure from various sources. These measures are used to analyze the contribution of population turnover to changes in the quantity of leisure, in developed countries, using linear regression decomposition method. Our results show an almost unequivocal increase in leisure across cohorts, across 159 country-periods, suggesting that new policies supporting domestic consumption are warranted.
... These are precarious, low-paid jobs in service infrastructure and care services, including education and health (Hassel and Palier 2021). Since the early 2000s, competitiveness strategy has sought to keep the costs of these service jobs as low as possible in order to keep export prices attractive, and to provide an environment conducive to wage moderation in export industries, including in what is now called the knowledge economy (Morel 2015). ...
Article
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The pandemic caused by the rapid spread of the Covid-19 virus has revealed impacts well beyond those linked to health. Indeed, it has established itself as what Mauss called a “total social fact”, that is, an event that affects every single aspect of society. In this editorial we present some initial reflections on the myriad ways in which the pandemic will affect the State and the relationship between States and citizens as played out in spheres of everyday life. We begin with a brief historical overview of pandemics and the patterns, contradictions and lessons they have left, before looking at the crisis context in which the current pandemic is unfolding. We then take a look at the myriad ways in which the pandemic underlines, emphasises and exacerbates a fundamental rift in the relationship between states and citizens by discussing risk, expertise, communication, de- and re-politicisation and more. We conclude by asking ourselves if - beyond the liberal democracy vs autocracy dichotomy - the Post-Covid scenario may conduce toward a new social contract. Finally, we look to existing sociological work that might provide fruitful in moving forward to address this rift, and provide brief overviews of the contributions in this direction from the authors in this special issue. Copyright © 2021 - University of Salento, SIBA: http://siba-ese.unisalento.it
... The idea to create employment for disadvantaged groups by reviving domestic service sectors took hold in Western Europe in the 1990s. Encouraged by the EU Commission and national lobby groups, many countries introduced policies that invested public money to lower the price of these services (Carbonnier andMorel 2015, Morel 2015). Variations in policy designs include service checks (France, Belgium, Germany, and Austria), cuts to social security premiums (The Netherlands, Germany), and tax deductions for labor costs (Sweden, Denmark, and Finland). ...
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Many European countries have implemented policies to revive their domestic service sectors. A common goal of these reforms has been to create employment for disadvantaged groups on the domestic labor market. I evaluate a Swedish policy where domestic service firms receive a 50% tax deduction on labor costs. Detailed data from tax records identify all formal workers and owners of firms that receive deductions. I describe the composition of workers and owners in these firms with respect to three groups targeted by Swedish policymakers: refugees, people with low education, and people who enter the workforce from long-term unemployment. I find that the shares of refugees and long-term unemployed in the subsidized sector barely exceed the shares in the full private labor force, and fall far below the shares in industrial sectors with a predominance of elementary jobs. The share of people with low education is higher than in the full private sector and on par with other low-skilled sectors. I conclude that the tax subsidy largely failed to improve employment opportunities among the target groups. An extended analysis suggests that labor immigration from other EU countries may be a partial explanation for this. EU immigrants operate half of all subsidized firms in Sweden's largest cities and nearly exclusively employ other EU immigrants.
... Some outstanding recent contributions to the journal Social Politics help to flesh it out. The commitment of developed-country governments (in particular in the EU) to a policy frame of 'social investment' -in which the main focus is on 'how to support women to enter and remain in the labour market', and the citizen envisaged is 'first and foremost a paid worker, either in actuality or (when a child) in the making' (Saraceno, 2015: 257)intensifies a care deficit which is to be met through the outsourcing of domestic labour to poor women and particularly legal and illegal migrants (Estevez-Abe, 2015;Hellgren, 2015;Morel, 2015;Shire, 2015). A gendered approach is indispensable, and the global legal and institutional framework is of fundamental importance. ...
... Un nouveau secteur est fi nalement créé dans le Code du travail en 2005 en parallèle d'un ensemble de lois visant à le structurer et le développer (DEVETTER, JANY-CATRICE, 2010). Cette politique est reprise dès la fi n des années 1990 par la Commission européenne, qui recommande aux États membres d'adopter de pareils schémas incitatifs (MOREL, 2015). ...
... Past research indicates policy design has played a significant role in regulating domestic employment (Jokela, 2017;Morel, 2015). Two characteristics, which are caregiving and migration, have been identified in the policy design and state government has a room in structuring domestic employment regulation through the combination of these two (as Figure 1; Hsu, 2018). ...
Article
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Using an intuitionalism framework, this study explains the different responses in domestic employment regulation. Past research indicates policy design has played a significant role in regulating domestic employment. Drawing on secondary literature and policy documents, this study argues that employers’ needs, in forms of care policy, shapes different outcomes in each countries. This creates a vacuum in the legal status of domestic workers and places their employer–employee relationships into the category of individual contracts. After comparing the data we make several policy suggestions, aimed at planning and improving management practices for domestic workers.
... Some studies used artificial intelligence approached to model this effects (Ahmadi and Taghizadeh 2019;Ahmadi et al. 2019). Moreover, services as a factor of welfare lead researchers to introduce the service-based economy in market economies (Morel 2015). There are some methods about decision making in KBE, For instances, factors analysis (Shabrina and Silvianita 2015), fuzzy AHP (Bozbura et al. 2007; Wang and Chin 2011a, b), Pythagorean fuzzy multiple-criteria (Zeng et al. 2016), intuitionistic fuzzy (Xu and Hu 2010). ...
Article
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The knowledge-based economy is the basis of economics in which all businesses and industries benefit from the distribution and application of knowledge in pursuit of their goals to meet their needs. But the prosperity and growth of a knowledge-based economy can only be achieved if the economic, socio-political and legal frameworks of a country have the necessary background to realize the required indicators of a knowledge-based economy. In this paper, the economy growth-effected knowledge-based indicators are classified and prioritized using logarithmic fuzzy preference programming. Based on the results, the institutional and economic regime has the priority in comparison with other measures in economic growth. The results of prioritizing alternative criteria show that the technology foundation, structure of trained manpower, trade and capital, employment and economical trademark, respectively affect economic growth. Furthermore, the trade-related indicators are a low effect on economic growth, however, the technology-related indicators are most effective on it. Therefore, today’s oil and export economies are less prioritized than the application of knowledge, and in today’s world, the industrial economy cannot be advanced and must move towards a knowledge-based economy.
... Initially the idea was met with scepticism, as privately employed domestic workers were considered very un-Swedish and as belonging to 'a clear and visible class society with masters and maids in people's homes', a society that was seen as having been abolished in Sweden by the social democratic welfare system (Kvist, 2013: 215). But in 2007, and inspired by the general trend within the European Union of promoting markets for domestic services (Morel, 2015), the Conservative/Liberal government introduced the RUT tax deduction that allows purchasers of domestic services to deduct a proportion of the labour costs. Apart from being motivated by arguments of gender equality, the reform was also framed as an initiative to create jobs for 'poorly educated persons and groups with low employment opportunities, such as immigrant women, and provide them with a gateway to the labour-market' (Kvist and Peterson, 2010: 193). ...
