ArticlePDF Available

Pierre Fatumbi Verger: Negotiating Connections Between Brazil and the Bight of Benin


Abstract and Figures

Este artigo estuda os aspectos particulares que caracterizaram as relações de Pierre Verger (1902-1996) com seus informantes da comunidade Agudá do Daomé (atual República do Benin). Através do estudo de suas notas de pesquisa e da correspondência mantida com estes informantes, o artigo mostra como tais relações foram cruciais para seu trabalho e em que medida exerceram um impacto no desenvolvimento dos contatos entre as duas regiões, historicamente interligadas pelo tráfico atlântico de escravos. O artigo mostra que apesar da influência de sua posição econômica e social e dos questionamentos suscitados por suas intervenções, Verger mostrava um zelo incansável por seus informantes que por sua vez acabou também se tornando um informante crucial para os descendentes de africanos na Bahia e para os descendentes de brasileiros no Benim.
Content may be subject to copyright.
Luso-Brazilian Review 50:1 113
ISSN 0024-7413, © 2013 by the Board of Regents
of the University of Wisconsin System
Pierre Fatumbi Verger:
Negotiating Connections Between
Brazil and the Bight of Benin
Ana Lúcia Araújo
Este artigo estuda os aspectos particulares que caracterizaram as relações
de Pierre Verger (1902–1996) com seus informantes da comunidade Agudá
do Daomé (atual República do Benin). Através do estudo de suas notas
de pesquisa e da correspondência mantida com estes informantes, o ar-
tigo mostra como tais relações foram cruciais para seu trabalho e em que
medida exerceram um impacto no desenvolvimento dos contatos entre as
duas regiões, historicamente interligadas pelo trá co atlântico de escravos.
O artigo mostra que apesar da in uência de sua posição econômica e social
e dos questionamentos suscitados por suas intervenções, Verger mostrava
um zelo incansável por seus informantes que por sua vez acabou também se
tornando um informante crucial para os descendentes de africanos na Bahia
e para os descendentes de brasileiros no Benim.
French-born ethnographer, photographer, historian and babalawo Pierre
Fatumbi Verger (1902–1996) spent most of his adult life between Brazil and
the Bight of Benin (modern Togo, Republic of Benin, and Nigeria), studying
the relations and shared cultures of these two regions that developed as a
result of their involvement in the Atlantic slave trade. Verger is best known,
however, for his photography, especially in Brazil and several French-
speaking countries. Over the last twenty years, extensive use of his photo-
graphs in art books, documentaries, exhibitions, and on the Internet has re-
inforced the actual and imagined connections between Brazil and Benin.
114 Luso-Brazilian Review 50:1
Despite this recent popularity, few scholars have critically examined his
scholarship, which has not been translated into English and hence o en
goes unread in English-speaking academic circles. Although his work is
cited in the literature on the Luso-Brazilian Atlantic slave trade, most refer-
ences are intended to indicate or comment on speci c primary sources ex-
am ined by him. Ut ili zing Pierre Verger’s corresp ondence a nd rese arch note s
belonging to the collection of the Fundação Pierre Verger (FPV) in Salvador,
Bahia, Brazil, this paper examines a speci c and still unexplored aspect of
Verger’s work: his relationships with his Aguda informants from Dahomey
(later Republic of Benin), the name usually ascribed to the descendants of
former Brazilian slave returnees as well as Portuguese and Brazilian slave
merchants who settled in the Bight of Benin between the end of the eigh-
teenth century until the early twentieth century.
e FPV houses Verger’s research notes accumulated during his more
than  y years of  eldwork and archival research on the Atlantic slave
trade, especially the Luso-Brazilian component of it. A regular, almost ob-
sessive presence in the Bahian archives, Verger also made use of archives in
other parts of Brazil, as well as in Europe and Africa, copiously transcribing
scores of documents on the Atlantic slave trade, some of which were pub-
lished in two important works, Flux et re ux de la traite des nègres entre le
golfe du Bénin et Bahia de todos os santos du XVIIe au XIXe siècles and Os
libertos: sete caminhos na liberdade de escravos da Bahia. e transcriptions
of additional documents, as yet unpublished but found in the FPV archives,
allow us to understand how Verger developed his research and the vari-
ous choices he made as he carried out his work. Today these transcriptions
are even more valuable, because many of the original documents are in ad-
vanced states of decay,
According to Verger, the FPV was created to highlight the common heri-
tage of Bahia and the Bight of Benin. Its aims are o ering to Bahia infor-
mation about Benin and Nigeria, and informing these two countries about
their cultural in uences in Bahia. Verger’s research archives also contain
letters, notes, pictures, postcards, Christmas cards, death notices, and in-
vitations received and exchanged with religious and government authori-
ties, including presidents, ministers of state, and ambassadors from Brazil,
Benin, and Nigeria. Of particular interest for this article is his rich corre-
spondence with the several members of the Aguda community of former
e rst part of the paper focuses on Verger’s career as photographer
and ethnographer. It also contextualizes the development of Verger’s con-
nections with Bahia and Dahomey.  e second part examines Verger’s cor-
respondence with Dahomean (and then Beninese) individuals of the Aguda
community. Studying these letters, most of which written in French and
Araújo 115
never examined before, the paper explores the relations developed between
Verger and his Aguda informants. Because of Verger’s privileged position as
an elite white male and despite the political implications resulting from his
intervention in Bahia-Dahomey reciprocal exchanges, most of his Daho-
mean and Brazilian informants considered him not only an individual who
brought them cultural and political prestige, but also a cherished mediator,
a scholar who was always available to provide them with information about
their ancestors.
Pierre Verger: Between Bahia and the Bight of Benin
In order to understand Pierre Verger’s relationships with his informants, it
is important to brie y examine his unusual career as photographer, traveler,
ethnographer, and historian. Most biographic information about Verger
was provided by him and is found in di erent publications, mainly in Por-
tuguese. In 2002, the centennial of his birth, two biographies were published
in Brazil. Pierre Verger: Um homem livre by Jean-Pierre Le Bouler provides
the reader with a great number of details about his early and adult life, but
is essentially based on sources available in France and does not develop a
deep or critical analysis of his work and career. Also in 2002, Cida Nóbrega
and Regina Echeverria published another biography basically consisting of
testimonies, documents, and Verger’s pictures, which also did not engage in
a critical assessment of his scholarship and was essentially based on sources
available in Portuguese. More recently, Jérôme Souty published Pierre Fa-
tumbi Verger: du regard détaché à la connaissance initiatique, the only book-
length scholarly study deeply examining Verger’s work as photographer and
Pierre Édouard Léopold Verger was born in 1902 to a bourgeois Parisian
family. In 1932, he began to experiment with photography and started trav-
eling around the world, showing a particular interest in exotic destinations,
including French colonies in the Caribbean, Polynesia, and West Africa.
Such an interest was certainly not a new phenomenon: since the sixteenth
century European artists and travelers in quest of the self, or with colonial
and civilizing ambitions—including André  evet (1516–1590), Jean de Léry
(1536–1613), Charles-Marie de La Condamine (1701–1774), Jean- Baptiste De-
bret (1768–1848), and François-Auguste Biard (1799–1882)—engaged them-
selves in these initiatory and exploratory journeys. Since the end of the
nineteenth century, several other French artists and travelers, such as Paul
Gauguin (1848–1903) and Henri Matisse (1869–1954) had already taken this
same pathway.
In the 1930s Verger started o ering his photographic serv ices in exchange
for transportation and some  nancial support, which enabled him continue
116 Luso-Brazilian Review 50:1
traveling. Between 1935 and 1936, his acquaintances helped him to estab-
lish contacts with French colonial administrators and visit French Sudan,
Burkina-Faso, Togo, and Dahomey. Upon return to France, several pictures
taken during this  rst African journey illustrated the pages of French pub-
lications such as Voilà and Revue du Médecin. In 1939 some of his pictures
from Togo illustrated a French publication of colonial propaganda, entitled
Le Togo. Indeed, the visual content of this initial production of portraits of
Sub-Saharan types was in harmony with French colonial perspective in the
region that was to describe these colonial and exotic populations for Euro-
pean audiences.
