Content uploaded by Theresah Patrine Ennin
Author content
All content in this area was uploaded by Theresah Patrine Ennin on Jun 27, 2019
Content may be subject to copyright.
The Making of Akan Men: Confronting Hegemonic Masculinities
in Ayi Kwei Armah’s The Healers and Ama Ata Aidoo’s
Anowa
Theresah Ennin
Spectrum: A Journal on Black Men, Volume 2, Number 2, Spring 2014, pp.
41-62 (Article)
Published by Indiana University Press
For additional information about this article
Access provided at 25 Jun 2019 16:33 GMT from University of Cape Coast
https://muse.jhu.edu/article/540807
SPECTRUM, Volume 2, Number 2, pgs. 41–62, Spring 2014 ©2014, Indiana University Press
The Making of Akan
Men: Confronting
Hegemonic
Masculinities in Ayi Kwei
Armah’s The Healers
and Ama Ata Aidoo’s
Anowa
Theresah Ennin
e Healers by Ayi Kwei Armah and Ama Ata Aidoo’s Anowa are two
texts that focus on issues of manhood and mascu linity in traditional
Ghana. ese writers subvert the normalization of hegemonic mas-
cul inity vaunted by society and to which many of the men in societ y
ascribe. By throwing a critical lens on the male protagonists in the
texts as gendered subjects and examining the inuences that con-
tribute to their subjectivity, this paper highlights the various con-
structions and manifestations of masculinities in the texts; critiqu-
ing the social institutions that make these constructions possible,
showcasing the oen negative consequences of masculinity on its
performers, and theorizing new approaches to the male protagonist
in African literary texts. In spite of the dierent portrayals of men
by the authors, one common theme is that normative hegemonic
masculinities limit and restrain the potential of the growth of the
male character.
42 SPECTRUM 2.2
A lile over two decades ago, masculinity studies, or men’s studies, was
borne as a response to the growing undercurrent of discontent with the estab-
lishment of feminist gender critique as a force for social change in the 1960s
and 70s. Coming of age in the 1980s, under the shadow of a decidedly female-
driven sexual politics, the study of men and masculinity faced a crisis of con-
dence in its ability to engage a theoretical framework for challenging the intel-
lectual arguments against male power and dominance in the social system
(Mugambi & Allan, 2010, p. 3); consequently, the rst works to be published
from this discourse betrayed the in uence that feminist criticism had had on it.
Scholars in men’s studies concede that masculinity, like femininity, is socially
constructed and that masculine identities, coming out of their environments,
are liable to change. e recent trend in masculinity studies is to interrogate
and focus on the uidity, instability, and contradictory nature of masculinity.
A consequence of the strong opposit ion to the hegemonic view of an unchange-
able and undierentiated maleness is the preference for the term masculinities.
A lot of crit ical aention h as been given to t he representations of f emale char-
acters in African literature as gendered beings without a corresponding balance of
male ch aracters . Yet, such a b alance is c ritical , as it wil l strengt hen the scope of crit i-
cism on gender and render it more complete. It is in an aempt to do this that this
paper highlights the various constructions and manifestations of masculinities in
Ama Ata A idoo’s Anowa (1965) and Ay i Kwei A rmah ’s e Healers (1979), examin-
ing the social institutions that make these constructions possible and the oen
negative consequences of masculinit y on its performers.
Much of the c riticism of A ma Ata A idoo’s works has centered o n the portray al
of the fema le characters and feminist concerns. Crit ical reception of Aidoo’s works
has foc used on her art of craing a blend of Eng lish litera ry forms w ith African oral
traditions and the representation of strong female characters. Aidoo’s characters
are oen described as having voice and agency, fashioning space for themselves,
and, somet imes, deal ing with t he dilemma of modernit y and tradition. Cr itics have
also emphasized Aidoo’s engagement with discourse of the A frican diaspora, see-
ing con nections th at are necessa ry for an und erstandi ng of the impor tance of mem-
ory and remembrance. Aidoo’s works have been largely accessed through feminist
lenses, where the relations between the genders have been analyzed and aention
focused on the domi nation of women by men as a n oppressive force in t heir lives. A
sustained discussion of the male characters in her works as gendered subjects is
missing. Subsumed under the feminist analyses of her female characters, the men
are, therefore, treated as one of the burdens on the backs of African women. Ko
Ako in Anowa, for example, receives analysis because he is the husband of Anowa,
the fema le charac ter under di scussion . Yet, as Na ana Bany iwa Horne (2010) claims,
Theresah Ennin / The Making of Akan Men 43
there are enough nuances in Aidoo’s works to indicate that an exploration of her
male characters is importa nt in understanding gender relations in her literatu re (p.
178).
Critical reception of Ayi Kwei A rmah’s writing has always been ambiva-
lent. Constantly accusing Africa of self-betrayal and Europe of downright op-
pression, his works are both acclaimed and rejected (Fraser, 1980, p. xi). e
critical reception he has received centers on the originality of his art, the prob-
lematic issue of race, the polemical and controversial nature of his writings, as
well as his ground-breaking achievement in the development of an African lit-
erary aesthetic. However, there also appears to be a lack of sustained criticism
on the portrayal of his characters, whether male or female, as discussions of
them are subsumed under the broader themes of his works.
Research on masculinit y in Ghana is a growing eld. Of much importance is
Stephan F. Miescher’s (2005) work, Making Men in Ghana, which explores the
chan ging mean ing of being a ma n in Ghana t hrough the l ife hist ories of eight sen ior
men from Kwa hu in the easter n region of the cou ntry. Other research on ma sculin-
ity in Ghana tends to be from the social sciences, such as Obeng (2003), Adinkrah
(2012), Amoakohene (2004), Takyi and Mann (2006), Adomako Ampofo and
Boateng (2007), and Sarpong (1991), which all arm the multiplicity and dyna-
mism of masculin ity in the country. Obeng (2003), for example, examines the pre-
colonial Asante and concludes that their notions of masculinity revolved around
men’s capacity to exercise authority over women and junior men and accumulate
wealth and exhibit courage and bravery in the face of adversity or war. Miescher
(2005), on the other hand, identies multiple masculinities among the Akans by
the late 19t h century, wh ich included the warr ior ideal; adult mascul inity, sign ied
by marriage; senior masculinity, found in the gure of the elder (opanyin); and the
status of the big ma n (obirempon).
According to Adinkrah (2012), cultural constructions of masculinity
and femininity in contemporary Ghanaian society include a belief in the fun-
damental biological distinctions between male and female human nature as
well as corresponding behavioral prescriptions (p. 475). erefore, men are ex-
pected, for instance, to be hard working and women to be nurturing. Further-
more, it is frowned on when a man exhibits behavioral traits associated with
women and vice versa. Ghanaian societies also subscribe to a number of patri-
archal features: men occupy a dominant social status vis-à-vis women in most
social domains and there is a general cultural expectation that women acqui-
esce to men (Adinkrah, 2012, p. 475). Familial responsibilities are also orga-
nized along gender lines: the husband is the provider and the wife is the house-
keeper. According to Adinkrah, males additionally tend to subscribe to a
44 SPECTRUM 2.2
premarital and post-marital sexual double standard, evidenced by polygyny as
a culturally permied practice among all ethnic groups in the country.