Article
In this article, we analyse practice of care and family in families who employ nannies and au pairs. Taking our point of departure in the narratives of all the participating actors – nannies/au pairs (n = 26), parents (n = 29) and children receiving care (n = 19) – we show how this ‘doing of family’ is reproducing inequalities between families: the new local care loops enable a possibility for some – well-off – parents to realize the (highly valued) ideals of gender equality and ‘good and stress-free parenting’. We also show how this reproduces inequalities within families. The narratives of everyday care situations told by nannies, au pairs and children entail evidence of invisible and complex ‘sentient’ care activities that diverge remarkably from the explicit characterizing of the work as easy and independent. This discrepancy makes nanny/au pair work into precarious gendered care doings, similar to the care performed in families traditionally, by wives and mothers, but now obscured by the nanny/au pairs’ subordinate status. In conclusion, classed, gendered and ethnic inequalities are characterizing the new ‘local care loops’ being encouraged and enabled in Sweden. The driving forces are to be found on a macro level, in processes of globalization and in political and policy changes, but the consequences are detectable in everyday interactions in the micro-settings of the home.
... In the wake of labour market polarization, a new social polarization is also taking shape: the emergence of an internationalized higher class with worldwide connections, living at the heart of globalized urban centres (Andreotti, Le Galès and Moreno-Fuentes, 2015), and a class of people to serve them, whether by doing their housework or providing other domestic services, 3 taking care of their children, providing them with personal care, serving them in restaurants, transporting them (by taxi, chauffeur-driven car or Uber) or building or renovating their homes. These new "servants" allow the "brains" to concentrate on their tasks and hence increase their productivity (Morel, 2015). ...
Article
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The digitalization of the economy can be interpreted as an industrial revolution, a series of technological innovations associated with new practices and new business models. As for previous industrial revolutions, a phase involving the destruction of existing systems and structures is driving a profound transformation of the world of work and the development of new sectors of activity and new jobs, including changes in the labour market and in the types of jobs created. This puts into question the position of the middle classes, and presents new challenges for social protection. This article seeks to understand the impacts of digital technology on the economy and employment, including the phenomena of labour market polarization. It describes the new forms of employment and work and analyses the social risks and the likely ramifications for the middle classes in the digital age. In turn, new possibilities for social protection in the digital age are discussed. The article concludes that there is a need to re‐evaluate jobs that involve the provision of personal and care services, including to support social investment, to strengthen the future prospects of the weakened middle classes.
... They have begun to assess which actors are mobilising on behalf of (migrant) care workers and how these interact with other actors in the field. At the supra-and transnational level, there is for instance the European Commission's effort to encourage the development of domestic work as a way to diminish unemployment through EU recommendations (Morel, 2015), and the ILO with Convention 189 advocating decent work for domestic workers. At the national level researchers have started to analyse the political debates and coalitions behind reforms in country specific case studies (e.g. ...
Chapter
Across Europe, migrants are often employed as providers of care or domestic services, thus forming an alternative for public care provision or contributing to the supply of publicly financed care. This chapter discusses how the growing demand for migrant care workers is related to transformations of European care systems. While public policies stimulate the development of care and domestic services, these policies often contribute to precarious employment and poor working conditions. The chapter also shows how migrant care work is shaped by colonial legacies and stratified systems of entry routes and citizenship within Europe, with specific attention for east-west migration. Finally, the chapter highlights the importance of the politics of migrant care work in relation to social care and migration policy. In this context, political actors at the supra-, trans- and national level are of critical relevance, but they have so far received only little attention in contemporary research on the politics of migrant care work.
... It can be argued that individuals not inscribed into jobseeker lists were excluded only temporally from the benefit provided by the tax measure, but such a limitation looks anyway contrary to the principle of equality. Older people, however, could be considered the most penalised category of taxpayers because, being retired, they would never be authorised to apply for refundable tax credits (Carbonnier, 2009;Morel, 2012Morel, , 2015. ...
Preprint
During the past 20 years, beside the exponential rise in demand and offer of household services caused by changes in demographic and employment trends, Western European countries have experienced a significative increase in informal domestic work. Aware of the negative impact that informality may have on employees, households and revenue, some legislators have taken specific actions against the informal employment in the domestic sector. Many of these normative interventions involve the field of Tax Law and their nature is persuasive rather than repressive, since they include fiscal incentives to formalisation. With the purpose of finding out if this kind of instruments can be effective against informality, the present paper addresses the tax measures implemented by Sweden, France, Belgium, Italy and the Netherlands for reducing the informal domestic work. Through a theoretical-qualitative analysis it can be observed that some tax measures may change the status quo without eliminating the detrimental effects of the informal employment, while others can solve the problem only partially. Nevertheless, it has been also found that one of these tax measures —the French one— has the potential to promote a stable and long-term inclusion of domestic employment relationships into the legal dimension. Due to the merge of adequate tax reliefs and full observance of the principle of equality, the French tax measure is potentially effective against the informal domestic work and able to contribute to the fulfilment of an important objective sought by the ILO: “Decent work for domestic workers”. Full text: http://hdl.handle.net/2445/138157
... Tableau 1 : Principaux dispositifs publics en faveur des services à la personne www.sciencespo.fr/liepp 2. Le développement des services à la personne pour répondre aux défis de la société postindustrielle La mise en place de politiques visant à développer les services à la personne a été accompagnée d'un discours politique porté par les différents gouvernements nationaux mais également par la Commission Européenne (Morel, 2015), qui présente le développement des services à la personne comme une des principales solutions face aux nombreux défis socio-économiques caractéristiques des sociétés européennes à l'ère post-industrielle. Les bénéfices attendus sont nombreux : création d'emplois non délocalisables pour les moins qualifiés, meilleur rapport coût/efficacité pour satisfaire de nouvelles demandes sociales comme la prise en charge des enfants et des personnes âgées via le développement de solutions privées, soutien à l'emploi féminin par un meilleur équilibre vie professionnelle/vie familiale et par la création d'emplois pour les femmes, stimulation de la productivité par la libération des plus qualifié(e)s pour du travail considéré comme plus productif. ...
Article
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Durant les deux dernières décennies, de nombreux États d’Europe continentale et du Nord ont mis en oeuvre des politiques visant à encourager le développement du secteur économique des services à la personne. Ce Policy Brief présente les principales conclusions d’un ouvrage* consacré à l’évaluation de ces politiques dans six pays. Les bénéfices attendus de ces politiques sont nombreux : création d’emplois pour les peu qualifiés, réponse aux nouveaux besoins sociaux tels que la garde d’enfants et l’aide aux personnes âgées, soutien à l’emploi féminin... La comparaison des cas français, allemand, autrichien, belge, suédois et finlandais permet cependant de mettre en évidence le succès mitigé de ces politiques. Ces mesures participent d’une stratégie économique de stimulation des emplois de service « bas de gamme », qui entraine la création d’emplois et de services à faible valeur ajoutée. Elle contribue à l’augmentation des inégalités socioéconomiques et géographiques et participe à la privatisation du soin. Les retombées en termes d’emploi sont limitées et le coût pour les finances publiques important. Ainsi, à de multiples égards, la stratégie de soutien à l’emploi domestique apparaît comme un pari perdant pour faire face aux défis de l’èrepostindustrielle.
... Against the backdrop of a polarised labour market a new form of social polarisation is forming, with the emergence on the one hand of an internationalised 'creative class', with global connections, living in the heart of global urban centres (Andreotti, le Galès and Fuentes 2015), and on the hand a class of people at their service (Morel 2015) -to take care of their children, to care for them, to serve them in restaurants, to transport them (by taxi or Uber), to build or renovate their homes, to educate their children, and to provide healthcare to them and elderly relatives. ...