Arriving in São Paulo in 1940, Verger met the French anthropologist
Roger Bastide (1898–1974) who, along with other French scholars who went
to Brazil in the 1930s to teach at the Universidade de São Paulo. Just before
meeting Verger, Bastide had spent just three weeks in Bahia. Verger himself
later recalled that Bastide was the  rst to call his attention to the African
in uences in Bahia and to encourage him to go to Salvador.
In 1946 Verger obtained a contract with the Brazilian magazine O Cru-
zeiro and settled in the city of Salvador. He arrived bringing several letters
of introduction from Bastide, which helped him gain access to Bahian of-
cial and intellectual circles. By that time several US scholars—including
Ruth Landes (19081991), Donald Pierson (1900–1995), E. Franklyn Frazier
(1894–1962), and Melville Herskovits (1895–1963)—were already interested
in African cultures, religions, and traditions in Bahia. In Salvador, Verger
joined a group of prominent intellectuals, mainly white, which included the
writer Jorge Amado (1912–2001) and the Argentinean-born artist Hector Ju-
lio Bernabó (1911–1997), alias Carybé.
Between 1946 and 1948, Verger photographed several Candomblé temples
showing various aspects of Candomblé religion, including initiations and
animal sacri ce—scenes of limited access to outsiders. is work resulted
in a grant from the Dakar’s Institut Français de l’Afrique Noire (IFAN) in
1948, to conduct research on West African religions and their connections to
Afro-Brazilian religions. It is possible to suppose that Candomblé groups
with which Verger was in contact in Bahia expected him to establish contact
with Orisha and Vodun communities in the Bight of Benin, because before
his departure for West Africa, Maria Bibiana do Espírito Santo (1890–1967)
known as Mãe Senhora—the Candomblé priestess and leader of the Bahian
Candomblé temple Ilê Opó Afonjá, who was later recognized by Verger as
his spiritual mother—gave him a red and white beaded necklace, the col-
ors of the orixá [deity] Xangô. With this gesture, she symbolically opened
Verger’s path into Orisha religion. As Verger himself put it, a er his arrival
in the Bight of Benin, the necklace became a “passport,” immediately iden-
tifying him as a devotee of Xangô. Hence, it is not surprising that some
Araújo 117
months a er his arrival Verger was initiated into the cult of Shango in the
Dahomean towns of Ifahin and Sakete. ese events, which became leg-
endary in the oral tradition of Bahian Candomblé, symbolically marked the
beginning of an idealized and self-designated role as “messenger” between
Africans and their descendants on either side of the Atlantic.
During his stay in Dahomey between 1949 and 1950, Verger investigated
the origin of the deities brought from the Bight of Benin to Brazil, in par-
ticular the relations between the voduns of the Casa das Minas temple in
Maranhão and those of the royal family of Abomey. Upon his return from
West Africa in April 1950, Verger brought to Brazil not only research notes
and objects used in Vodun and Orisha ceremonies, but also hundreds of
photographs showing Fon and Yoruba religious practices.  e emphasis on
this dialogue between Brazil and the Bight of Benin is also visible in a se-
ries of photographs by Verger, which illustrated a series of  ve articles titled
Acontece que são baianos” signed by Gilberto Freyre and published in the
magazine O Cruzeiro in 1951.  e various pictures, showing Catholic fes-
tivals and the architecture developed by the Aguda community in Benin
and Nigeria are accompanied by Freyre’s text, which was largely based on
Verger’s research notes.
Also in the 1950s, during a visit to the city of Oshogbo, capital of the
Yoruba territory of Ilesa, in modern Nigeria, Verger delivered a letter in Yo-
ruba from a Bahian Candomblé priest, Eduardo Mangabeira, to the Ataoya
[king]. Known as Eduardo Ijexá, this priest belonged to a group of prov-
enance or “nation” known in Bahia as “Ijexá,” a term derived from Yoruba
to designate people from the Kingdom of Ilesa. is series of exchanges,
carefully planned in advance by Verger, are eternalized in a picture taken
by Verger of Eduardo Ijexá, posing in front of several framed portraits of
the Ilesa royal family and a map of Ilesa. In return, the king gave Verger
several copper bracelets and “genuine pebbles of river of the river Oshun” as
gi s for Bahian Candomblé priests.
In 1952 Verger paid a visit to the Ala n [king] of Oyo, giving him a black
and white photograph of Mãe Senhora, probably taken by him. Verge r told
him she was a  h generation descendant of one “Iyanaso,” a title conferred
to the priestess who is in charge of the cult of Shango in the royal palace of
Oyo. In response, the Ala n asked Verger to take a picture of the woman
who carried the title “Iyanaso” at the time. en the Ala n gave Verger
several ritual objects associated with the cult of Shango as gi s to Mãe Se-
nhora, in addition to a letter addressed to her in which he referred to her
several times as “Iyanaso of the Shango worshippers in Brazil,” a title she
proudly assumed from then onward. Some months later, in 1953, during a
stay in Ketu, Verger was initiated as an Ifa diviner (babalawo) and received
the name “Fatumbi” (“he who is reborn in Ifa”).
118 Luso-Brazilian Review 50:1
Verger’s role in promoting the connections between Bahia and the re-
gion of the Bight of Benin was not limited to transmitting messages and
exchanging letters and gi s. During a stay in Gorée Island from December
1953 to June 1955, he developed relations with important Dahomean authori-
ties associated with IFAN. Among them were several distinguished mem-
bers of the Aguda community, descendants of Luso-Brazilians slave return-
ees and slave merchants, who since the beginning of the French rule had
been very close to the colonial administration, playing the role of interme-
diaries or collaborators. With their support, Verger obtained his third grant
from IFAN, which allowed him to travel to Dahomey and Nigeria in July
1955. Back in Bahia, over the next two years, he conducted research on the
slave trade between the Bight of Benin and Bahia, especially at the Arquivo
Público do Estado da Bahia and the Biblioteca Pública do Estado da Bahia.
In 1958 a six-month grant awarded by the High Commissary of French West
Africa allowed Verger to travel again to Dahomey and Nigeria.
Verger’s idea of himself as a “messenger” was not always well received by
other anthropologists. Melville Herskovits, who kept a correspondence with
him in the late 1940s and early 1950s, criticized this aspect of Verger’s work,
arguing that by reestablishing the lost connections between both sides of the
Atlantic he had destroyed the “natural laboratory” of Bahia. Decades later,
in the 1980s, Juana Elbein dos Santos also criticized Verger—in response to
his negative review of her book Os Nagôs e a Morte—not because of his role
of “messenger” but because according to her he perpetuated a colonial point
of view, by limiting himself to describing and photographing the popula-
tions he studied.
Verger’s descriptive approach, criticized by some scholars, not only con-
veyed his particular point of view but also his work as messenger. From this
perspective, he not only showed visible similar elements between Bahia and
the Bight of Benin, but he also helped to make to construct and make these
elements clearly visible in the pictures he took on both sides of the Atlantic.
Indeed, various of his sets of photographs showing Candomblé ceremonies
in Brazil and Vodun ceremonies in Dahomey, as well as pictures represent-
ing Afro-Brazilian traditions, were actually staged. In Flux and Re ux, for
instance, there are two strikingly similar pictures titled “Vendeuse d’acarajé
à Bahia, Brésil” (Acarajé Woman Street Vendor, Bahia, Brazil) and “Ven-
deuse d’akara à Ouidah, Dahomey” (Akara Woman Street Vendor, Oui-
dah, Dahomey), which were published in Flux et Re ux and its Portuguese
translation.  e rst picture portrays a woman street vendor preparing frit-
ters named acará in Ouidah, whereas the second picture depicts another
woman in Salvador (Bahia), preparing acarajé, a fritter made from black-
eyed peas ( gure 3 and  gure 4). In showing the two women seated in an
almost identical position, Verger made a clear choice in order to emphasize
Araújo 119
Figure 3 Akara woman street vendor, Ouidah, Dahomey, present-day Republic of Benin.