Adoma ko Ampofo and Boat eng (2007) indicate that the s tratic ation of gen-
der roles is o en reinforced by t raditions t hat are passed dow n from one generation
to the next. rough apprenticeship, in vocations such as woodwork and masonry,
denitions of appropriate masculinity are transmied. Male characteristics that
are approved or encouraged include v irilit y, strength, authorit y, power, and leader-
ship qualities; the ability to oer protection and sustenance, intelligence, and wis-
dom; and the a bility to be ar physical a nd emotional pa in. Oral l iterature i n the form
of stories, songs, and proverbs is another avenue whereby gender stratication is
reinforced. Several proverbs in Akan culture portray men as brave and capable of
handling critical situations. Examples of such proverbs include:
When a gun is red, it is the ma n who receives the bullet on his chest.
Even if a woman buys a gun or a d rum it is kept i n a man’s hut.
e hen also knows that it is dawn, but it allows the cock to announce it.
(Adomako Ampofo & Boateng , 2007, p. 55)
Proverbs such as these are used in daily discourse to endorse masculine incli-
nations in boys and reinforce gender positions, which ensures that girls and
boys know their appropriate places in society (Adomako Ampofo & Boateng,
2007, p. 55).
Furthermore, girls are taught to defer to men and to see boys as stronger,
wiser, and more responsible and boys are accordingly taught to lead and con-
trol women. Name-call ing and ostracizat ion are some of the str uctures in place
to ensure that these measures are followed. A boy whose lifest yle does not mea-
sure up to the prescribed expectations is given derogatory names, such as
“Kojo-basia” (man-woman). Conversely, a girl who veers from prescribed femi-
nine roles into those of boys is branded “Babasia-kokonin” (a female cock)
(Adomako A mpofo, 2001, p. 199).
e theory underlining this project is hegemonic masculinity, which was
formulated almost three decades ago and has had a lot of inuence on research
on men and gender. When it was rst formulated in the mid-1980s, it was un-
derstood as “the paern of practice (i.e., things done, not just as a set of role
expectations or an ident ity) that allowed men’s dominance over women to con-
tinue” (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005, p. 832). Connell and Messerschmidt
further clarify that:
Hegemon ic mascul inity wa s distinguished from other ma sculi nities, espe-
cially subordinated masculinities. Hegemonic masculinity was not
Theresah Ennin / The Making of Akan Men 45
assu med to be normal i n the stati stical sen se; only a minority of men mig ht
enact it. But it was certainly normative. It embodied the currently most
honored way of being a man, it required all other men to position them-
selves in relation to it, and it ideologically legitimated the global subordi-
nation of women to men. (p. 832)
ese writers contend that hegemony did not mean violence, although it could
be supported by force; rather, it meant, “ascendancy through culture, institu-
tions and persuasion” (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005, p. 832). Another im-
portant feature of hegemonic masculinity is that it is subject to change, which
is likely to happen when there is a struggle for hegemony and older forms of
masculinities are displaced by newer ones.
Hegemonic mascu linity h as been the focu s of much research i n education: to
understand the dynamics of classroom life and the relations between curriculum
and gender-neutral pedagogy (Martino, 1995). It has also found usage in research
in cr iminolog y, medi a studies, men’s health, and orga nizational stu dies (Adin krah,
2012; Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005). As a result of the vast amount of research
involving hegemonic masculinity, the concept has been expanded and eshed out
in four ways: documenting the consequences and costs of hegemony, uncovering
mechanisms of hegemony, showing greater diversity in masculinities, and tracing
changes in hegemon ic mascul inities (Connell & Messersc hmidt, 20 05). Neverthe -
less, the concept has been subjected to a lot of criticism in the eld. One such criti-
cism has to do with the underlining concept of masculinity itself. Some critics
argue that masculinity is framed within a heteronormative conception of gender
that essentializes male-female dierence and ignores dierence and exclusion
within gender categories. However, critics Connell and Messerschmidt (2005) re-
iterate that masculinity is not a xed entity embedded in the body or personality
traits of individuals; rather masculinities are congurations of practice that are ac-
complished in social action and, therefore, can dier according to gender relations
in a particular social seing (p. 836). Likewise, the fact that research has shown
how women enact mascu linities negates these claims of essentialism.
Another area of criticism is who actually represents hegemonic masculinity.
ere is the allegation that many men who hold great social power do not embody
an ideal masculinity; whereas others who are deemed by researchers to have hege-
monic mascul inity do not appe ar to have much masc uline subs tance to them. M ar-
tin (1998) also criticizes the concept for its inconsistent applications, noting that it
sometimes refers to a xed type of masculinity and at others to whatever type is
dominant at a particular time. In response to this criticism of ambiguity, Connell
and Messerschmidt (2005) contend that the circulation of idealized models of ad-
mired masculine conduct, which may be exalted by churches, narrated by mass
46 SPECTRUM 2.2
media, or celebrated by the state, refer to, but in various ways distort, the everyday
realities of social practice. us, they argue that hegemonic masculinities can be
constructed that do not cor respond closely to t he lives of any act ual men. Yet, Con-
nell and Messerschmidt assert that these models, in various ways, express wide-
spread idea ls, fantasies, and desires and fur ther articulate loosely w ith the pract ical
constitution of masculinities as ways of living in everyday local circumstances
(Connell & Messerschmidt, 20 05, p. 838).
A nal criticism leveled against this theory of hegemony in masculinities
is its con nection to power/violence. Holter (2003) claims that it is erroneou s to
deduce relations among masculinities from the direct exercise of personal
power by men over women. Issues of the in stitutiona lization of gender inequa l-
ities, the role of cultural constructions, and the interplay of gender dynamics
with race, class, and region must all be factored in the discussion. Collier
(1998) also criticizes the concept for its typical use in accounting for violence
and crime. He suggests that hegemonic masculinity has come to be associated
solely with negative characteristics that depict men as unemotional, indepen-
dent, non-nurturing, aggressive, and dispassionate; elements that are seen as
the causes of criminal behavior. To this criticism, Connell and Messerschmidt
(2005) explain that, since the concept of hegemonic masculinity is based on a
practice that permits men’s collective dominance over women to continue, it is
not surprising that, in some contexts, hegemonic masculinity actually does
refer to men’s engagement with toxic practices—including physica l violence—
that stabilize gender dominance in a particular seing (p. 840). However, they
are quick to note that, violence and other noxious practices are not always the
dening characteristics, since hegemony has numerous congurations. Most
accounts of hegemonic masculinity include many positive actions, such as pro-
viding nancially for a family, sustaining a sexual relationship, and being a fa-
ther. ey argue that the concept would hardly be relevant if the only charac-
teris tics of the dom ina nt group were v iolence, agg ression, a nd self-cente redness,
as such characteristics imply dominance but hardly hegemony. And for hege-
mony to prevail, the consent and participation of subaltern groups are crucial.