Article
First lines: When looking at the economic changes and technological revolution under way throughout much of Europe, many debates focus on the fragmentation of the labour force and the ‘Uberisation’ of employment: traditional forms of employment giving way to forms of working where there are armies of independent workers who are detached from any work contract and often paid on the basis of tasks performed. For many, this has marked the demise of traditional labour relations and stable work contracts. Our economies and societies are confronted with a long-term dualisation trajectory, which is being exacerbated by the processes of digitalisation. Not all forms of employment will be subject to ‘Uberisation’, but this process is part of the movement towards dualisation, which is forcing apart labour market insiders and outsiders in an ongoing process that amplifies trends that have been detectable since the 1980s.To address the challenges posed by increased dualisation and a more fragmented labour market, policymakers and researchers need to identify the nature of these trends, and consider whether they create new social needs and at-risk groups. One can identify new economic cleavages between the winners in the knowledge economy (the productive and ‘creative’ types) and the losers, whose purpose is increasingly to provide low-paid services to the winners.These challenges emphasise the need to build a new social contract between these two groups. Winners need to understand the need to protect losers by sharing the profits that are generated by both groups. Such a social contract requires renewed forms of social protection that must be embedded in the different types of welfare state regimes that prevail in Europe.
... Höhere Anteile formeller und auch professionalisierter Pflege in skandinavischen Ländern werden mit einem eher egalitären, durch hohe Frauenerwerbstätigkeit gekennzeichneten Geschlechterarrange ment in Verbindung gebracht, das die Arbeitskraft von Frauen durch umfassende und generöse soziale Dienstleistungen aus dem familialen Kontext löst (Auth 2017); höhere Anteile informeller und familialer Pflege wie auch eher semiprofessionelle Gestaltung von formeller Dienstleistungserbringung in der Pflege in Deutschland hingegen werden auf ein institutionell stark ausgeprägtes männliches Ernährer modell und pflegepolitische Anreize für die Pflege durch Familienangehörige zurückgeführt (Pfau-Effinger und Rostgaard 2011;Frericks et al. 2014). Überdies ist auch auf die Relevanz von Steuerpolitik und die Förderung atypischer Arbeitsverhältnisse für die Ausweitung informeller Arbeit in Privathaushalten (Shire 2015;Morel 2015) sowie die (Aus-) Bildungspolitik und die damit einhergehende Arbeitsmarktstrukturierung hinzuweisen (vgl. Gottschall 2008;Rothgang und Pfau-Effinger 2013). ...
Chapter
Pflegebedürftigkeit ist ein allgemeines Lebensrisiko, von dem die Mehrzahl der Menschen im Laufe ihres Lebens betroffen ist. Dennoch haben sich Pflegesicherungssysteme erst in den letzten Jahrzehnten entwickelt. Langzeitpflege ist somit der Nachzügler der Wohlfahrtsstaatsentwicklung. Bezüglich Finanzierung, Leistungserbringung und Regulierung von Langzeitpflege zeigen sich innerhalb der OECD erhebliche Unterschiede, die zu vielfältigen Konfigurationen führen, die über die üblichen Wohlfahrtsstaatstypologien hinausgehen, dabei aber doch Anknüpfungspunkte an diese erkennen lassen.
... The modern economy is the most knowledgebased, therefore, the human capital based on knowledge and skills, is a leader of the national wealth (Morel 2015). As a result, relations between states and economic strength are not measured by the size of territories, but by the share of human capital in national wealth. ...
Article
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This paper has structured the simultaneous equations including the human capital development, economic indicators and environmental quality in the period from 2002 to 2016. Acknowledging the economic value of services helps to understand that we are part of nature and have a duty to live responsibly. Human capital is widely viewed as playing an essential role in the creation of wealth and economic growth, however, our understanding of the relationship between environmental quality and other elements of human capital is just emerging. There is a strong correlation between the GDP / Oil Price and human capital expenditures (r = 0.83). Correlation between the state spending on human capital development and the GDP growth (r = 0.995) is higher than if the first variable was family spending (r = 0.9). There is a strong inverse interrelation between the level of poverty is society and total expenditure aimed at human capital (r =-0.95). The hypothesis saying that investment in human capital return in 2-4 years was not exactly true. From the econometrical result, it is concluded that there is a significantly negative relationship between environmental quality and the imbalance of economic indicators; the improvement of human capital can reduce the detrimental effects from the differences in income distribution and better the environmental quality.
... More recent research has situated the expansion of migrant domestic work within broader institutional contexts, analyzing how different types of welfare, migration, and employment regimes reveal different configurations of private household services markets (e.g. Van Hooren 2010;Morel 2015;Hobson et al 2018). Much has also been written about the care deficit generated by these dynamics in different contexts (e.g. ...
Article
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This article explores the impact of the Great Recession on migrant domestic workers in Spain. We argue that the domestic services sector’s relative resistance to job destruction has transformed it to some extent into a refuge activity for unemployed women from other sectors, both migrants and native Spanish workers. This leads to intensified competition over jobs and increasing stratification among domestic workers, with serious consequences both for migrant women’s opportunities to make a living in Spain and for their migration projects at an international level. Based on 90 in-depth interviews with female migrant domestic workers and stakeholders, we find that this group of workers has been seriously affected by unemployment, underemployment, and worsened job conditions. As a consequence, new and already settled migrants find the chances to gain their livelihood in Spain substantially reduced, and many of those who migrated in order to support the family back home through remittances, or to save some money and eventually return, are at present unable to do so.
... While fostering the creation of low-skilled service sector jobs has been a major rationale behind this policy, responding to the growing needs for child-and especially elderly-care has also been an important objective (cf., Carbonnier & Morel, 2015;Morel, 2015). Here too, this policy has been pursued by both left-and right-wing governments alike, albeit with differences in terms of the level of the ceiling for the deductible amount. ...
Article
This article argues that fiscal welfare in Europe not only forms part of the “hidden welfare state” (Howard, 1997), but also constitutes an important yet understudied—and therefore hidden—element of welfare state reform. Using the example of France, and relying both on available data and on an exhaustive database of social tax expenditures (STEs) compiled for 2014, the article begins by providing an overview of the structure of STEs in France (section 2). It then analyzes the specific uses and effects of STEs in the fields of employment, health care, and pensions. In particular, it shows, first of all, how STEs have constituted a privileged instrument for circumventing certain institutional features such as high levels of minimum wage and of social security contributions in the field of employment (section 3). Second, it also shows that STEs have been used to quietly divert resources away from the earmarked social security funds and into collective private insurance funds, thus fueling their development, in the case of health care and pensions (section 4). Lastly, the article engages with the notion of the “social division of welfare” (Titmuss, 1958) by considering some of the distributional effects of fiscal welfare in France (section 5), before concluding (section 6).
... Our study also partially questions the general idea of the live-in arrangement as undesirable. If segregation and exploitation are not outdated in the debate on domestic and care workand attention should be continuously paid to reduce exposure to abuses and vulnerability (Briones 2009;Morel 2015) our findings solicit further analysis to better understand domestic workers' agency, strategies and choices, and drivers of job satisfaction. Notes 1. ...
Article
Foreign-born women frequently find their first job in the domestic sector. This is usually considered a stepping-stone, but it is rather a definitive condition. We analyse the working trajectory of foreign-born women with a first job in domestic work using sequence analysis and studying their association with job satisfaction by means of logistic regression models. The data were collected as part of the Foreigners’ Job Trajectories project conducted by the ISMU Foundation in Italy in 2009. We found that, after all, domestic and care workers can be satisfied with their job if basic decent working conditions are guaranteed. Particular attention is paid to the high rate of job satisfaction for women with a trajectory from live-out to live-in jobs. Possible explications for job satisfaction are extensively discussed focusing on economic drivers, the agency of domestic workers, and the emotive dimension of domestic and care works.