Photograph by Pierre Verger, n/d. Used by permission of the Pierre Verger Foundation.
how Yoruba culinary traditions survived the Middle Passage. He employed
a similar strategy in other pictures, including those of the enthronement of
Alaketu [King] Adwori, taken in Ketu, and that of Mãe Senhora taken in
Salvador. Other pictures comparing ways of dress, domestic architecture,
and religious ceremonies in Bahia and in the Bight Benin also take a similar
approach. Verger’s photographs helped to eternalize the way black Bahians
imagined their “relatives” in the Bight of Benin and vice-versa. Today, these
groups tend to perceive these images as evidence of the survival of their
reciprocal cultural and religious traits on both sides of the Atlantic. From
this perspective, Verger’s vast photographic work and his actions promoting
contacts among the peoples of the Bight of Benin and Bahia also contributed
to preserving, and in some cases transforming, the self-image of these indi-
viduals and groups.
120 Luso-Brazilian Review 50:1
Verger o en insisted that his activities were not based on any scienti c
method and that he did not use questions in collecting information. How-
ever, since his early  eldwork on both sides of the Atlantic, he never posi-
tioned himself as a neutral observer, but rather was one of the few scholars
to develop participant observation. As Jérôme Souty explained “the pho-
tography is a means to facilitate human contact.  e pictures are shown,
exchanged, shared, and they allow connections to be developed.” Such a
practice was not necessarily new and was employed by European travelers
and artists with various native populations around the globe, during the
nineteenth century, before the invention of photography and before anthro-
pology emerged as an academic discipline. However, Verger was a pioneer
Figure 4 Acarajé woman street vendor, Rio Vermelho, Salvador (Bahia, Brazil). Photo-
graph by Pierre Verger 1947. Used by permission of the Pierre Verger Foundation.
Araújo 121
in using these images to reestablish or create connections between both
sides of the Atlantic. For Verger the camera was not only a means of seduc-
ing his informants but also to mediate his relations with his informants, by
establishing a distance between him, in his role of observer, and the models
he photographed. By exchanging pictures and research notes, he subverted
the hierarchical relation between ethnographer-informant, establishing in-
stead what George E. Marcus has de ned as a collaborative relation.
Following the trail blazed by Fernand Braudel in his study of a Medi-
terranean as a system, Verger also greatly contributed to the study of the
Portuguese and Brazilian slave trade and helped to build the history of the
South Atlantic. A er a meeting in Paris in 1959, Braudel encouraged Verger
to write a doctoral dissertation for further publication, a condition which
would allow him to get  nancial support from the 6th section of the École
Pratique des Hautes Études (modern-day École des Hautes Études en Sci-
ences Sociales).
In 1962, at the age of sixty, Verger became a research associate of the
French National Council of Scienti c Research (CNRS, Conseil National
de Recherche Scienti que). In 1966 he defended at the Universi de Paris
his third cycle doctoral dissertation supervised by Paul Mercier (1922–1976).
e 1440-page manuscript, based on his research carried out in archives all
over the Atlantic, was at the basis of his major history book Flux et re ux.
In 1967, Verger was nominated a senior researcher and in 1972 he became
research director of CNRS. However, at the age of seventy-two he was never
able to take real advantage of these academic positions. In a letter to Denis
Dohou, Director of the Ouidah Museum of History of September 12, 1973, he
gave his title as Pierre Verger, ex-research director of the CNRS, ex-member
of the École Française d’Afrique, ex-research associate of the IRAD (Institut
de Recherches Appliquées du Dahomey), ex-research associate of the Afri-
can Institute of the University of Ibadan and a little bit babalawo, under the
name of Fatumbi.”
“I Hope You Will Come Back to Dahomey Soon”
When I conducted  eldwork in Benin in 2005, various informants, schol-
ars, and other contacts from Ouidah, Porto-Novo, Abomey, and Cotonou
proudly told me they had collaborated with Verger.  eir statements led me
to think that they were trying to assert the reliability of the information they
were providing me with by claiming past experience as informants or col-
laborators. Later in Bahia, however, in examining more than forty years of
Verger’s correspondence and research papers, I identi ed numerous Luso-
Brazilian names of Aguda families by then very familiar to me from my
time in Benin. In the letters, it was evident that these informants perceived
122 Luso-Brazilian Review 50:1
their contact with Verger as a relationship of collaboration. Although they
o en made requests for  nancial assistance, jobs, books, and research ad-
vice, as well as for information about their ancestors who came or returned
from Brazil to the Bight of Benin, the correspondence reveals a certain sense
of intimacy with Verger and gives the sense of longstanding relationships
of mutual respect. What does the correspondence between Verger and his
Aguda informants reveal about their relations? What particular elements
did characterize the relationships developed by Verger on both sides of the
Atlantic Ocean?
Before examining Verger’s relations with Aguda informants, it is im-
portant to explain why this particular group was crucial for his work.  e
Aguda, who represent 5–10 percent of Benin’s current population, are the
descendants of former slave returnees, descendants of Brazilian and Por-
tuguese slave merchants, as well as the descendants of slaves kept by these
two groups, who were later assimilated by them.  ese descendants, today
found in Benin, Nigeria, Togo, and even in Ghana, still carry the Portuguese
last names of their old Brazilian masters, and maintain customs inherited
from the period their ancestors lived in Brazil. Most Aguda are said to be
Catholic, but as among the former slave returnees there were also Muslims
as well as Vodun and Orisha followers, today several of them still practice
these religions. Moreover, they had various ethnic backgrounds and sev-
eral native languages, especially Yoruba or one Gbe-language.
Despite these distinctions, returnees shared a common past, marked by
their enslavement and experiences in Brazil. Unlike the local population
who remained on African soil, they had been baptized, carried Portuguese
names such as Silva, Reis, Assunção, Almeida, Santos, Cruz, Paraíso, Oli-
veira, and Souza, dressed in European fashion, and had so-called white
manners. Until the early twentieth century, the Aguda o en chose to marry
within their community, in order to preserve its cohesion.  e members
of the community who were former slaves brought from Brazil a particu-
lar cuisine, including dishes such as feijoada (beans and several kinds of
pork, similar to the French cassoulet), cozido (boiled meat and vegetables),
and acará (fritters made with black-eyed peas).  e Aguda community also
marked its presence in the public space through the development of a do-
mestic architecture inspired by Luso-Brazilian colonial style.
Once settled in the Bight of Benin, the Aguda attempted to continue
following the model of the Luso-Brazilian slave society, not only because
they preserved Luso-Brazilian customs and culture, but also because several
returnees became slave merchants, therefore playing a crucial role in the
illegal slave trade between Brazil and the Bight of Benin. As Manuela Car-
neiro da Cunha pointed out, by 1850 several returnees were actively involved
in the slave trade at Ouidah, Agoué, and Porto-Novo. In addition, because
Araújo 123
the returnees also associated themselves with the families of Luso-Brazilian
slave merchants, Dahomey’s and Benin’s population perceived the Aguda as
an elite group. Being an Aguda meant belonging to a modern bourgeoisie
because of their di erent manners and because most of them were literate
and more educated than the local population. As for many inhabitants of
the Bight of Benin, their Westernization was seen as assimilation and de-
nial of their African origins, this apparent “superiority” was not always well
In 1892, the kingdoms of Dahomey and Porto-Novo were conquered and
became part of the French colony of Dahomey. With the end of the Atlantic
slave trade the prosperity in the Aguda community.  e Aguda, perceived
the European presence as advantageous and were able to forge a new place
in the colonial society. While many of their descendants continued to per-
form the same trades as their ancestors in Brazil (carpenters, tailors, bar-
bers, masons, etc.), others obtained administrative positions as clerks, inter-
preters, and traders, thus consolidating their privileged place in the colonial
society.  e pages of the Journal o ciel de la colonie du Dahomey not only
identify the names of several members of the Aguda community who held
administrative positions during the colonial period but also thus reveal the
extent to which they endorsed the colonial regime. Although a er the in-
dependence of Dahomey in 1960, the Aguda lost their hegemonic in uence,
still today they are perceived as an elite group in the Bight of Benin.