In conclusion, the essential features of hegemonic masculinity are that it pre-
sumes the subordination of non-hegemonic masculinities; implies cultural
consent, institutionalization, and the marginalization or delegitimation of al-
ternatives; and is open to challenge—from women’s resistance to patriarchy
and from men as bearers of alternative masculinities. e concept of hege-
monic masculinity, therefore, provides an explanation for the presence of a
particular version of masculinity that has greater legitimacy and supremacy,
whereas multiple masculinities coexist in society.
Theresah Ennin / The Making of Akan Men 47
For the purpose of this paper, I use this term to denote the ideal, norma-
tive form of masculinity embodied by the most socially powerful males in a
society and to which most males in that society aspire in varying degrees. is
essay focuses on the challenges to hegemonic masculinity in Ama Ata Aidoo’s
Anowa (1965) and Ayi Kwei Armah’s e Healers (1979) by discussing the vari-
ous ways the writers subvert this concept in their works as they focus on issues
of manhood and mascul inity in pre-independence Ghan a. e funda mental as-
sumption here is that these two writers challenge the normalization of hege-
monic masculinity vaunted by society and to which many of the men ascribe.
By throwing a critical lens on the male protagonists in the texts as gendered
subjects, this essay examines the inuences that contribute to their subjectiv-
ity and new approaches to the male protagonist in African literary texts.
Based on an old Ghanaian folktale, Anowa tells the story of a young
woman, the eponymous character of the novel, who dees tradition and her
parents’ wishes to marry a man of her own choosing and the tragic conse-
quences that result from this act. Commenting on the play, Opoku-Agyemang
(1997) state s that, “e tragic irony of Anowa i s that the heroine creates choice s
which oer her hope at the beginning and terror at the end. e disappoint-
ment of Anowa lies in its silence over alternative avenues of growth for the in-
telligent, independent woman” (p. 29). erefore, Anowa’s suicide should be
seen as the ultimate symbolic act of taking complete control over her destiny
and “thereby making a noble exit in a world of no exits” (Opoku-Agyemang,
1997, p. 30). However, a rereading of the tex t indicates that it is not only Anowa
who is denied alternative avenues for growth and development. Ko Ako’s sui-
cide should also be read as an act of escape from a system that denies him the
opportunity of being dierent while at the same time castigating him for fail-
ing to reach the ideal. Historically, Anowa is set some 30 years or less aer the
signing of the Bond of 1844 between the British and Fante Chiefs in the Gold
Coast. In fact, the play can be said to have its beginnings in the 15th century
with the arrival of the Europeans on the coast of what is now known as Ghana
and the beginning of the trade in African gold, ivory, pepper, and, then, slaves.
Consequently, the way of life in the Gold Coast was impacted by contact with
the White man and one important change was the ability to achieve “big man”
status in the community through trading with Europeans on the coast.
In the town of Yebi, the seing of Anowa, men aain hegemonic mascu-
linity by v irtue of their impor tance in the community as a result of their wealth
and power. Most oen, this is acquired through hard work and diligence and,
thus, the community prides itself on industriousness. Because Anowa’s hus-
band, Ko Ako, is lazy, he is not hailed as a “real” man in Yebi society. In the
48 SPECTRUM 2.2
rst scene, he appears in work clothes holding a sh trap and a bundle of bait,
but no sh. e lack of sh is symbolic of his failure and is also an indication of
his aversion to being industrious. In response to her husband’s claim that Ko
Ako c omes from a good home and wou ld make a good husband , Badua, Anow a’s
mother, exclaims:
And i f all there i s to a young man i s that his / fa mily ha s an unspoi led name,
then what kind of man is / he? A re he and his wife going to feed on stones
when he / will not put a blow into a thicket or at least learn a trade? (p. 76)
Badua indicates that the rst priority for a man is to engage in a form of eco-
nomic activity so as to provide for his wife and children. erefore, by this
standard, Ko Ako fails because he does not work.
Other people reiterate Badua’s concerns about Ko Ako, as reported by
the Old Woman. According to her, people in the village claim that Ko Ako is
obsessed with his looks and spends too much time in recreation. He appears
too interested in his physical appearance to be a man in a community that does
not judge a man by his handsome features, but rather on his adherence to gen-
der role expectations. It becomes evident that Ko Ako cannot expect to reach
his f ull potentia l in this communit y that will not allow him to be dierent from
the norm. In describing the Yebi community, Haiping Yan (2002) describes it
as a place of restraint and limitations, such that the young couple must leave
and nd a place of freedom where Ko Ako can grow to his fullest potential.
e highway where they trade in animal skins embodies an “open space where
[Anowa] thrives as a woman free of limiting local conventions” (Yan, 2002, p.
247) and Ko Ako can rely on Anowa to provide labor for their trade without
ridicule from the community. In addition, the highway aords Anowa the op-
portunity to help Ko Ako grow into the type of man that the village of Yebi
considers ideal. As she tells her parents, “You will be surprised to know that I
am going to help him do something with his life” (Aidoo, 1965, p. 77–78).
However, this desire to improve him is doomed from the beginning be-
cause, whereas A nowa is condent in her ability to succeed th rough hard work,
Ko Ako lacks this condence. He tells Anowa that he wishes to get some
“medicine” to protect them from harm: “[m]aybe you feel condent enough to
trust yourself in dealing with all the problems of life. I think I am dierent, my
wife” and slaves to do the hard work for him (Aidoo, 1965, p. 85). However,
Anowa is against slavery, as she tells him, “Ko, no man made a slave of his
friend and came to much himself. It is wrong. It is evil” (p. 90). Her feelings are
echoed in the words of the Old Man of Yebi, who repeats that slavery goes
against the natural state of man and t he purity of his worship, for the house t hat
Theresah Ennin / The Making of Akan Men 49
engages in slavery comes to ruin. Nevertheless, Ko remains adamant because
it touches on the core of his being; his indolent nature hates hard work and he
will do anything to get out of it. erefore, he sees Anowa’s refusal to listen to
him as an aack on his manhood. It is then, in a determination to assert his
manhood, that he decides that it is time for changes to occur in their marriage:
“Anowa, I shall be the new husband and you the new wife” (p. 87).
Consequently, in pursuit of this determination, Ko Ako acquires slaves to
conduct his trading activities for him. e delicate nature of slavery in the Gold
Coast at the time makes Ako’s decision unfortunate because the presence of the
forts doing the landscape of the beach is a reminder of the complicity and active
participation of the African people in “that degrading tracking of human esh”
(Odamen, 1994, p. 52), a trade that showcased man’s inhumanity to his fellow
man. us, for Ako to h ave reenacted slav ery in hi s house makes h im representat ive
of the “disparate breed” of people who, for selsh reasons, actively helped to con-
solidate colonial subjugation. Vincent Odamen (1994) indicates that Ko Ako
appears materially, economically, and psychologically dependent on the White
man for su rvival because his success and aainment of hegemon ic masculinit y are
not based on t he cultural va lues of hard work and resourcef ulness, but ra ther on the
exploitation and sweat of his fellow men (p. 53).