... The aim of this article is twofold. First, the study of the exclusionary Dutch domestic work policy contributes to the growing literature on the politics of domestic work (Estévez-Abe and Hobson 2015;Guiraudon and Ledoux 2015;Kvist and Peterson 2010;Morel 2015;Shire 2015), by systematically scrutinizing how political divisions, policy legacies and ideas have contributed to a distinct policy outcome. The results point at the ambivalent role of trade unions and left wing political parties who favored more inclusionary policies yet failed to achieve this outcome. ...
Article
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A special employment regulation excludes domestic workers in the Netherlands from most social and employment protection. Using a process tracing method, this article assesses why such an exclusionary policy has persisted in an otherwise inclusive welfare state. Going beyond the narrow class-based focus of dualization research, the article develops a framework for understanding the politics of differentiation by taking into account how intersecting social divisions based on class, gender, and citizenship shape political representation and ideas about legitimate inequalities. These intersecting social divisions explain why even potential political allies have not given priority to improving domestic workers' rights. © The Author(s) 2017. Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved. For Permissions, please e-mail: [email protected]
Article
This article investigates the moderation effect of human capital formation on the relationship between economic growth and selected significant indicators of environmental degradation. Panel data for 115 countries for the period 1990 – 2016 were collected from World Development Indicators (2018). The Human Development Index (HDI) is employed as a proxy for human capital formation in investigating the growth-environmental pollution nexus. The study employs structural equation modelling (SEM) hypothesis testing with multiple variables and complex causal relationships. Confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) is used to assess the reliability and validity analysis in the measurement model. Results reveal that HDI interaction with GDP degrades the quality of environment while its interaction effect with GDP2 mitigates varied selected emissions for upper-middle and high income countries, all of which show concurrence with the Environmental Kuznets Curve (EKC) hypothesis. Moreover, interaction effect of HDI reduces both CH4 and PM2.5 emissions in low income countries. Findings provide evidence of the Pollution Haven Hypothesis (PHH) that GDP and GDP2 growth emit a significant amount of CO2 in low- and lower-middle income countries, highlighting contradictory results with an HDI interaction. The results give rise to several policy implications, all of which point to a need for concerted efforts in implementing prudent economic development initiatives that mitigate environmental degradation. Also, the study pinpoints the need for a serious consideration of placing a global focus on the “education for sustainability” (EfS) principle in consumption and production activities and, accordingly, incorporating SD into national curricula to reap larger benefits of human capital formation in the growth-environment nexus.
Chapter
Starting from the acknowledgement that social reproductive labour is key to capitalist economies and that the productive and reproductive labour spheres are entangled, in this chapter, we analyse the racial stratifications of care loops locally and transnationally. We argue that focusing on social reproduction allows researchers to consider not only the paid and unpaid social reproductive tasks individuals are involved in and their value, as feminist research has traditionally done, but also individuals’ capabilities of reproducing themselves as workers, as well as parents and caregivers. Drawing on 40 qualitative interviews with Filipino migrants working in various reproductive labour jobs, such as domestic workers, cleaners, nannies, and nurses in Finland, we analyse the interplay between policies regarding labour-based migration and family reunification and the position of migrant workers in care loops locally and transnationally. We analyse the daily experiences of Filipino migrant workers in Finland to argue that the social reproduction of migrant workers not only as workers but also as transnational parents and caregivers is impeded by restrictive migration legislation that perceives migrant workers as commodified, temporary labour power and overlooks the embodied, unpredictable nature of social reproductive labour.KeywordsReproductive labourSocial reproductionSocial reproductive struggleFilipino migrantFilipino au pairDomestic workerPhilippinesFinland
Article
Paid domestic workers are commonly excluded from general labor laws across the globe. This article unpacks the ideological structure underlying the legitimation of this widespread exclusion and how it is shifting. I examine transcripts of official debates in the International Labour Organization 1919–2014 and in Spain 1978–2018 that deal with how paid domestic work is treated in general labor regulations. I show that justifications for limiting domestic workers’ labor rights have shifted from using the separate spheres framework to leveraging notions of racialized hierarchies of skill that perpetuate the devaluation of domestic work despite offering greater recognition of labor rights.
Article
Care occupations are gendered and remain relatively poorly paid, particularly in the United States. Prior research on the ‘care penalty’ primarily points to individual, relational, and market-valuation factors in explaining the relative earnings of care workers. This study integrates these explanations with a comparative institutional perspective. Using higher-quality data and methods than previous comparative research in the field—that is, harmonized micro-data from the Current Population Survey and EU-SILC from 2005 to 2016, country and year fixed effects models, and a counterfactual analysis—we find that national variance in labour market and welfare state institutions explains most of the difference in the relative earnings of reproductive care workers between the United States and European countries. Higher rates of collective bargaining coverage, stronger employment protection and welfare state spending contribute to higher relative earnings for reproductive care occupations, and lower relative earnings for high-status nurturant care occupations. Differences in the relative earnings of care workers appear to be mostly a construct of social policy and labour market institutions rather than individual, relational, and market-valuation factors.
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Labour markets for personal and household services (PHS) are rife with informal employment. Some policies aim to combat informality in PHS with subsidized service vouchers, but their effects are poorly documented. This contribution evaluates the Belgian service vouchers (1) documenting their formalization effectiveness, and (2) accounting for the persistence of informal employment. To this end, we exploit several types of data and methods. A first analysis, based on Eurobarometer data, brings in evidence that informal PHS purchased were approximately halved under the policy introduced in 2001. Second, a discrete choice experiment shows that households prefer formal employment, including those that currently employ informally. Third, a survey in the Brussels metropolitan area shows that the persistence of informal employment lies in the relationship of informal employers with their domestic, from whom they are not willing to part. They nevertheless intend to switch to formal employment in the case of turnover. One thus expects partially delayed effects of formalization policies in general, and of the service voucher system in particular. Overall, these results are in line with Portes’ claim that informality is facilitated by strong social relationships, and by differences in price and transaction costs.
Chapter
This chapter focuses on elderly individual employers in France who need assistance to stay in their homes and employ caregivers, directly or through a proxy. This segment of the home-based care market appears problematic: how can one be dependent and employer at the same time? Is the growing labour regulation designed to organize this market, sufficient to provide a service and work condition of quality? Based on interviews with elderly individual employers in two French cities, this study interrogates the ways these employers appropriate their ‘freedom of choice’. Depending on their social status, their level of dependency and isolation, and the way they cope with administrative tasks, different types of accommodation between the caring logic of welfare and the liberal logic of markets emerge.
Chapter
It is far from uncommon for entrepreneurial SMEs to rely on outsourced labor, especially in knowledge-intensive industries. There is a plethora of benefits to doing so – quick and cost-effective access to highly skilled, self-motivated workers is certainly appealing, especially for resource-limited enterprises. That being said, outsourcing may also raise a range of issues, including loss of control, limited retention of knowledge, and communication challenges, as well as to exert unsustainable levels of pressure on a typically weak or non-existent HRM function of such organizations. This case study considers the case of five small Latvian tech firms and their relationships with outsourcing work to freelancers. The authors raise questions about the feasibility of effective HRM practices and potential for meaningful business growth, and observe how SMEs mediate their inherently precarious relationships with freelancers by bringing desired individuals into the orbit of the organization through relationship-building.