Verger’s contact with the Aguda dates back to his  rst trip to Dahomey in
1936, before he had started his research on the Atlantic slave trade. Verger’s
rst contacts with these informants were probably facilitated by their privi-
leged social position and close connections with the French colonial admin-
istration. Aguda families were (and still are) proud of their Brazilian ances-
try and as an elite group they preserved the material heritage inherited from
their ancestors. As the most prominent members of these families were lit-
erate, and prosperous enough to travel to Europe and other overseas desti-
nations, it is not surprising that they were able to maintain and strengthen
their ties to Verger via mail correspondence.
During his  rst trip to Dahomey Verger met several members of the de
Souza family, descendants of the Brazilian slave merchant Francisco Félix
de Souza (1754–1849). By 1800 de Souza had settled in Little Popo (today
Aneho) as a slave merchant and by 1805 several records identify him as the
clerk of the Portuguese fortress São João Batista da Ajuda in Ouidah. Oral
tradition shows that a er a con ict with King Adandozan (r. 1797–1818) over
the slave trade, de Souza was imprisoned. With the help of Prince Gakpe
(Adandozan’s half brother), de Souza escaped from jail and settled in Little
Popo, from where he supported Gapke in an 1818 coup d’état overthrow-
ing Adandozan. Gapke took power under the name of Gezo (r. 1818–1858),
124 Luso-Brazilian Review 50:1
making de Souza his main commercial agent, and bestowing upon him the
honori c title of “Chacha,” associated with his nickname. De Souza became
a prominent  gure in the history of Dahomey, not only because he was one
of the wealthiest slave merchants of the region but also because of his fruit-
ful partnership with Gezo. In 1835, numerous former slaves returned to the
Bight of Benin following a slave uprising in Bahia known as the Malê Rebel-
lion, and de Souza, strongly supported the returnees who settled in Ouidah,
especially in the Brazil Quarter. A central  gure of the history of the region,
de Souza is still today perceived as the founder of the Aguda community.
Like other wealthy families of Luso-Brazilian background, the de Souzas
still possess material heritage le to them by their ancestor. In 1936 Verger
took numerous photographs of their buildings, photographs, painted por-
traits, furniture, and various other kinds of artifacts, thus becoming the
rst scholar to document the family history. One of these pictures ( g-
ure 2), taken in Ouidah in 1936, shows Roberto Norberto Francisco de Souza
(1879–1956), a member of the family and the sixth Chacha, posing in the fam-
ily cemetery with two oil on canvas portraits: a small portrait representing
Francisco Félix de Souza, the  rst Chacha, and a larger portrait depicting
Francisco Félix de Souza (1858–1880) alias “Chicou,” the third Chacha. Later,
when Verger was researching his doctoral dissertation, eventually published
as Flux et Re ux, the de Souzas provided him with information about their
family genealogy and historical involvement in the Atlantic slave trade, and
the pictures of these portraits were published in the book. However, in the
years that followed the deaths of the older members of the family, Verger’s
work came to be an important source of family history for the de Souzas
In the 1950s, Verger came into conta ct w ith Ambrois e Doss ou-Yovo, he ad
of the Dossou-Yovo family from Ouidah, which had longstanding ties to the
de Souza family. Ambroise became an important source of information for
Verger because his ancestor, Antônio Dossou-Yovo (1762–1887), had worked
for the English fort in Ouidah during the period of the Atlantic slave trade,
and according to oral tradition, he helped Francisco Félix de Souza to escape
from prison, later becoming his employee ( gure 1).
When King Gezo took power in 1818, he allegedly sent Antônio Dossou-
Yovo, along with another emissary, to Bahia with the mission of  nding and
redeeming Agontimé, the king’s mother who had been sold into slavery by
King Adandozan. Verger was the  rst scholar to sustain that Agontimé was
responsible for bringing the voduns of Abomey to Brazil, via a temple in the
Northeastern state of Maranhão known as the Casa das Minas. Ambroise
Dossou-Yovo became a close friend of Verger, also providing him with
important information to his work in tracing the voduns from Dahomey
brought to Maranhão. In one of his letters, Ambroise Dossou-Yovo illus-
Araújo 125
trated the reciprocal nature of his relationship with Verger, stating: “Your
[other] friends from here and I, we need pictures and you need the voduns.
Do not deprive us.” In another letter, Dossou-Yovo suggested that despite
being a Frenchman Verger respected his black informants, saying: “you le
[us] so many souvenirs, thanks to your goodwill regarding men of the black
race.” At the end of his letter, he not only requested that Verger give him
news and information but also showed interest in the latter’s research, ask
in wondering “in what direction are your studies now. Ethnological. Ask
questions as you need.”
Figure 2 Roberto Norberto Francisco de Souza (1879–1956), a member of the de Souza
family and the sixth Chacha in the family cemetery.  e oils with a portra it of Francisco
Félix de Souza, the  rst Chacha, and Francisco Félix de Souza (1858–1880) alias “Chi-
cou,” the third Chacha. Photograph by Pierre Verger, ca. 1936, Ouidah, present-day Re-
public of Benin. Used by permission of the Pierre Verger Foundation.
126 Luso-Brazilian Review 50:1
In 1959, prior to the publication of Flux et Re ux, Verger sent a letter
to a member of the de Souza family named Roger de Souza, identi ed as a
teacher and resident of Ouidah. In this letter, Verger informed him of docu-
ments he had located in Bahian archives about Francisco Félix de Souza.
Verger referred to several documents from 1805 signed by “Francisco Feliz
de Souza, Escrivão da Fortaleza de São João Baptista de Ajuda,”—the  rst
documentation establishing that de Souza had been a clerk in the Portu-
guese fort in Ouidah. Verger went on to cite a document written in Portu-
guese dated April 1821 authorizing de Souza to travel to Bahia:
Figure 1 A member of Antônio Dossou-Yovo family and his children in front of his
home in Ouidah, modern Republic of Benin. Although it is possible to presume that
the man portrayed in this picture is Ambroise Dosso-Yovo, it was not possible to clearly
determine his identity. Photograph by Pierre Verger, ca. 1952, Ouidah Benin. Used by
permission of the Pierre Verger Foundation.
Araújo 127
Sua Magestade, El Rey Nosso Senhor, Attendendo a Supplica que fez subir
a sua Real Presença, Francisco Feliz de Souza, que por muitos annos tem
servido com prestimo e zeal na Forteleza de S. João Baptista de Ajuda na
Costa da Mina, Foi Servido permitir lhe a licença para se recolher a essa
Cidade da Bahia, trazendo consigo aquella parte de seus escravos que se
julgarem proprios de seu pessoal serviço.
Palacio do Rio de Janeiro, em 9 de Abril de 1821
rmado, Joaquim Joze Monteiro Torres
à/Sres. da Junta Provisória do Governo da Provincio da Bahia.
is document transcribed by Verger con rms that de Souza received per-
mission from the Portuguese Crown to travel to Brazil. However, he never
did so, very probably because Gezo refused to allow him to leave the king-
dom. Verger ended the letter by saying that he would let Roger know if he
found additional information about de Souzas.