As Ko Ako begins to aai n the status of t he ideal man, he listens less and
less to hi s wife. He gives over the r unning of the trade business to the slaves and
prevents A nowa from working as wel l. Inherent in his a itude is a lack of desi re
to understand his wife and her feelings about being indolent. Disregarding the
fact that it is Anowa’s dierences that made her choose him as her husband, he
rebukes her for being dierent from all other women, who would welcome the
opport unity to stop work and live the li fe of the idle rich. As ev idenced from his
earlier words that he is now a “new husband,” Ko Ako has evolved from being
an equal partner with Anowa in their relationship to being dominant.
Celebrating Ko A ko’s success and wealth, the Old Woman and Old Man
present dissenting views of masculinity. e Old Woman reiterates the funda-
mental determinants of the ideal man in Yebi as being successful, wealthy, and
powerful enough to take control of his household and rule it (Aidoo, 1965, p.
101). us, by silencing Anowa and taking the initiative in trading in slaves,
Ko Ako has displayed that he embodies such a description. On the other
hand, the Old Man claims that a man is not necessarily one who takes his own
counsel and disregards the advice of his wife. roughout the play, the Old
Man is the voice of dissent from what is expressed by the Old Woman and
Badua likely because, even in this traditional seing, there are challenges to
the conception of ideal masculinity. erefore, while the Old Man symbolizes
50 SPECTRUM 2.2
the progressive tendencies within that social dynamic, and echoes the voice of
the author for change, the Old Woman st ubbornly cl ings to the stat us quo, even
in the face of the changes overtaking society (Odamen, 1994, p. 51).
By phase three in the play, Ko Ako appears to have achieved complete
hegemony. He has wealth, numerous slaves, respec t, and power. His friends a re
kings and other important and powerful men in society and his word is power-
ful in the community. In ironic contrast to his earlier words that “I am not buy-
ing these men to come and carry me. ey are coming to help us in our work”
(Aidoo, 1965, p. 89), he is carried on the shoulders of men to the sound of his
own personal horn blower and praise singers later in the text (p. 104). But his
wife remai ns depressed and wor ried, still wearing her old clothes a nd refuses to
touch his money or use it on herself, despite his pleas. Since Ko Ako prefers
instant gratication to Anowa’s dreams of a beer tomorrow, he has seized on
the economic gains avai lable through association with the British colonizers to
aain the ideal dictated by his community. Vincent Odamen (1994) argues
that the advent of colonialism aords Ko Ako the de jure right to further mar-
ginalize women (p. 71). e consolidation of power in the individual male, at
the expense of women, is a correlate of the shi in power relations taking place
in Fante society to the benet of British imperial expansion.
Naana Banyiwa Horne (2010) states that, by the last phase of the play, Ko
Ako, “who has bought completely into the Victorian patriarchal values of the
coastal Whites, seems particularly seduced by their aristocratic lifestyle—a life-
sty le that thrives on leisure, the e xploitation of t he labor of others, lav ish living, a nd
the reduc tion of women from ec ient workers [into] decorative pieces” ( p. 191). He
subsequently wants Anowa to be a decorative item that has no utilitarian use that
he can showcase to his friends and enemies alike as a sign of his success and a sy m-
bol of his p ower. He considers the fol lowing de scription of A nowa apt, as her b eauty
should be an enhancer of his status in the com munity:
Beautifu l as Korado Ah ima
Someone’s-in-read.
A dainty lile pot
Well-baked,
And pol ished smooth
To set in a nobleman’s corner. (Aidoo, 1965, p. 67)
However, this expectation contrasts sharply with what Badua wants for her
daughter. Badua wants Anowa to be an ordinary, conventional woman, who will
“Marry a man / Tend a farm / And be happy to see her / Peppers and her onions
grow. / A woman like her / Should bea r children / Many children” (A idoo, 1965,
Theresah Ennin / The Making of Akan Men 51
p. 72). Nowhere in this list does Badua make reference to a life of idleness—a
concept very foreign to the community of Yebi. Yet, Ko Ako wishes to assume
the role of unquestioned sovereign in his personal and sexual relations with
Anowa; a role that would eectively mask his inadequacies and insecurities. It is
possible to see Ko Ako’s obsession with acquiring wealth as a possible substitu-
tion for his impotence. His desire not to take a second wife may also be seen as a
way of avoidi ng the detection of t his weakness.
Despite h is success a nd prestige, Ko A ko fai ls to aain Yebi idea l mascul inity
becaus e he is impotent and ste rile. Horne (2010) argues t hat, in Yebi, sex ual potency
is an imperative for men just as childbearing is for women. erefore, for Aidoo to
have created a male protagonist who is sexually impotent and a female protagonist
who is unable to bear children is a strike against normative notions of masculinity
and femininity, which Horne (2010) claims Aidoo interrogates from the beginning
of the play (p. 179). In their last quarrel at the big house in Oguaa , Ko Ako accuses
Anow a of being a witch a nd she, in tur n, call s him impotent , “Now I know,” she says,
“So that is it. My husband is a woman / now. [She giggles] He is a corpse. He is dead
wood. But / less than dead wood because at least, that sometimes grows mush-
rooms…” (Aidoo, 1965, p. 122). e tragic irony of the situation is that, from the
beginning, many people, w ith the exception of Anowa, had been suspicious of Ko
Ako’s virility as a man. Badua references Ko Ako’s virility when she calls him a
“water y male of al l watery ma les,” insinua ting that h is manhoo d is weak and d iluted,
but it is Anowa’s public revelation of his impotence that causes him to kill himself
(Horne, 2010, p. 187). His suicide, consequently, reinforces the prominence that
society aaches to masculinity; that to be a man in Yebi, one has to follow certain
prescribed modes of behavior and the failure to do so is cause for d isgrace.
His suicide also should be understood as the result of his controlling de-
sire to aain hegemonic masculinity. Aer enduring years of public ridicule
because his behavior was less than manly, Ko Ako grasps the opportunity to
prove society wrong, yet in his drive to reach this ideal, he is unable to give life
by having children and sacrices his humanit y by becoming a slave owner. e
Old Man indicates that:
… money-making is like a god possessing a priest. He never / will leave
you, until he has occupied you, wholly changed / the order of your being,
and sea red you throug h and up / and down . en only would he eventually
leave you, / but nothing of you except an exhausted wreck, lying prone /
and wonder ing who you are. (A idoo, 1965, p. 100)
Odamen (1994) concludes t hat Ko Ako’s cupidit y, his ideologica l capitulation
to British bourgeois values, and the revelation of his psychosexual dysfunction
52 SPECTRUM 2.2
lead to the double s uicide in the play (p. 78). His action t ragical ly echoes what t he
Old Man has been advocating all along, the need for alternative denitions of
masc ulinit y in societ y. In his las t statement, when t he Old Woman bl ames Anowa
for the death of Ko Ako, the Old Man says, “Perhaps, perhaps, perhaps…. It is
men who make men mad. W ho / knows if Anowa would have been a beer
woman, if we had not been what we are?” (Aidoo, 1965, p. 124), clearly lambast-
ing society for its narrow-mindedness and rigid v iew of gender that refuses to see
alternate lives for both its men and women.