Article
One overlooked reason for the persistence of distinct cultural values across rich democracies, we argue, is a country's labor market structure. Parents seeking to position their children for long term success would do well to instill values consistent with requirements of the labor market in the country where their children are likely to work. To the extent that labor markets are fluid, as in the U.S., parents should teach their children to be resourceful and creative. In countries like Japan with relatively rigid labor markets, where workers have one chance to land a long-term contract with a leading company, parents instead should instill the values of hard work and respect for authority. We find evidence consistent with this argument in survey experiments about attitudes in the U.S. and Japan about the desirability of employing immigrants for care work, and what values the immigrant care workers should hold. We also find evidence of indirect norm-creation. American and Japanese respondents prefer immigrants - not just care-giving immigrants - whose values align with their country's type of valued human capital.
Article
This is the first quantitative comparative study that examines the relationship between paid domestic labor and precarious employment on the microlevel. Using the Luxembourg Income Study 2013/2014, it shows that across welfare regimes, domestic workers have a higher probability of working in precarious employment settings compared to other industries. Furthermore, the overlaps of two or more precarious employment settings are significantly more common in domestic work than among other industries in all countries examined. This is an important finding as it proves the high insecurity of the formal domestic labor industry even in countries with specific regulations regarding domestic work. © © The Author(s) 2018. Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved. For permissions.
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Purpose The purpose of this study is to understand the behavior diversities that exists among young millennials’ subgroups in ways they seek health-related information. Design/methodology/approach We ran several sets of analyses on the 2012-2014 US PIAAC Data using Stata. Our population was stratified into 4 specific subgroups based on their gender, ethnicity—Blacks, Hispanics, and Whites—immigration status, college status—whether they were enrolled in a program of study at the time of the survey. Our outcome variables were sources of health information including Print (Books/Magazines/Brochures), Traditional Media (Radio/TV), Internet, Family/Friends/Co-Workers, and Health Professionals. Our independent variables were Gender, Ethnicity, Educational Status, and Immigration Status. We utilized the appropriate sample weight derived by OECD so the findings can be generalized to the populations. The analysis included several descriptive statistics and chi-square test of independence. Findings Despite similarities, young adults’ health seeking behavior is complex influenced by gender, ethnicity, immigration status, and education. The results indicated that while the Internet is the primary source of health-related information for all young adults, there are subtle differences in utilizing other available resources. For example while more educated young adults seek help from their family members, the less educated peers use the media to obtain health-related information. Ethnicity has also an effect on young adults’ information seeking behavior. The number of Hispanics and Blacks that obtain their information from traditional media is significantly higher than their White counterparts. Research limitations/implications This study has several limitations. First, we did not consider the effect of young adults’ digital literacy skills, problem solving skills, and numeracy skills on their health seeking approach. Including these cognitive skills could reveal key information about young adults approach to information seeking that is not apparent by race, ethnicity, and gender only. Another limitation of this study is the lack of the ability to claim causation, PIAAC data is designed strictly for cross sectional analysis. Practical implications Although, behaviors often do not change simply by presenting information, trying to change behavior without improving individuals’ understanding of the issue by providing accurate information is likely to fail. Providing standardized health-related information sources that are accessible to all is vitally important. Our results indicates that while the majority of young adults use the Internet as their primary source of information only a few percentage of young adults seek information from health professional. Consequently, there is a need for an easily accessible and standardized online health-related source of information. Originality/value Despite the unique characteristics of the millennials and the profound change in the way young adults seek information, there is a paucity of research on the ways young adults seek health-related information. Most existing literature is based on locally developed surveys and convenient sampling with limited reliability and validity information. Consequently making a sweeping statement based on their findings is considered as hasty generalization. The PIAAC, on the other hand, is a nationally representative data, extensively examined for its validity and reliability.
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Based on policy analysis and individual interviews, the author analyzes the care workers’ precarious situations in home-based elder care in Slovenia, a post-socialist, European Union country characterized by a rapidly aging population and delays in adapting a long-term care system to this new social risk. Employment and quasi-employment positions which coexist in home-based care can be sorted along two continuums: between public and market service; between formal and informal work. The author argues that working conditions in home-based care differ according to the position of the care worker on these two continuums, that is, being employed in public services, being self-employed, working in informal care markets, holding a status of family assistant, or being an informal family caregiver. Although the working conditions in public services are deteriorating, the analysis shows that precarity is more severe in market and informal care, while formalization and socialization of care bring about less precarious conditions.
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This article aims at analyzing the fact that despite a very homogenizing discourse, in particular stemming from the public actors, the consolidation into a single « personal services sector" of very diverse activities is not the natural consequence of an historical heritage. But rather it is a real show of public and lobbies forces. Then, this article analyzes the socio-economic consequences of the creation of such a “sector”. This empirical sectoral case is in fact one of the proofs of a radical change in the French “social” policies.
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Tax breaks for domestic services such as cleaning, home renovation and care work for the elderly and children involve important but conflicting policy goals for post-expansion welfare states. The fundamental issue behind the different policy prescriptions is the role of the welfare state in providing services as opposed to solutions embedded in family.
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This article aims to contribute to current debates about the “international division of care,” by dealing with the development of the “care industry” as an employment sector for migrants. Most studies focus on the traditional forms of domestic service in the private sphere: this obscures employment in other settings such as companies providing home-based domestic service. In France, this sector has been dynamic in recent years, thanks to public policies that have aimed to promote employment through tax exemptions. The article analyzes the intensification of work in such companies, which is based on time constraints and the pressure of customer demand. It also compares this sector with work in other settings such as living-out cleaning jobs in direct employment. It identifies similarities and discontinuities between the two sectors with regard to the forms of labor control, the ideology through which work relationships are constructed, and the employees’ strategies.
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Faced with the problems associated with an ageing society, many European countries have adopted innovative policies to achieve a better balance between the need to expand social care and the imperative to curb public spending. Although embedded within peculiar national traditions, these new policies share some characteristics: (a) a tendency to combine monetary transfers to families with the provision of in-kind services; (b) the establishment of a new social care market based on competition; (c) the empowerment of users through their increased purchasing power; and (d) the introduction of funding measures intended to foster care-giving through family networks. This article presents the most significant reforms recently introduced in six European countries (France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Sweden and the UK) as regards long-term care. It analyses their impact at the macro- (institutional and quantitative), meso- (service delivery structures) and micro-level (families, caregivers and people in need). As a result the authors find a general trend towards convergence in social care among the countries, and the emergence of a new type of government regulation designed to restructure rather than to reduce welfare programmes.