Verger also exchanged letters with other de Souzas, including João Eu-
gène de Souza (Ouidah), Joseph de Souza (Ouidah), and Germain de Souza
(Porto-Novo). In a letter of January 12, 1972, Germain de Souza, a high school
Philosophy teacher at Lycée Béhanzin, asked Verger to provide him with
Francisco Félix de Souza’s parents’ names, along with a copy of his birth
certi cate. Verger answered this letter on February 1, 1972, explaining that
this was quite di cult because “it would be necessary to consult the baptism
records of various parishes of the city and the surrounding areas during the
months that followed the date of his birth. In a letter of January 28, 1973,
Verger thanked Germain de Souza for sending him his state doctoral disser-
tation proposal about Francisco Félix de Souza and gave him some research
advice, including the suggestion that he not refer to de Souza as the viceroy
of Ouidah, because this position was  lled by a local individual, known as
the yovogan or “chief of the whites. Verger added that he could provide
some printed sources about de Souza, but also called Germain’s attention to
the importance of collecting oral traditions from the elderly women in the
In 1991 Verger also provided advice to Simone de Souza (born Francine),
a local historian married to a member of the de Souza family who compiled
a large amount of data about the family in a book published in 1992. In her
letters, Simone de Souza asked Verger about the meaning of some words
borrowed f rom Portuguese like “va rangue” (varanda), or balcony, and about
the various Catholic festivals brought from Brazil by the Aguda. Despite
the value of the genealogical research developed by Simone de Souza—the
information about Francisco Félix de Souza presented in her book is not
always ac curate a nd very o en based on an idealized image of the de Souzas’
ancestor—her letters reveal that she constructed de Souza’s biography es-
sentially based on Verger’s work. In addition, despite having collected
128 Luso-Brazilian Review 50:1
numerous birth and death records in the parishes of Agoué, Ouidah, and
Grand-Popo, their mail correspondence shows that she largely relied on
baptism records from the Portuguese fort that Verger had located and com-
piled, sending them to Father Villaça, the Catholic priest of Ouidah’s cathe-
dral, another important Aguda informant and close friend with whom he
exchanged frequent letters.
Verger also kept close connections with several other Aguda families
who descended from former enslaved men and women who returned to the
Bight of Benin a er 1835.  e ancestor of the Almeida family, for instance,
was an enslaved man whose African name was Gbego Sokpa, Zoki Azata or
Zoki Kata from Hoko in the Mahi country (north of Abomey) who was sent
into slavery in Bahia in the early nineteenth century, where he was baptized
Joaquim (?–1857). His owner was a Brazilian slave merchant named Manoel
Joaquim de Almeida (1791–1854), and a er earning his freedom, Joaquim
took on his former master’s surname, later returning to the Bight of Be-
nin and settling in the coastal city of Agoué. He became a very prosperous
slave merchant and continued traveling back and forth between Brazil, the
Bight of Benin, and West Central African slave ports. His will, opened in
July 1857 in Salvador (Bahia), shows he was a prosperous man who owned
houses and dozens of enslaved men and women. Verger took a photograph
of d’Almeida’s tomb in Agoué, which was published in the French edition of
Flux et Re ux and translated editions of the book.
Verger exchanged information with the Almeidas about their ancestor’s
life. In a letter of August 10, 1984, César Camille d’Almeida informed Verger
that his daughter Céléstine was traveling to Bahia, where she was going to
conduct research for a third cycle doctoral dissertation. He explained that
his daughter wanted to take advantage of the occasion to visit the small
one-story house which had belonged to her great-grandfather Joaquim
d’Almeida. is letter mentions the exact words employed in d’Almeida’s
will to describe the small house “located at Rua dos Ossos in the Freguezia
de Santo Antônio Além [do] Carmo, which borders on one side with the
house of Dona Ursula de tal Ferraz and the other side with the yard of a
house belonging to Maria da Conceição.” It is likely that Verger had given
the family a copy of the will whose the complete transcription appears in his
book Os libertos. Verger was in Paris when Celeste d’Almeida visited Bahia
and so he did not meet her, but in his response to a letter he received from
her, he mentioned having known several members of her family and also
having consulted her ancestor’s will. He also answered César d’Almeida’s
letter by indicating that he would be glad to visit him during his next trip
to Benin.
Verger also developed close relations with the descendants of a slave
returnee called Bambero Paraíso, whose life story has been the object of
Araújo 129
debate among scholars of the slave trade between Brazil and the Bight of Be-
nin.  rough the relationships that Verger developed with other members
of the Paraíso family, including François Paraíso and Louis-Émile Paraíso,
Verger was able to reconcile the various oral traditions with the written re-
cords, thus clarifying the life trajectory of their ancestor. According to some
members of the family and to the oral traditions collected by Paul Marty
in 1920, Bambero was a prince of the Kingdom of Oyo, who a er being
sold into slavery was sent Bahia. To other members of the family, like the
prominent and prosperous businessman Urbain-Karim Elísio da Silva from
Porto-Novo, once in Bahia, Bambero was “the brain” of the Males upris-
ing, the most important slave rebellion, which took place in Brazil in 1835.
However, this version was not consensual among the members of the family,
and, very probably, Bambero returned to the Bight of Benin at least  een
years a er the rebellion. In a letter dated October 13, 1971, the great grandson
of Bambero Paraíso, a public prosecutor in the Dahomey Appeal Court who
lived in Cotonou (whose  rst name is not provided), told Verger one version
of the oral tradition on Bambero’s origins:
Do you know that my great-grandfather le [for Africa] from Bahia? He
was led by a slave trader following a state con ict that deposed his father
of whom he was the only son, and because the conspirators could not spill
royal blood, le mayor of the Palace ordered to put him in a bag (he was still
a child) and to drown him in the river. Fortunately, a slave merchant who
was passing there sent the people away and took the boy, who he brought
with him to Brazil. My great grandfather was called Bami bi ero (“give me
prosperity”) because his father (very old), who was animist and converted
to Catholicism, baptized José alias Pequino and learned the profession of
is version, like others in the oral tradition, emphasizes Bambero’s noble
origins. However, while recognizing that his ancestor was captured because
of political con icts, this account portrays enslavement as a mechanism for
salvation from death, with the slave merchant becoming a hero of sorts. In
addition, Paraíso states that the name “Bambero” derives from a Yoruba
praise-name (“Bami bi ero”). Probably not knowing Portuguese, he did not
establish a relation between the nickname and the profession of “barber”
(barbeiro) he exerted in Brazil while enslaved. In this same letter, Paraíso
also explains that the date his great grandfather returned to the Bight of
Benin was uncertain because he also became a “merchant of bois d’ébène
[i.e. slaves] and other spices and frequently traveled between Ouidah, Bahia
and London.
rough his research Verger corroborated information collected by Paul
Marty in 1920, and did not question Paraíso’s Oyo origins. In addition, he
130 Luso-Brazilian Review 50:1
con rmed that Bambero was sent to Bahia. ere he was converted to Islam
and received the name Abubakar, and became a barber-dentist, a popular
profession among African enslaved men from the Bight of Benin who were
sent to Brazil.Actually in cities like R io de Janeiro, the métier of barber was
associated w ith the professions of surgeon, bleeder, a nd dentist, bec ause these
professionals performed healing activities such as bloodletting, by employ-
ing medicinal leeches and suction cups. In fact, by 1850 Bambero may have
been bought by the Bahian slave merchant Domingos José Martins (alias
“Dominguinhos da Costa”) and brought to the region Porto-Novo. When
Martins died in 1864, the king of Porto-Novo, Dé Sodji, inherited Bambero
and his son. According to an account found in the archives of the Society of
African Missions in Rome and transcribed by Verger, Bambero continued
to exert his profession of barber as late as 1874: “He has called a Creole of
Porto Novo, named Ricardo, who applied some medicinal leeches near his
ears. I mentioned him bloodletting; I thought of, he told me, I would send
someone to look for Paraíso, a barber from Brazil. One hour later . . . Paraíso
arrived and bled him with great skill.”
Like other former slave returnees, José Bambero Paraíso or José Abu-
bakar Paraíso (his Muslim name) became an important  gure of the Aguda
community, especially among the Muslims of Porto-Novo, a position that
his descendants were able to maintain while keeping their ties with Catholi-
cism. In his book Os libertos, Verger tells the story of Louis-Émile Paraíso,
a descendant of Bambero and director of the Beninese Society of Electric-
ity and Water. During an o cial trip to Brazil, Louis-Émile paid a visit to
Bahian Candomblé temple Ilê Opó Afonjá where he participated in a cer-
emony honoring the orixá Xangô. According to Verger, Louis-Émile was
so impressed by the ceremony that in his return to Benin, he traveled to
the old capital of Oyo, where he met the Ala n.  ere, a er reciting some
family praise-names, the Ala n explained to him who his ancestor was
and that his African name was Agboluade. Although it is hard to con rm
Bambero’s precise origins, when Verger encouraged the Paraísos of Benin
to develop connections with Bahia—just as he did by promoting exchanges
between the leaders of the Candomblé temple Ilê Opó Afonjá and Ketu’s
royal family—he engaged himself in a process of healing, mixing his roles
of historian and ethnographer with the role of babalawo, which he also be-
came during his long South Atlantic journey.