Osam, Anowa’s father and Badua’s husband, only appears three times in the
play, yet it is clear that his life is as constrained as his son-in-law’s.1 Osam’s rst ap-
pearance is in phase one of the play, where he is seen rebuking his wife, Badua, be-
cause she complains too much about Anowa being unmarried. A ll the same, he is
equally worried about A nowa’s rejection of the suitors who do come her way, “And
may the a ncestral spi rits help me, but wh at man / would I order f rom the heavens to
please the dicult eye / of my daughter, Anowa?” (Aidoo, 1965, p. 71). He admits
that geing daughters born is his business, but not geing them married, which is
an al lusion to the mat rili neal sys tem of inheri tance in A kan cu lture, where a f ather’s
duty toward his children has limitations.
e Ak an inher itance and s uccession sys tem is matr ilinea l and stipul ates that
property and status are transferred from a mother’s brother to his sister’s son. It is,
however, a more complex principle than t he usual examples given in anthropologi-
cal explanations. In the past, a man raised his own children and his nephews and
nieces with ease. His nephew was given particular aention and nurtured to suc-
ceed and inherit from the older man. It was a woman’s brothers, the children’s un-
cles, who pl ayed the most important role in the children’s lives. Issues of education,
vocation, and marriage were deferred to them. Fathers did not play such an active
role in their own children’s lives, they gave them a name and prov ided them with a
good education and moral upbringing, but their position was otherwise limited
(Nuku nya, 2003, p. 33). A man’s duty is tow ard the chi ldren of his sis ters, his nie ces
and nephews, as they are considered his relatives and belong to his clan. However,
transformations occ urring in Ghana since t he 1970s have aec ted many aspects of
the lineage organization.
erefore, by leaving the upbringing of his children to his brothers-in-
law, Osam aspires to be the ideal A kan man. Yet, this does not give him the
peace of mind he seeks. He remains constrained, impotent, and frustrated by
the system, as he is unable to seek the help he wants for Anowa. He has been a
strong proponent of Anowa apprenticing to become a pr iestess since child hood
because of her non-conformist behavior, when she was identied as a born
priestess, but Badua and her brothers rejected that idea. Badua wants her
Theresah Ennin / The Making of Akan Men 53
daughter to be a “human woman,” who would sele into the acceptable role of
womanhood—that of wife and mother—in society.
In addition, Osam is prevented from rejecting Anowa’s choice of a husband
when she eventually chooses Ko Ako. Even though Osam tries to play the devil’s
advocate w hen Badua compla ins about Ko A ko, he does not consider h im marr iage
material. To avoid Badua’s brothers blaming him for A nowa’s choice, he remains as
detached as possible from the discussion of his daughter’s marriage. Odamen
(1994) maintains that Osam accepts the status quo and has no desire to do other-
wis e (p. 60). He want s to nd the eas y way out of ever y problem, shi ing respons ibil-
ity onto ot hers and blam ing ever yone but himse lf when thi ngs go wrong. B y refusin g
to change the status quo, he contributes to the entrenchment of these societal pre-
scriptions and becomes a stumbling block in the face of change. By foregrounding
Osam’s failure to save his daughter, Aidoo (1965) condemns the practice of hege-
monic masculinity that dissuades other men from going contrary to the norm. It
becomes apparent, therefore, that both Ko Ako and Osam are products of their
environment and culture and are forced to behave in accordance with societal de-
mands of being men. However, as they are unable to live up to these standards, and
cannot envision a dierent path to manhood, they remain locked in their limited
conscriptions. With the suicide of Ko Ako and the loss Osam experiences, Aidoo
(1965) appears to denigrate hegemonic masculinity and calls for more varied and
egal itarian representations of man hood that are favorable to both men and women.
Ayi Kwei Armah’s novel e Healers (1979) is a personal narrative of a
young man, Densu, struggling to nd his place in the ethos of society. He is re-
pulsed by life in the royal palace and the meaninglessness of the ceremonial
games and rituals of his people. Dismayed by the spirit of competitiveness and
materialism that has captivated his people, he seeks a nobler cause. His search
leads him to a group of traditional healers interested in mending divisions in
societ y and bringi ng together the entire Black race. e history of the fall of the
Asante empire to the British serves as a backdrop to Densu’s story. In this
novel, Armah shows how divisiveness among Africans made colonialism pos-
sible and highlights the destructiveness of the overemphasis on physical and
martial prowess among the Asante.
Ar mah’s book is a mi xtur e of historica l facts and c tion, but Derek Wrig ht
(1989) asserts that historical details in the novel do not always merge with the
visionary presentation of a timeless struggle between manipulators and inspir-
ers, or with the personal story of Densu. He argues that the Asante historical
theme is introduced quite late in the story and it remains a backdrop to the in-
trigues at Esuano, the primary seing of the novel. Wright’s observation is one
of the many criticisms that Armah’s novel has received, reception of which has
54 SPECTRUM 2.2
not been favorable. Bernth Lindfors (1992), for example, questions Armah’s
portrayal of Africa’s past as made up of the world of the good versus the bad
guys. Simon Gi kandi (1992), on the other hand, argues that there appears to be
an air of puritanical holiness around Armah’s group of heroes and avers that
this portraiture of the healers as an idealistic, saintly group of characters is not
consistent with their philosophy of uniting the Black race (p. 320). Ode Ogede
(2000), however, contends that e Healers is not realistic ction and should
not be examined within that frame because the novel will fall short in such an
exercise (p. 127). Consequently, instead of seeing these protagonists as unreal-
istic, fanciful ights of fancy by the author, they should be seen as representa-
tions of an ideal that he envisions.
Ogede’s (2000) point is of particular importance to masculinity because
it hints at the subversion inherent in A rmah’s novel. A rmah’s protagonists rep-
resent a dierent ideal he wants to see in society and, thus, hegemonic mascu-
linity is not what his characters strive for; rather, they are seen moving away
from hegemony as much as possible. Robert Fraser (1980) indicates that
Armah ’s novel highlights the A kan concept of manhood as superiority i n ght-
ing and militarist ideals, a competitive spirit, personal excellence, and the abil-
ity to wield power and command prestige (pp. 90–93). From society’s empha-
sis on competitiveness and prowess in ghting, it becomes apparent that, for
one to be considered a man, one must exhibit all these features. It is in subvert-
ing this representation of normative masculinity that Armah creates male
characters whose lives are far from the societal ideal and who do not want to
achieve the standard of excellence set down by it. In the defeat of the Asante
army and the subsequent looting and destruction of Kumase, Armah (1979)
shows how an overemphasis on hegemonic mascu linit y is destruc tive. rough
the employment of caricature, manipulation, murder, and depression, Armah
showcases the evil nature of hegemonic masculinity and advocates alternative
masculinities that are less manipulative and more inspiring.