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[eng] The French budget amendment act of 30 December 1991 . introduced an income-tax abatement equal to 50% of domestic-service expenditures, with a cap that has varied considerably over time. This is one of the many taxbased and social incentives to employment in the personal-services sector. Another motive was to redistribute resources toward categories that have special needs for such services (the elderly, households with young children) but can ill afford them without public subsidies. On average, 7% of French households rely on domestic services. The largest consumers are found among the . elderly and working couples with dependent children. Household income is a key determinant of person-services consumption: the main beneficiaries of tax abatement . are the highest-income households. In 2003, the tax-abatement ceiling was lifted, and this variation allows a “natural experiment” econometric estimate of the labour-cost elasticity of demand for domestic services. The response of demand is indeed perceptible, but modest. The ex post study of the 2002 and 2003 income-tax reforms suggests that the tax cost of raising the ceiling . probably exceeded the potential fiscal cost of directly financing the new jobs created by the reform. The ceiling . adjustments therefore appear to be more of an aid to households (especially to large families and the elderly) than a powerful stimulus to employment in the personal-services sector. [fre] La réduction d’impôt sur le revenu d’un montant de . 50 % des dépenses engagées en services à domicile, . créée par la loi de finances rectificative du 30 décembre . 1991, avec un plafond qui a beaucoup varié dans . le temps, est un des nombreux dispositifs, fiscaux ou . sociaux visant à favoriser l’emploi dans le secteur des services à la personne. La motivation en est également une redistribution vers les ménages ayant des besoins particuliers pour ce type de services (personnes âgées, ménages avec enfants en bas âge), mais peu solvables en l’absence d’aides publiques. En moyenne, 7 % des foyers font appel à des services à domicile. Les plus grands consommateurs de ces services se trouvent parmi les personnes âgées et les couples bi-actifs avec enfants à charge. Le niveau de revenu des foyers apparaît comme un déterminant très important de la consommation de services à la personne. : ce sont surtout les foyers les plus aisés qui bénéficient des réductions d’impôt. En 2003, le plafond de la réduction d’impôt a augmenté, . et cette variation permet une estimation économétrique «en expérience naturelle» de l’élasticité de la demande de travail à domicile au coût de la main-d’oeuvre. La . réaction de la demande est bien significative, mais de . faible ampleur. L’étude ex post des réformes de l’imposition des revenus . 2002 et 2003 suggère alors que le coût fiscal des rehaussements de plafond a été probablement plus important que ce qu’aurait été le coût budgétaire d’un . financement direct des nouveaux emplois créés par la réforme. Les modifications de plafond apparaissent donc davantage comme une aide aux ménages (et surtout aux familles nombreuses et aux personnes âgées) que comme une mesure permettant d’augmenter substantiellement l’emploi dans les services à la personne. [ger] Die Ermäßigung der Einkommensteuer in Höhe von 50 % der Ausgaben, die bei haushaltsnahen Dienstleistungen anfallen, wurde mit dem Nachtragshaushaltsgesetz vom 30. Dezember 1991 eingeführt und war im Laufe der Zeit Gegenstand sehr unterschiedlicher Obergrenzen. Sie ist eine der zahlreichen steuerlichen oder sozialen Maßnahmen, um die Beschäftigung im Bereich der haushaltsnahen Dienstleistungen zu fördern. Ziel ist auch eine Umverteilung zugunsten von Haushalten, die einen besonderen Bedarf an solchen Dienstleistungen haben (ältere Menschen, Haushalte mit kleinen Kindern), die sie sich aber ohne Unterstützung durch die öffentliche Hand nicht leisten können. . . Im Schnitt nehmen 7 % der Haushalte haushaltsnahe . Dienstleistungen in Anspruch. Am häufigsten sind dies ältere Menschen sowie Ehepaare, die beide berufstätig sind und Kinder zu versorgen haben. Die Höhe der Einkünfte der Haushalte ist bei der Inanspruchnahme haushaltsnaher Dienstleistungen die wichtigste Determinante: Vor allem den wohlhabendsten Haushalten werden Steuerermäßigungen gewährt. 2003 wurde die Obergrenze für die Steuerermäßigung heraufgesetzt. Diese Erhöhung bietet die Gelegenheit für eine ökonometrische Schätzung „im natürlichen Umfeld“ der Elastizität der Nachfrage nach haushaltsnahen Dienstleistungen gegenüber den Lohnkosten. Die Reaktion der Nachfrage ist signifikant, aber von geringem Ausmaß. Der Ex-post-Analyse der Einkommensteuerreformen in den Jahren 2002 und 2003 ist zu entnehmen, dass die steuerlichen Kosten durch die Erhöhungen der Obergrenze vermutlich höher waren als die Haushaltskosten im Fall einer direkten Finanzierung der mit der Reform eingeführten neuen Beschäftigungsmöglichkeiten. Die Anhebungen der Obergrenze ist somit eher eine Beihilfe für die Haushalte (und vor allem für die kinderreichen Familien und älteren Personen) als eine Maßnahme, mit der die Beschäftigung im Bereich der haushaltsnahen Dienstleistungen substantiell erhöht werden kann. [spa] La deducción fiscal por un importe del 50 % de los gastos . invertidos en servicios a domicilio, creada por la Ley . de Finanzas rectificativa, de 30 de diciembre de 1991, . con un límite que ha cambiado mucho con el tiempo, es . uno de los numerosos mecanismos, fiscales o sociales, . para favorecer el empleo en el sector de los servicios a . la persona. La motivación es también una redistribución . para los hogares que tienen necesidades particulares de este tipo de servicios (personas mayores, hogares con niños de corta edad), pero que son poco solventes . si no existen ayudas públicas. De media, el 7 % de los hogares recurre a servicios a . domicilio. Las personas mayores y las parejas biactivas con hijos a su cargo son los mayores consumidores de estos servicios. El nivel de ingresos de los hogares resulta ser un factor determinante muy importante en el consumo . de servicios a la persona: los hogares más acomodados son los que disfrutan de la deducción fiscal. En 2003 se amplió el límite de la deducción fiscal y esta variación permite una estimación econométrica «como . experimento natural» de la elasticidad de la demanda laboral a domicilio al coste de la mano de obra. La reacción . de la demanda es muy significativa, pero de poca . importancia. El estudio ex post de las reformas de la imposición de la renta 2002 y 2003 sugiere entonces que el coste fiscal de la ampliación del límite ha sido probablemente más . importante de lo que habría sido el coste presupuestario . de una financiación directa de los nuevos empleos creados por la reforma. Por consiguiente, las modificaciones . del límite aparecen más como una ayuda a los hogares (y sobre todo a las familias numerosas y a las personas mayores) que como una medida que permita aumentar sustancialmente el empleo en los servicios a la persona.
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The French and German political economies have been significantly reconfigured over the past two decades. Although the changes have often been more piecemeal than revolutionary, their cumulative effects are profound. The authors characterize the changes that have taken place as involving the institutionalization of new forms of dualism and argue that what gives contemporary developments a different character from the past is that dualism is now explicitly underwritten by state policy. They see this outcome as the culmination of a sequence of developments, beginning in the field of industrial relations, moving into labor market dynamics, and finally finding institutional expression in welfare state reforms. Contrary to theoretical accounts that suggest that institutional complementarities support stability and institutional reproduction, the authors argue that the linkages across these realms have helped to translate employer strategies that originated in the realm of industrial relations into a stable, new, and less egalitarian model with state support.
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This article presents an analysis of the postindustrial economy from a political economy perspective. It identifies a set of specific distributional trade-offs associated with the new role played by the services sector as the chief source of employment growth in advanced democracies over the last three decades. It is argued that three core policy objectives—budgetary restraint, wage equality, and expansion of employment—constitute a political “trilemma” that allows only two of the goals to be successfully pursued at the same time. Using a combination of statistical and caseoriented analysis, the authors demonstrate the political and economic salience of the trilemma, the distributional tensions inherent in each strategy to cope with it, and the political-institutional constraints under which these strategies are chosen.