In the 1960s, the end of the colonial rule in West Africa led the Brazil-
ian government to support a dialogue with the newly-formed African na-
tions, in order “to produce demonstrations of Brazil’s racial democracy.
In this context, Verger encouraged the members of the Aguda community
with whom he was in contact to travel to Brazil, one of whom was his infor-
mant Romana da Conceão. Descended from enslaved Africans, Romana
Araújo 131
was born in Recife and in 1899, as a young girl, she traveled to Lagos (Nige-
ria) with her family. A er an invitation from the Brazilian government, she
went to Brazil for a three-month o cial visit.
During the 1960s, when the newly created CEAO (Centro de Estudos
Afro-Orientais) of the Universidade Federal da Bahia promoted the ties
among Brazil, Nigeria, and Benin, Verger was a crucial actor who helped
to materialize these exchanges. Brazilian scholars who traveled or lived in
Benin and Nigeria included Vivaldo da Costa Lima (1925–2010) and Júlio
Santana Braga. In addition, diplomatic o cials traveled to the new inde-
pendent Nigeria. Among them, the Brazilian writer Antônio Olinto (1919–
2009), who was nominated cultural attaché in Lagos in 1962, where he lived
with his wife Zora Seljan for several years. rough his experience in West
Africa he not only encouraged the reciprocal exchanges between Brazil and
Nigeria, but also wrote a monograph and a trilogy of novels focusing on the
Aguda presence in the Bight of Benin. Between the 1960s and the 1980s,
Verger brought several Brazilian Candomblé priests to Benin and Nige-
ria. Among them were Deoscóredes Maximiliano dos Santos (alias Mestre
Didi), Mãe Senhora’s son; Balbino Daniel de Paula (alias Pai Balbino); and
Maria Stel la de A zevedo Santos (Mãe Stella de Oxossi). Verger’s support also
encouraged Beninese Vodun priests to visit Bahia. In 1988 Daagbo Agbessin
Hounon Houna (1916–2004), the Supreme Chief of the Vodun in Ouidah
traveled to Bahia, where he visited several Candomblé temples. During the
preparations for the Vodun festival Ouidah 92 (held in February 1993) in
Beni n, Daagbo Hounon Hou na sent an o cial letter to Verger ask ing him to
choose the Brazilian Candomblé priests who should be invited to attend the
festival. Over the years, other artists, entrepreneurs, and scholars who were
part of Verger’s circle of friends, including Carybé (1911–1997), Tasso Gadza-
nis, Sérgio Ferretti, and Gilberto Gil paid visits to Benin and Nigeria.
Despite the numerous political and economic changes that a ected Bra-
zil and Benin between the end of the 1930s and the early 1990s, Verger was
able to take advantage of his relations with di erent government authorities
and other prominent personalities. His letters rarely contain any comments
on the important political events that took place during this long period
on both sides of the Atlantic. Such approach allowed him to continue his
research between Brazil and the Bight of Benin even though during almost
y years of  eldwork, he witnessed World War II, the end of French colo-
nial rule in Benin and Nigeria (1960), and two long military dictatorships,
one in Brazil (1964–1985) and another in Benin (1972–1991), followed by the
redemocratization of the two countries. Although Verger had a privileged
position to conduct  eldwork in Dahomey during the French rule, he con-
tinued to travel to the new Popular Republic of Benin under the Marxist-
Leninist military dictatorship led by Mathieu Kérékou, despite the new re-
132 Luso-Brazilian Review 50:1
gime’s prohibition of public Vodun ceremonies.From the end of the 1980s
until his death he continued to be a strong supporter of the exchanges be-
tween Brazil and Benin, in particular between Ouidah and Salvador. Verger
also played an important role in the organization of the Vodun festival
Ouidah 92,” held in Benin in 1993 to mark the new religious freedom estab-
lished in the country by Nicéphore Soglo’s new democratic government.
Since his  rst visit to Dahomey in the 1930s until the end of his life, Verger
kept continuous and close relations with his informants in the Bight of Be-
nin. In the numerous letters that Verger received from the members of the
Aguda community, the senders expressed a desire to visit Brazil, always ask-
ing when he would return to Dahomey (Benin), or if they would be able to
meet elsewhere in Brazil or France, con rming how much they estimated
him.  e study of his correspondence with his Aguda informants does not
corroborate his legendary image as a solitary scholar who merely observed
instead of asking questions. Unlike the methods of participant-observation
and use of photography, written correspondence established a di erent dy-
namics, in which Verger not only asked and answered questions but also
provided his informants with information regarding names, dates, and doc-
uments they were looking for.
Verger’s correspondence with the members of the Aguda community
also give us clues about the role played by his informants in the develop-
ment of his research interests. Among the Aguda community, Verger’s posi-
tion as an elite white male contributed to the development of collaborative
relations, because most of them occupied important o cial positions in the
French colonial administration. Although French colonial rule in West Af-
rica provided Verger with a favorable context for conducting his  eldwork,
he continued promoting the exchanges between Bahia and the Bight of Be-
nin a er the independences of Benin and Nigeria. In fact, in the 1960s, he
became an essential actor who joined the new interests of Brazilian gov-
ernment by becoming a strong supporter in developing relations with the
young African nations.
Verger’s correspondence shows that the long-lasting relations he devel-
oped with his informants were based on a genuine interest in reconstitut-
ing the broken connections between the two sides of the South Atlantic,
even though these relations were also constructed, imagined, and ideal-
ized, and sometimes based on an essentialist vision of Africa. At the same
time, by overemphasizing the ties between the Bight of Benin and Bahia,
Verger dismissed the connections between Bahia and other South Atlantic
regions, including Benguela and Luanda. His almost obsessive interest in
Araújo 133
collecting information on the migrations between West Africa and Brazil
strongly contributed to opening new avenues for further research about the
economic, cultural, religious, and social exchanges in the region.
Despite his social and economic position and the questions raised by
his interventions in the so-called natural laboratory for the ethnographic
study of the peoples of Dahomey and Bahia, Verger showed a tireless zeal
for maintaining contact with his informants. Ironically, as a consequence
of these particular relations, a er settling in Bahia, he inverted his position
of mere mediatoror as some critics alleged,white French colonizer in
search of information for his studies and models for his pictures—to be-
come a crucial informant for the descendants of Africans in the Bahia and
for the descendants of Brazilians in Benin.
1. Acknowledgements: I am indebted to the sta of Pierre Verger Foundation, in
particular to Angela Lühning, Alex Baradel, Laila Rosa, Luisa Vidal who opened
Verger’s personal archives and allowed me to consult his correspondence and other
documents related to his travels between Brazil and the Bight of Benin, in addition
to provide me with the permission to publish in this paper four photographs by
Verger. I am particularly grateful to Lisa Earl Castillo for carefully reading sev-
eral dra s of this paper and providing me with numerous comments and sugges-
tions. A preliminary version of this paper was presented in the African Studies
Annual Meeting (Washington DC) in 2011. At this occasion, Kristin Mann pro-
vided insightful comments that I attempted to incorporate in this  nal version. I
also thank the two anonymous reviewers for their useful suggestions and generous
comments.  is research was possible thanks to a generous New Faculty Start-Up
Grant (2008–2010) and a Summer Stipend (2011) provided by the Provost’s O ce of
Howard University. I am grateful to Dr. Joseph E. Reidy, Associate Provost, Mr. Ro-
hington Tengra, and Dr. Kathy McGraw for their precious assistance in obtaining
these funds.  e website of the Fundação Pierre Verger lists the important num-
ber of exhibitions of Verger’s work, especially in Brazil and France, http://www
2. Among the recent scholarly studies on Verger’s work are Angela Lühning,
“Pierre Fatumbi Verger e sua obra,” Afro-Ásia 21–22 (1998–1999): 315–364. Among
the few studies examining Verger’s written production, see Andrew Apter, “Notes
on Orisha Cults in the Ekiti Yoruba Highlands: A Tribute to Pierre Verger,Cahiers
d’études africaines 35, no. 138/139 (1995): 369–401; Peter F. Cohen, “Pierre Fatumbi
Verger as Social Scientist,Cahiers du Brésil Contemporain no. 38/39 (1999): 127–151;
and Jerôme Souty, Pierre Fatumbi Verger: du regard détaché à la connaissance ini-
tiatique (Paris: Maisonneuve & Larose, 2007).