As dierent societies, cult ures, and times dene their ow n form of masculin-
ity, the community of Esuano sees the ideal man as one who is physically strong,
intelligent, shrewd, and cunning. Consequently, every year, all the young men in
the community who have aained adulthood engage in the ritual games of wres-
tling, swimming, running, and shooting to choose a sole winner who will become
a symbol of what society considers the ideal man. In addition to these aributes,
because of the historical events surrounding the time period, the ideal man is also
one who is w illing to work wit h the White man in s ubduing his own people, so as to
consolidate his power in the community. e novel is set around the period when
the Fante were in par tnership with the English at the Cape Coast castle. A s a result
Theresah Ennin / The Making of Akan Men 55
of the many aacks on the Fante by the Asante, the former sought refuge with the
British. is situation created a sort of dependence on the British by the Fante and
gave the British the opportunity to further advance their expansionism and con-
solidate power on the Gold Coast. Consequently, for fear of losing their dwindling
power, many t raditional leaders cu rried favor with the British by implement ing the
laer’s expansionist policies, even to the detriment of their own people (Daaku,
1970, p. 167).
Although Densu is physically strong and intelligent and wins many of the
games in the competition, he refuses to rise to the next step, which will assure
him a place among those who embody hegemonic masculinity in Esuano. His
pacist nature does not allow him to cause harm to his fellow man when the
other has done him no wrong; subsequently, he does not take part in the most
violent of the ritual games and refuses to accept the k ingship at Esuano. Densu
appears at odds with the general expectations of society from the very begin-
ning of the novel. He does not believe in competitiveness for the sake of glory
and fame and, thus, nds the ritual games a sham of what they are supposed to
be. Instead of games that promote the overall unity of the people, celebrating
their survival as a group, they have become an avenue for self-glorication; an
opportunity to have a single person emerge as the winner, isolated for the ad-
miration and env y of the defeated competitors. erefore, when it is time to
participate in the games, Densu chooses his own unique methods of dealing
with his dilemma. When Ababio, Densu’s guardian, tells him that he should
follow t he status quo, Densu reject s this cal l and tells h im, “I want to be a d ier-
ent kind of man” (Ar mah, 1979, p. 38). His awareness of wanting to be dierent
from the other men in Esuano grows into reality aer his encounter and con-
versations with the healer, Damfo.
Armah presents the community of Esuano and the larger world, then, as
made up of manipulators and inspirers. ose who seek power, wealth, and esteem
are the manipulators and others, like Densu and Damfo, represent the inspirers;
there is no m iddle ground. e greatest man ipulator is Ababio. e descenda nt of a
slave, Ababio takes aer h is obsequious grandfather, who became powerfu l by ask-
ing the king of Asante to spit into his mouth. Ababio is a ing successor to his
grandfather’s legacy, as he assumes the throne at Esuano through deceit and mur-
der, even thoug h he is not a member of the roya l family. Phys ically, Ababio is a s hort
man, around 50-years-old, bald, and fat, the result of overindulgence in rich food.
His frame is small and, consequently, his obesity makes him look like a deformed
sphere balanced unsteadily on thin legs. His physical description is an apt meta-
phor for his nature as a greedy person. Fu ll, overstu ed like a py thon aer feeding,
and yet insatiably looking for more.
56 SPECTRUM 2.2
Ababio is not the only character depicted in such a n unaering way. e
other Fante kings, who work with the British for paltry rewards such as shiny
boles of alcohol from Britain, are likewise caricatured and made to look fool-
ish and infantile. When describing the kings at the meeting with Wolseley, the
narrator says of Nana Tsibu, of Assen, “is one had glistening hair, and had
skin of such smoothness it was hard to think of him as a grown man and not a
large pampered baby” (Armah, 1979, p. 250). e reference to his smooth skin
is an indictment of his indolent life; similarly, another king cannot walk in his
royal sandals and appears gratied when the carriers bring the palanquin to
carry him. Other kings disregard the traditional cloth of the people and dress
like the British, but Densu says what they wear is “unlike anything [he] had
seen on a white man… a strange assortment of white men’s clothes,” indicating
the absurdity of their outts (Armah, 1979, p. 251). ose who wear the White
man’s clothes also take on European names, like Blankson, Moore, ompson,
and Rober tson. e spokes person for the ki ngs expla ins to Densu that, “Among
the royals that’s the new style. Look. ere is Opanyin Benstir, from Gomoa.
Only these days he likes to call himself Bentil. Mr. Bentil, Field Marshal” (pp.
250–251). In this caricature of most of the men who embody hegemonic mas-
culinity in the community, Armah shows his rejection of this practice. Con-
versely, Densu, Appia, and Anan, who reject Ababio’s call to hegemony, are not
caricatured, but are described as having perfect symmetry of form and struc-
ture w ith no jerkiness or sudden t witches to their movements, indicating a per-
manent calmness in the way they hold their body. e lack of blemish or defor-
mity indicates a singleness of purpose and a purit y of heart.
e act of manipulating others for one’s own ends is one of the hallmarks
of men like Ababio. Signicantly, this trait is missing in Damfo, the healer.
Damfo is the closest thing Densu has in the form of a father-mentor gure.
From the rst time he heard of him, Densu has felt an araction to the healer
and his work, nding in him a kindred spirit who understands his feelings
about royal power and the corruption at the court. Damfo lives in the eastern
forest with other healers and does not come to Esuano very oen. He does not
nd the aairs of court interesting or engaging, preferring to work with others
in the eventual reunication of the Black people. One interesting trait about
Damfo is his lack of force or manipulation. He does not try to make his wife,
Ama, remai n with him in the eastern forest when she g rows discontent w ith the
austere life and goes back to Esuano. Similarly, he persuades Densu to take a
year o and return to Esuano to think through his decision to become a healer.
In his work with Araba Jesiwa and Asamoa Nkwanta, he draws them out so
they can come to a realization of their own situations.
Theresah Ennin / The Making of Akan Men 57
In this regard, he is a foil to Ababio, who is a traitor of his people. When
the crown prince, Appia, disagrees w ith his desire to work with the White man
so as to consolidate his power, Ababio kills him. He is so consumed with power
that he wou ld do anything to gain more. His conception of manhood is of being
competitive and taking care of oneself at the detriment of all others. He tells
Densu, “You’re a man, and I’m talking to you about just those things that make
a man a man” (Armah, 1979, p. 28). erefore, when Densu fails to accept his
terms, he frames him for murder. Densu is aware of Ababio’s manipulation of
others for his own gain and would like to have nothing to do with him and his
schemes, but A babio refuses to let h im be, wanti ng to use him for his own ends.
Ababio exhibits the very qualities at court that Densu nds repulsive, such
that, when the former is found guilty of the murder of Prince Appia and the
kingship of Esuano is oered a second time to Densu, he ref uses, preferr ing the
life of a healer to the power at court.