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Rapid population ageing has dramatically increased the social and economic cost of elderly care. As a consequence of the search for cost effectiveness/reduction we observe a convergence in how the care market is organised: all countries are moving towards home care, private provision and cash transfers. The aim of this paper is twofold. It is argued that the way in which elderly care is provided and financed may entail considerable differences in the creation of a formal care market. National employment models in turn shape the features of the care labour market, affecting both the quantity and quality of care labour supply, the extent of the care labour shortage, and the degree of dependence on migrant carers. This paper presents a comparative analysis of various European country models of elderly care to show how these two factors combine to shape the characteristics of elderly care regimes, and their differing capacity to meet increasing demand for care either by using native workers or, alternatively, by turning to immigrant workers in order to cope with labour shortages.
Chapter
The promotion of social and gender equality, and the pursuit of a classless society, have long been a shared social norm in Finland (as in the other Nordic countries), which has translated into a reluctance to outsource domestic work. Thus, traditionally, very few households have used domestic helps at one’s home or purchased household services. While some families in the 1950s and 1960s had paid domestic help, having a maid has been uncommon since then.
Chapter
Since 1990, three sets of policy reforms have aimed to encourage households in Germany to employ domestic help or to purchase private household services. The motivations behind these policies, however, have only very recently been tied to supporting women’s employment or expanding market-based services for households. Until the 2000s, family policies in Germany assumed the availability of wives and mothers for unpaid domestic work, and tax credits for employing or purchasing household services were at first limited to well-off families with young children, and then to regularizing black-market labour in private households. The most recent set of reforms, passed between 2006 and 2008, mark a turning point in their focus on supporting the care needs of families and work-family balance. Nonetheless, the policies exhibit continuities in the traditional gendered division of labour in Germany, and have failed, so far, to regularize the supply of personal and household services, most of which, in domestic cleaning and eldercare work, remains informal. By analysing parliamentary debates and documents around each of the three major attempts to expand the demand and supply of personal and household services since the 1990s, we demonstrate the quite different political positions around the creation of tax credits and vouchers for personal and household services. Moreover, we show how each of the three waves of reform involved quite different conceptions of employment relations in personal and household services.
Book
Domestic work has become highly relevant on a local and global scale. Until a decade ago, domestic workers were rare in European households; today they can be found working for middle-class families and single people, for double or single parents as well as for the elderly. Performing the three C's - cleaning, caring and cooking - domestic workers offer their woman power on a global market which Europe has become part of. This global market is now considered the largest labour market for women world wide and it has triggered the feminization of migration. This volume brings together contributions by European and US based researchers to look at the connection between migration and domestic work on an empirical and theoretical level. The contributors elaborate on the phenomenon of 'domestic work' in late modern societies by discussing different methodological and theoretical approaches in an interdisciplinary setting. The volume also looks at the gendered aspects of domestic work; it asks why the re-introduction of domestic workers in European households has become so popular and will argue that this phenomenon is challenging gender theories. This is a timely book and will be of interest to academics and students in the fields of migration, gender and European studies.
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* 1. Introduction: political fictions and real oppressions. * 2. Dr. Jekyll and Mrs. Hyde: defining domestic work. * 3. A foot in the door: the social organisation of paid domestic work in Europe. * 4. Invisible women I: migrant domestic workers in Southern Europe. * 5. Invisible women II: migrant domestic workers in Northen Europe. * 6. Changing the rules: the case of the UK. * 7. Selling the self: commodification, migration and domestic work. * 8. The legacy of slavery: the American South and contemporary domestic workers. * 9. "Just like one of the family": status and contract. * 10. "Your passport is your life": domestic workers and the state. * 11. Conclusion.
Chapter
In recent decades, countries in Continental and Northern Europe have set up policies to support the development of household services, by subsidizing household demand through tax credits, but also through a simplification of employment procedures and a flexibilisation of labour market regulations. The justifications for the introduction of these policies have been multiple but similar across all these countries, ranging from job creation and curbing informal work, to responding to care needs and facilitating work-life balance, with a clear emphasis across all countries on creating low-end service sector jobs. This chapter argues that these policies possibly constitute a reframing of the political economy of these countries in a way that contributes to a dualisation of the labour market and of access to social protection. In such a way, these countries appear to have taken the 'low road' out of the service economy trilemma.
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The use of markets and market mechanisms to deliver care services is growing in both liberal and social democratic welfare states. This article examines debates and policies concerning the marketisation of eldercare and childcare in Sweden, England and Australia. It shows how market discourses and practices intersect with, reinforce or challenge traditions and existing policies and examines whether care markets deliver user empowerment and greater efficiency. Markets for eldercare and childcare have developed in uneven and context specific ways with varying consequences. Both politics and policy history help to shape market outcomes.
Article
While the employment of migrant women as care workers in European welfare states is increasing, the rate, extent and nature of this increase vary. The article draws on empirical research on migrant care work to develop links between three levels of analysis – micro, meso and macro. The main aim is to progress analysis of the meso level by developing indicators attached to three sets of regimes – care regimes, migration regimes and employment regimes. It is argued that variations emerge in the ways these three regimes intersect within any one country. These intersections allow us to look across different sites, markets and sectors of care work and, in so doing, reveal a degree of growing convergence across Europe in the employment of migrant care labour. This convergence contributes, at the macro level, to a transnational political economy of care.
Article
In the Netherlands, migrant domestic workers are currently campaigning on various fronts for better rights: for protection of their rights as workers; for claims to social security; and for the right to reside and work in the Netherlands. Since 2006, they have received support from the Dutch trade union movement. While home-based care and household services have, in the Netherlands, traditionally been organized along the gendered fault line between paid and unpaid labour, other fault lines that distinguish citizens from aliens, and the dominant ethnic group from ethnic minorities, have become more significant. If a collaborative campaign of undocumented migrant domestic workers and the Dutch trade union movement is to succeed, it will have to reconcile the needs and desires of an increasingly diverse group of workers. In this article, I map out diverging interests, possibilities for collaboration, and political constraints that mark the current situation of domestic workers in the Netherlands, both migrant and native born. Current proposals to revise Dutch migration law may offer possibilities for a concerted campaign to improve the position of all of these workers, but they also present new challenges. Achieving the goal of decent work for all domestic workers may require thinking beyond the national horizon, towards a more equitable distribution of care, labour protection, and social benefits worldwide.
Article
The resurgence of the employment of domestic and care workers in private homes in many industrialised countries over the last two decades has been shaped by important social changes, most notable among this are the increased responsibilities and rights of women across the globe to be both earners and carers. This reflects graduated shifts from the ‘male breadwinner’ to ‘adult worker’ model taking place in many industrialised societies and unemployment and poverty in developing countries. As many of those who carry out this work are migrant women, this reveals the movement of women seeking opportunities created by the changing patterns of post-colonial migration to financially support their families. Such migrations are also structured by the policies developed by states in richer countries. The nature of care regimes in host countries clearly influence take up: where care provision is commodified and where care cultures favour home-based/ surrogate care, then reliance on the low paid end of the private market is more common (Ungerson and Yeandle, 2007; Williams and Gavanas, 2008). At the same time, migration rules construct the legal, social and civil rights of migrants in different ways, in tandem with employment policies that may serve to deregulate the economy and to increase the casualisation of labour. Superimposed on this universe of change is the ongoing reconstitution of social relations of gender, care and domestic service, of hierarchies of ethnicity and nationality, and of differentiated meanings of, and rights to, citizenship. This paper draws on earlier research into migration and home-based care in Europe as a basis for developing a transnational analysis of the political economy of care (Lister et al, 2007, chapter 5; Williams and Gavanas, 2008; Williams, 2007; 2008; Williams, Tobio and Gavanas, 2009; Williams, 2010).