134 Luso-Brazilian Review 50:1
3.  ere is a large bibliography on the Aguda community of Benin.  e most
recent and complete work written in Portuguese is Milton Guran, Agudás: os
“Brasileiros” do Benim (Rio de Janeiro: Editora Nova Fronteira, 1999). See also the
numerous works by Robin Law, including Robin Law, “ e Evolution of the Brazil-
ian Community in Ouidah,” Slavery & Abolition 22, no. 1 (2001): 3–21, and Robin
Law, Ouidah:  e Social History of a West African Slavin ‘Port’ 1727–1892 (Athens:
Ohio University Press, 2004). See also Ana Lucia Araujo, Public Memory of Slavery:
Victims and Perpetrators in the South Atlantic (Amherst, NY: Cambria Press, 2010),
chapters 3, 6, and 7.
4. Pierre Verger, Flux et re ux de la traite des nègres entre le golfe du Bénin et
Bahia de todos os santos du XVIIe au XIXe siècles (Paris: Mouton, 1968). English
and Portuguese translations of this book were also published: Pierre Verger, Tr ad e
Relations Between the Bight of Benin and Bahia from the 17th to 19th Centuries (Iba-
dan: Ibadan University Press, 1976), and Pierre Verger, Fluxo e re uxo do trá co de
escravos entre o Golfo de Bénin e a Bahia de Todos os Santos dos séculos XVII a XIX
(São Paulo, Corrupio, 1987); Pierre Verger, Os libertos: sete caminhos na liberdade de
escravos da Bahia (Salvador: Corrupio, 1992).
5.  is foundation, created by Verger in 1988, contains his personal archives, in-
cluding papers, books, 62,000  lm negatives,  lms, and videos, as well as his notes
taken during  eldwork and research in the archives, manuscripts, and correspon-
dence. See the headings “A Fundação” and “Histórico e Estatuto,” on FPV, http://
6. Jean-Pierre Le Bouler is a sociologist and curator of the Bibliothèque Natio-
nale de France who had previously published the correspondence between Verger
and the anthropologist Alfred Métraux (1902–1963).
7. Cida da Nóbrega and Regina Echeverria, Verger: Retrato em preto e branco
(São Paulo: Corrupio, 2002).
8. Souty, Pierre Fatumbi Verger.
9. Jean-Pierre Le Bouler, Pierre Fatumbi Verger: um homem livre (Salvador :
Fundação Pierre Verger, 2002), 89.
10. Among others this group included Claude Lévi-Strauss (1908–2009), Fer-
nand Braudel (1902–1985), and Pierre Monbeig (1908–1987).
11. See Le Bouler, Pierre Fatumbi Verger, 154–155. On Bastide and Verger, see also
Stefania Capone, “Roger Bastide or the Darkness of Alterity,” in Out of Study and
into the Field: Ethnographic  eory and Practice in French Anthropology, ed. Rob-
ert Parkin and Anne de Sales (New York: Berghan Books, 2010), 171–196.
12. Fernanda Arêas Peixoto, “Bastide e Verger entre “áfricas” e “brasis”: rotas en-
trelaçadas, imagens superpostas,” Revista IEB, no. 50 (2010): 48, and Pierre Verger,
As múltiplas at ividades de Roger Bastide na Á frica (1958),” in Ve rg er -B a st id e: di me n-
sões de uma amizade, ed. Angela Lühni ng (Rio de Janeiro: Bertrand Brasil, 2002), 39.
13. For a recent study on the presence of North American scholars in Bahia, see
Anadelia A. Romo, Brazil’s Living Museum: Race, Reform, and Tradition in Bahia
(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010), chapter 4, and Lorelle D.
Semley, Mother is Gold, Father is Glass: Gender and Colonialism in a Yoruba Town
(Bloomington and Indianopolis: Indiana University Press, 2010), 138.
Araújo 135
14. However, Verger only permitted some of these pictures to be published
years later, in the 1980s. See Lisa Earl Castillo and Luis Nicolau Parés, “ e Elusive
Boundaries of the Secret: Images of Afro-Brazilian Religion in the Photography of
Pierre Verger,” in O Brasil de Pierre Verger, ed. Alex Baradel (Salvador: Fundação
Pierre Verger, 2006).
15. A er 1966 the Institut Fondamental d’Afrique Noire replaced the Institut
Français d’Afrique Noire but the acronym remained the same.
16. See Pierre Verger, 50 anos de fotogra a (Salvador: Corrupio, 1982), 255 quoted
in Le Bouler, Pierre Fatumbi Verger, 197.
17.  e thunder deity known as Xangô in Brazil and Shango among the Yoruba,
is referred to as Heviosso by the Fon. On Verger’s initiation, see Cohen, “Pierre Fa-
tumbi Verger as Social Scientist,” 130. About Verger’s particular relation with Mãe
Senhora, see Semley, Mother is Gold, Father is Glass, 139.
18. See Stefania Capone, Searching for Africa in Brazil: Power and Tradition in
Candomblé (Durham: Duke University Press, 2010), chapter 7. His role of messen-
ger is central in the exhibition Pierre Verger: le messager. Photographie 1932–1962
organized by the Revue Noire in 1992 at the Musée d’arts d’Afrique et d’Océanie
in Paris, see the catalog Jean-Loup Pivin, Pascal Martin Saint-Lé on, and Charles-
Henri Favrod, ed. Pierre Verger: le messager. Photographies 1932–1962 (Paris: Re-
vue noire, 1993).  e idea of Verger as a messenger is also present in the docu-
mentary Pierre Verger: Mensageiro entre Dois Mundos (Pierre Verger: Messenger
Between Two Worlds) by Lula Buarque de Hollanda (Rio de Janeiro: Conspirão
Filmes, 2000).
19. See Pierre Verger, “Le culte des vodoun d’Abomey aurait-il été apporté à Sa int
Louis de Maranhão par la mère du roi Ghèzo?” Études Dahoméennes 8 (1952): 19–24,
and Pierre Verger, “Uma rainha africana mãe de santo em São Luís,” Revista da USP
(1990): 151–158.
20. See Gilberto Freyre and Pierre Verger, “Acontece que são baianos,” Revista
O Cruzeiro XXIII, nos 43, 44, 45, 46, and 47 (1951). About this series of articles see
Angela Lühning, Pierre Verger: repórter fotográ co (R io de Ja neiro: Bert rand Brasil,
2004), 21, and Paulina Alberto, “Para africano ver: African-Bahian Exchanges in
the Reivention of Brazil’s Racial Democracy, 1961–63,Luso-Brazilian Review 45,
no. 1 (2008): 99.
21. Exactly when this meeting occurred is unclear. See Pierre Verger, Orisha: les
Dieux Yoruba en Afrique et au Nouveau Monde (Paris: A.M. Métaillé, 1982), 30 qtd
in Le Bouler, Pierre Fatumbi Verger, 198–199.