It is apparent in this novel that Armah equates hegemonic masculinity with
violence/murder. When Ababio comes up against the young men, Anan, Appia,
and Densu, who do not want to be assoc iated with his brand of ma sculinity, he kill s
them. ese young men a re portrayed as d ierent from the norm. A nan prefers the
calm of nature to the noisy manipulations of the town and was the rst to reject
Ababio’s cal l to the throne. He a lso looks to t he eastern fore st for a chance to be w ith
people who understand him. Simi larly, even though Prince Appia takes part in the
games, does his best, and is crowned winner in the end, he does not believe in vio-
lently competing with others to win. He refuses to win the wrestling match by
maiming Kojo Djan, even though the laer places himself in that position, and he
incurs Ababio’s wrath when he refuses to work with the White man to destroy his
fellow Black people. Consequently, Ababio has Appia and Anan killed and tries to
get Densu imprisoned for a cri me he does not com mit.
Nevertheless, Connell and Messerschmidt (2005) assert that violence
and other nox ious practices are not always the dening characteristics of hege-
monic masculinity, since it has numerous congurations. However, they claim
that since the concept of hegemonic masculinity is based on practices that per-
mit men’s collective dominance over women and other men to continue, it is
not surprising that, in some contexts, it actually does refer to men’s engage-
ment in toxic practices—including physical violence—that stabilize gender
dominance in a particular seing (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005, p. 840). It
could be said that A rmah’s equation of hegemonic masculinity with violence is
his way of vilifying the practice.
Forged in the crucible of Asante’s militaristic exploits, Asamoa Nkwanta
is another character that symbolizes the extremes of hegemonic masculin ity in
58 SPECTRUM 2.2
the novel. Asamoa Nkwanta is the commander-in-chief of all the Asante
armies. Next to the Asante king, he is the most revered and feared man in the
kingdom. His prowess and courage has won many victories for the kingdom.
Robert Fraser (1980) sees him as the epitome of the virtues and vices of a
proud, imperialistic, but morally complacent society (p. 93), a society that be-
lieves i n ghting and dominating ot hers. As the com mander of all t he armies of
Asante, he is in the forefront of its machinery of domination and oppression of
those weaker than itself and subsequently, never expected that his favorite
nephew would be treated like a common slave and murdered during the cus-
tomary killing of slaves that is done when the king of Asante dies. Conse-
quently, Asamoa Nkwanta is outraged at this injustice done to him and refuses
to lead the A sante armies. Asamoa Nkwanta holds his nephew dear to his hea rt
because, in the matrilineal system of succession, his nephew inherits his posi-
tion at his death. Uncle-nephew relationships in this context assume a domi-
nant position; its implication being that a nephew is purer than a son in terms
of lineage, for whereas the maternity of a child is not in doubt, the same cannot
be said of the paternity (Nkansa-Kyeremateng, 1996, p. 108). Hence, Asamoa
Nkwanta had been grooming his nephew to take over for him.
In the character of Asamoa Nkwanta, Armah denounces hegemonic mas-
culinity for the aendant devastation on its practitioners. Michael Schwalbe
(1992) indicates that any strategy for the maintenance of power is likely to in-
volve a dehumanization of other groups and a corresponding withering of em-
pathy. As a result, Asamoa Nkwanta has grown insensitive to the evils of slav-
ery since he is part of Asante’s militaristic campaign that consistently makes
slaves of other people. It is only when he is touched personally by this tragedy
that he begins to grasp the enormity of the practice, which is par ticularly pert i-
nent given that hegemonic masculinity does not necessarily translate into a
satisfying life ex perience (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005). Deeply depressed
and unable to function in the system that has betrayed him, Asamoa Nkwanta
goes to the hea lers’ village in Praso for hea ling. He remains xated on images of
his murdered nephew and his inability to save him and does not recognize that
the system of slavery is the root of his problem. Consequently, the healer
Damfo tries to bring him to the realization that his belief in an ideal masculin-
ity that dominates the weak is inherently wrong.
It may be in ferred that A samoa Nk wanta beg ins to under stand Dam fo’s point
about royalty and the role it plays in the domination of both men and women, set-
ting h igh the wa rrior image a s the ulti mate form of masc ulinit y in Asa nte; however,
his su bsequent action s aer he gets wel l indicate t hat the war rior ethos ha s been too
ingrained in him for change to happen overnight. erefore, even though Damfo
Theresah Ennin / The Making of Akan Men 59
considers Asamoa Nkwanta a good man who has been trained in the ser vice of As-
ante’s royalt y and whose desires lie w ith serv ing royal power, he does not t hink that
Asa moa Nkwa nta can work to un ite the Black peo ple despite what the ot her healers
hope he would become. Y. S. Boafo (1992) agrees with Dam fo that, in spite of pres-
ent events to the contrary, there is still enough evidence to support the idea that
Asamoa Nkwanta is trapped in the service of royalty; consequently, his healing is
not ulti mately successful, linked as it is to the healing of society. e fa ilure of Asa-
moa Nkwanta to change could be read as Armah’s way of dissociating his protago-
nists from royalty; so that even though Asamoa Nkwanta’s change would be a vic-
tory over Asante’s narrow conception of masculinit y, Ar mah refuses to accept that
option, rather, preferring to work with a select few who have been removed from
societ y and set apart. Consequently, the only forum for change in the perception of
manhood is more likely to come from the healers themselves. And while this is
laudable, as it presents a dierent version of masculinity against the hegemony
lauded by society at large, it is also problematic as it is narrow and, like the profes-
sion of healing itself, does not permit the admission of more members.
ere is lile doubt that, as many critics have armed, Ayi Kwei Armah ’s
protagonists are of the “other worldly” kind. ey are men who are isolated
from society, seek ing to escape the “rot of the land” and maintai ning a purity of
mind and purpose that is saintly and slightly puritanical. e diculties with
his characterization may lie in his interrogation of normative masculinities in
society and a desire to represent a dierent form of masculinity at variance
with the norm. Nevertheless, it is evident t hat, in the desi re to do this, Ayi Kwei
Armah fails to provide many alternatives to the paradigm. In e Healers, he
creates male protagonists who symbolize his ideologies, such that they become
paragons of every virtue that is missing in the other corrupted individuals.
However, by casting characters as either “manipulators” or “inspirers,” he does
not provide a middle ground for other manifestations to emerge. erefore, his
protagonists are not well eshed out and have no resemblance to the ordinary
man. ey do not develop into rounded characters, remaining xed and one-
dimensional throughout the novel.