Article
This article analyses the patterns of reform in care policies in Bismarckian welfare systems since the early 1980s. Based on a comparison of France, Germany, Belgium and the Netherlands, the article shows that these reforms share similar logics and trajectories, which can be explained by the shared conservative and corporatist traits of Bismarckian labour markets and welfare state institutions and their impact on labour market adjustment possibilities and preferences. Indeed, we argue that care policy reforms have been very closely linked to specific employment strategies, and the politics of welfare without work and subsequent attempts to shift away from such a labour-shedding strategy go a long way in explaining both the nature and the timing of child- and elder-care policy reforms in Bismarckian welfare systems. The article also shows how a focus on promoting ‘free choice’ in all four countries has justified the introduction of measures that have simultaneously reinforced social stratification in terms of access to the labour market – meaning that some women have much more ‘free choice’ than others – and weakened certain labour market rigidities. To conclude, we argue that care policy reforms have provided a backdoor for the introduction of labour-cheapening measures and for increasing employment flexibility in otherwise very rigid labour markets.
Book
The Golden Age of postwar capitalism has been eclipsed, and with it seemingly also the possibility of harmonizing equality and welfare with efficiency and jobs. Most analyses believe the the emerging postindustrial society is overdetermined by massive, convergent forces, such as tertiarization, new technologies, or globalization, all conspiring to make welfare states unsustainable in the future. Social Foundations of Postindustrial Economies takes a second, more sociological and more institutional, look at the driving forces of economic transformation. What, as a result, stands out is postindustrial diversity, not convergence. Macroscopic, global trends are undoubtedly powerful, yet their influence is easily rivalled by domestic institutional traditions, by the kind of welfare regime that, some generations ago, was put in place. It is, however, especially the family economy that hold the key as to what kind of postindustrial model will emerge, and to how evolving tradeoffs will be managed. Twentieth-century economic analysis depended on a set of sociological assumptions that, now, are invalid. Hence, to better grasp what drives today's economy, we must begin with its social foundations. Available in OSO: http://www.oxfordscholarship.com/oso/public/content/politicalscience/0198742002/toc.html
Article
There have been major changes in the approach to policy-making in the fields of work/family reconciliation, equal opportunities and social policies at the EU level at the end of the 1990s and the beginning of the 2000s. These fields have been historically closely connected, with a commitment to promoting gender equality marking all of them. However, interpretations of these shifts have been contested for each policy area. This article compares recent policy trajectories in the three fields in terms of ‘framing’ and ‘fit’. It concludes that while no unequivocally linear policy development can be identified in any of the fields, when they are taken together, it is possible to argue that gender equality has been framed more narrowly and more instrumentally than before. The slipperiness of policy meanings and the way in which this may serve to reshape policy priorities is something that has significance for policy development that goes beyond the sphere of gender equality.
Article
Estudio sobre el Estado de Bienestar en el marco de los procesos de globalización, contexto poco favorable para su sobrevivencia, enfocado desde una perspectiva sociológica. Aunque es indiscutible el poder de las tendencias globales y macroscópicas, Gosta Esping-Andersen argumenta que su influencia tiene un rival en las tradiciones institucionales de cada nación y por el tipo de régimen de bienestar establecido generaciones atrás. De ahí, que sea en el ámbito económico donde se encuentra la clave de qué modelo de Estado postindustrial ha de emerger.
Article
The article contends that gender equality policy objectives become part of the main political agenda of the European Union only after their meaning has been transformed to satisfy other policy priorities. A content analysis of relevant official EU acts, from the First European Commission's Social Action Programme (1974) to the Conclusions of the Barcelona European Council (2002) and the Fifth EU Action Programme for Gender Equality (2001–2005), shows how a concept introduced to encourage gender equality in the labor market, the “reconciliation of working and family life,” gradually shifted in meaning from an objective with feminist potential (“sharing family responsibilities between women and men”) to a market-oriented objective (“encouraging flexible forms of employment”) as it became incorporated in the European Employment Strategy of the 1990s. I argue that this process can be characterized as cooptation because the goals of the original proposals are undermined by shifting the meanings of the original concepts to fit into the prevailing political and economic priorities in the EU.
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  • Marta Szebehely
  • L. Hartman
Szebehely, Marta. 2011. Insatser för äldre och funktionshindrade i privat regi. In Konkurrensens konsekvenser, ed. L. Hartman. Stockholm: SNS.
Les Services à la personne
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  • Florence Jany-Catrice
  • Thierry Ribault
Devetter, François-Xavier, Florence Jany-Catrice, and Thierry Ribault. 2009. Les Services à la personne, Paris: La Découverte, coll. Repères.
The provision of childcare services. A comparative review of 30 European countries
  • Janneke Plantenga
  • Chantal Remery
Plantenga, Janneke, and Chantal Remery. 2009. The provision of childcare services. A comparative review of 30 European countries. European Commission. Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities.
Qualité des sources. Combien d'emplois dans les services à la personne?, Les Chantiers de l'Institut pour le développement de l'information économique et sociale
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Jany-Catrice, Florence. 2009. Qualité des sources. Combien d'emplois dans les services à la personne?, Les Chantiers de l'Institut pour le développement de l'information économique et sociale, Note de travail no. 6, IDIES.
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  • Karen Jaehrling
Jaehrling, Karen. 2005. Political reforms in the domestic service sector. Aims and impact. In Domestic Service and the Formation of European Identity, ed. A. Fauve-Chamoux. Bern-Berlin: Peter Lang International.
European social policy-a way forward for the Union
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Cancedda, Alessandra. 2001. Employment in household services, Dublin: European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and Working Conditions.
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  • Skatteverket
Skatteverket. 2011. Om RUT och ROT och VITT och SVART. Rapport 2011:1, bilaga 6.
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  • Anna Gavanas
  • Catharina Calleman
Gavanas, Anna, and Catharina Calleman, eds. 2013. Rena hem på smutsiga villkor? Stockholm: Makadam Förlag.
  • Lovisa Sköld
  • Hans Heggeman
Sköld, Lovisa, and Hans Heggeman. 2011. " RUT vanligast efter 85 ", Välfärd, No. 1, SCB.
The transnational political economy of care. In Feminist ethics and social politics: towards a new global political economy of care
  • Fiona R Williams
  • F Mahon
  • Robinson
Williams, Fiona. 2011. The transnational political economy of care. In Feminist ethics and social politics: towards a new global political economy of care, ed. R. Mahon, and F. Robinson. Vancouver: UBC Press.
Global care chains and emotional surplus value Living with global capitalism Hutton, and A. Giddens. London: Vintage. 190 N
  • Arlie Hochschild
Hochschild, Arlie. 2001. Global care chains and emotional surplus value. In On the edge. Living with global capitalism, ed. W. Hutton, and A. Giddens. London: Vintage. 190 N. Morel at Fondation Nationale Des Sciences Politiques on November 10, 2015 http://sp.oxfordjournals.org/ Downloaded from IDEA. 2012. Evaluation du régime des titres services pour les services et emplois de proximité 2011. Rapport final a ` la demande du Service public fédéral Emploi, Travail et Concertation sociale.
The intersection of child care regimes and migration regimes: A three-country study. In Migration and domestic work. A European perspective on a global theme
  • Fiona Williams
  • Anna Gavanas
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