In both texts, each society has its own traditional practices that establish
hegemonic masculinity. us, the people of Yebi in Anowa esteem hard work
and perceive it as the path to wealth and power, and subsequently hegemony,
while the community in e Healers reveres strength and courage as the hall-
marks of the ideal man. However, in both texts, the presence of the W hite man
impacts traditional masculinity and creates a type of hegemonic masculinity
that is destructive, as it provides avenues for men to quick ly achieve it by ex ploit-
ing their own people. us, the actions of Ko Ako indicate how domineering,
60 SPECTRUM 2.2
destructive, and oppressive it is to embody this hegemony. His portrayal also
criticizes society for refusing to provide and accept other modes of masculine
identity that are liberating to both men and women and to oer avenues for
growth and development. Likewise, A rmah’s healers reject t his form of mascu-
line expression that contributes to the fracturing of the Black people. Armah
desires a world devoid of all forms of dominant masculinities. Subsequently, in
spite of the dierent portrayals by the two authors, the common thread that
runs through their works is that normative hegemonic masculinity limits and
restrains the potential growth of the male character and, thus, societies should
make available and acknowledge other versions of masculinity and regard
them all as legitimate for male development.
NOTES
1. For the sake of clarity, I will refer to him as Osam because there appears to be
some conf usion with his na me; he is variou sly referred to a s Ko Sam (p. 70) and Kobina
Sam (p. 75) by his wife. Since he cannot be both—Ko refers to males born on a Friday
and Kobi na refers to a ma le born on a Tuesday—I as sume that t his must hav e been a typ o-
graphical error that was undetected and, as such, I w ill simply use his second na me in re-
ferr ing to him .
REFERENCES
Adinkrah, M. (2012). Beer dead than dishonored: Ma sculin ity and male suicidal
behavior in contemporar y Ghana. Social Science & Medicine, 74(4), 474–481.
Adomako Ampofo, A. (2001). When men speak women listen: Gender socialization
and young adolescents’ aitudes to sexual and reproduct ive issues. A ican
Journal of Reproductive Health, 5(3), 196–212 .
Adomako Ampofo, A., & Boateng , J. (2007). Multiple meani ngs of manhood a mong
boys in Ghana . In T. Shefer, K. Ratele, A . Strebel, N. Shabala la, & R. Bui kema
(E ds.) , From boys to men: Social constructions of masculinity in contemporary
society (pp. 50–74). Lansdowne, SA: UCT Press.
Aidoo, A. A. (1965). e dilemma of a ghost and Anowa. New York, N Y: Longman
Publishing Group.
Amoa kohene, M. I. (200 4). Violence against women in Ghana: A look at women’s
percept ions and review of policy and social responses. Social Science & Medicine,
59, 2373–2383.
Armah, A . K. (1979). e healers: An historical novel. London , UK: Heinema nn.
Boafo, Y. S. (1992). e nature of healing i n Ayi Kwei Armah ’s e Healers. In D.
Wright (Ed.), Critical perspec tives on Ayi Kwei Armah (pp. 324–334). Washing-
ton, D.C.: ree Continents Press.
Collier, R. (1998). Masculinities, crime, and criminilogy: Men, heterose xuality, and the
criminal(ised) other. London, U K: Sage.
Theresah Ennin / The Making of Akan Men 61
Connel l, R. W., & Messerschmidt, J. W. (2005). Hegemonic masculinity: Rethinking
the concept. Gender and Society, 19(6), 8 29– 859.
Daak u, K. Y. (1970). Trade and politic s on the Gold Coast. Oxford, UK: Clarendon.
Fraser, R . (1980). e novels of Ayi Kwei Armah: A study in polemical ction . London,
UK: Heinemann.
Gikandi, S. (1992). History and character i n e Healers. In D. Wrig ht (Ed.), Critical
perspectives on Ayi Kwei A rmah (pp. 315–323). Washing ton, D.C.: ree
Continents Press.
Holter, Ø. G. (2003). Can men do it? Men and gender equality—e Nordic experience .
Copenhagen, DK: Nordic Council of M inisters.
Horne, N. B. (2010). Sex ual impotence as metony my for politica l failure: I nterrogat-
ing hegemonic mascul inities in Ama Ata Aidoo’s Anowa. In H. N. Mugambi &
T. J. Allan (Eds.), Masculinities in Aican literary and cultural te xts (pp.
178–199). Banbury, UK: Ayebia Clarke Publishing Limited.
Lindfors, B. (1992). Armah ’s histories. In D. Wright (Ed.), Critical perspectives on Ayi
Kwei Armah (pp. 267–277). Washington, D.C.: ree Continents Press.
Mar tin, P. Y. (1998). Why can’t a man be more like a woman? Reections on Connell’s
masculinities. Gender and Society, 12(4), 472– 474.
Mar tino, W. (1995). Boys and literacy: Exploring the construction of hegemonic
masculi nties and the for mation of literate capacities for boys in the English
classroom. English in Australia, 112, 11–2 4.
Miescher, S. F. (2005). Making men in Ghana. Blooming ton, IN: Indiana University
Press.
Mugambi, H. N., & Allan, T. J. (2010). Introduct ion. In H. N. Mugambi & T. J. Allan
(E ds.) , Masculinitie s in Aican literary and cultural texts (pp. 3–9). Banbur y, UK:
Ayebia Cla rke Publish ing Limited.
Nka nsa-Kyeremateng, K. (1996). e Akans of Ghana: eir history & culture. Accra,
GH: Sebewie Publishers.
Nuku nya, G. K. (2003). Tradition and change in Ghana: An introduction to sociology
(2nd ed.). Accra, GH: Ghana Universities Press.
Obeng, P. (2003). Gendered nationalism: Forms of masc ulinit y in modern Asante. I n
L. A. Lindsay & S. F. Miescher (Eds.), Men and masculinities in modern Aica
(pp. 192–208). Portsmouth, NH: Hei nemann.
Odamen, V. O. (1994). e art of Ama Ata Aidoo: Polylectics and reading against
neocolonialism. Gainesvil le, FL: University Press of Florida.
Ogede, O. (2000). Ayi Kwei Armah, radical iconoclast: Piing imag inary worlds against
the actual. Athens, OH: Ohio University Press.
Opoku-Agyemang, N. J. (1997). A Reading of A ma Ata Aidoo’s Anowa. In P. A.
Egejuru & K. H. Kat rak (Eds.), Nwanyibu: Womanbeing and Aican literature
(pp. 21–31). Trenton, NJ: A frica World Press.
Sarpong, P. (1991). Girls’ nubility rites in A shanti. Tema, GH: Ghana Publish ing Corp.
Schwa lbe, M. (1992). Male supremacy and t he narrowing of the moral sel f. Berkeley
Journal of Sociology, 37, 29–54.
Takyi, B. K., and Mann, J. (2006). Inti mate partner violence in Ghana: e perspec-
tives of men regarding w ife beating. International Jour nal of Sociology of the
Family, 32, 61–7 8.
62 SPECTRUM 2.2
Wright, D. (1989). Ayi Kwei Armah’s Aica: e sources of his ction. London, UK :
Hans Zell Publishers.
Wright, D. (Ed.). (1992). Critical perspectives on Ayi Kwei Armah. Washington, D.C.:
ree Continents Press.
Yan, H. (2002). Staging modern vagrancy: Female gures of border-crossing i n Ama
Ata A idoo and Caryl Churchill. eatre Journal, 54(2), 245–262.