22.  e term “nation” (mina, jeje, na gô, etc.) is o en employed as a synonym with
ethnic group. I prefer the termregion of provenance,” borrowed from Mariza de
Carvalho Soares, which is a broader category of identi cation that includes ethnic
groups as well. See Mariza de Carvalho Soares, Devotos da cor. Identidade étnica,
religiosidade e escravidão no Rio de Janeiro, século XVIII (Rio de Janeiro: Civiliza-
ção Brasileira, 2000), chap. 3 and Mariza de Carvalho Soares, “From Gbe to Yoruba:
Ethnic Change and the Mina Nation in Rio de Janeiro,” in e Yoruba Diaspora in
the Atlantic World, edited by Matt D. Childs and Toyin Falola (Bloomington: Indi-
ana University Press, 2004) n1, 243.
136 Luso-Brazilian Review 50:1
23. See FPV,, menus Amérique and Brésil, section
Bahia (Salvador), picture no. 27165. I am grateful to Lisa E. Castillo for calling my
attention to this picture.
24. Pauli na Alberto reproduces a let ter of 1950 sent by Verger to Herskovits descr ib-
ing these objects, see Paulina Alberto, Terms of Inclusion: Black Intellectuals in Twen-
tieth-Century Brazil (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2011), 225.
25. See Alberto, Terms of Inclusion, 226.
26. See J. Lorand Matory, Black Atlantic Religion: Tradition, Transnationalism,
and Matriarchy in the Afro-Brazilian Candomblé (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univer-
sity Press, 2005), 170.
27. Verger, 50 anos de fotogra a, 258, quoted in Le Bouler, Pierre Fatumbi
Verg e r, 199.
28. See Semley, Mother is Gold, Father is Glass, 146, and Alberto, Te rm s of Inc lu-
sion, 226.
29. See Cohen, “Pierre Fatumbi Verger as Social Scientist,” 130. On Verger’s ini-
tiation see also Milton Guran, “Notas de pesquisa sobre a iniciação e o trabalho
fotográ co de Pierre Fatumbi Verger no Benin,” Cadernos de Antropologia e Ima-
gem 7, no. 2 (1998): 105–114.
30. Angela Lühning, “Pierre Fatumbi Verger e sua obra,” Afro-Ásia 21–22 (1998–
1999): 124.
31. Juana Elbein dos Santos, “Pierre Verger e os resíduos coloniais: o outro frag-
mentado,” Religião e Sociedade, no. 8 (1982): 11–14. For Verger’s critical review of Os
Nagôs e a Morte (Petrópolis: Editora Vozes, 1975), see “Etnogra a religiosa iorubá e
probidade cientí ca,” Religião e Sociedade, no. 8 (1982): 141–243. On this episode, see
also Capone, Searching for Africa in Brazil, 201.
32. For João José Reis, Verger’s descriptive method was close to the positivist ap-
proach, “Verger historiador,Folha de São Paulo, São Paulo, February 18, 1996, 6.
33. Souty describes this approach as a comparative method through the use of
images. See Souty, Pierre Fatumbi Verger, 134.
34. See Semley, Mother is Gold, Father is Glass, 152.
35. See the interview with Pierre Verger in the documentary Pierre Verger: Men-
sageiro entre Dois Mundos, and Cohen, “Pierre Fatumbi Verger as Social Scientist,”
36. Author’s translation. Souty, Pierre Fatumbi Verger, 73.
37. Among the artists who used painting and drawings, as well as photography,
to establish relations with the local populations is another Frenchman François-
Auguste Biard (1799–1882) who went to Brazil in 1858. See Ana Lucia Araujo, Ro-
mantisme tropical: LAventure d’un peintre français au Brésil (Québec: Presses de
l’Université Laval, 2008), chapter 7.
38. George E. Marcus, “ e Uses of Complicity in the Changing Mise-en-Scè ne
of Anthropological Fieldwork,” Representations, no. 59 (1997): 91–93.
39. In 1975, the 6th section of the École Pratique des Hautes Études was trans-
formed into the present-day École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales.
40. Except otherwise indicated all translations are mine. FPV, Verger’s Research
Documents, Caixa “Dahomey,” Letter from Pierre Verger to Denis Dohou, typed,
September 12, 1973, 2.
Araújo 137
41. Milton Guran, Agudás: Os “Brasileiros” do Benim (Rio de Janeiro: Editora
Nova Fronteira 1999), 88.
42. Júlio Santana Braga, “Notas sobre o ‘Quartier Brésil’ no Daomé,” Afro-Ásia
(1968), 189; Guran, Agudás, 15; and Manuela Carneiro da Cunha, Negros, estrangei-
ros: os escravos libertos e sua volta à África (São Paulo: Brasiliense, 1985), 189.
43. See Alain Sinou, “La Valorisation du patrimoine architectural et urbain:
l’exemple de la ville de Ouidah au Bénin,” Cahiers des Sciences Humaines 29, no. 1
(1993), 36.
44. See Cunha, Negros,Estrangeiros, 109.
45. Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch, L’Afrique occidentale au temps des Français :
colonisateurs et colonisés (c.1860–1969) (Paris : La Découverte, 1992), 373.
46. Araujo, Public Memory of Slavery, 113.
47. Oral tradition retaken by historians, including Robin Law, sustain that de
Souza went to Abomey to claim an unpaid debt Adandozan owed to him, see Law,
Ouidah:  e Social History, 166. However, in a letter to the Portuguese Prince Re-
gent Dom João VI dated October 9, 1810, Adandozan explains that de Souza was
preventing slave ships from buying his captives. See Ana Lucia Araujo, “Dahomey,
Portugal, and Bahia: King Adandozan and the Atlantic Slave Trade,Slavery and
Abolition 3, no. 1 (2012): 1–19.
48. See photos nos. 7300, 7333, 7334, 7335, 7340, 7348 on the FPV website, http://, in the menu “Photo Library” and under the rubric “Ouidah,”
in the sections “Dahomey” and “Afrique.”
49. Verger took a picture of Dossou-Yovo’s tomb, which shows his date of birth
and death. See FPV, Photo Library, photo no. 7108. I am grateful to Angela Lühning,
Alex Baradel, and Roberta Rodrigues for giving me access to this picture. On the
story of Agontimé, see Ana Lucia Araujo, “History, Memory and Imagination: Na
Agontimé, a Dahomean Queen in Brazil,” in Beyond Tradition: African Women and
their Cultural Spaces, ed. Toyin Falola and Sati U. Fwatshak (Trenton, NJ: Africa
World Press, 2011), 45–68.
50. See Verger, “Le culte des vodoun d ’Abomey aurait-il été apporté à Saint Louis
de Maranhão par la mère du roi Ghèzo?”
51. In French : “Moi même et vos amis d’ici avons besoin de photo, vous des
Vodouns. Ne nous privez pas. FPV, CaixaDahomey, Letter from Ambroise
Dossou-Yovo to Pierre Verger, handwritten, December 1, 1952.
52. In French : “laissé tant de souvenirs, grace à votre bonne disposition pour les
hommes de race noire [. . .] Dites nous en quel sens sont actuellement lancées vos
études. Ethnologiques. Posez des questions au besoin.” FPV, Caixa “Dahomey,” Let-
ter from Ambroise Dossou-Yovo to Pierre Verger, typed, June 8, 1955.
53. FPV, Caixa “Dahomey,” Letter from Pierre Verger to Roger de Souza, typed,
March 5, 1959, 1.
54. FPV, Caixa “Dahomey,” Letter from Pierre Verger to Roger de Souza, typed,
March 5, 1959, 1.  is same passage of this document is quoted in Verger, Fluxo e
Re uxo, 492.
55. See Law, Ouidah:  e Social History, 166. Some authors considered the pos-
sibility that de Souza had legal problems preventing him to return to Brazil, but at
least in 1821 this was no longer true.
138 Luso-Brazilian Review 50:1
56. FPV, Caixa “Dahomey,” Letter from Germain de Souza to Pierre Verger,
handwritten, January 12, 1972, 1.
57. Author’s translation of: “il faudrait pouvoir consulter les livres de baptêmes
des diverses et nombreuses paroisses de la ville et celles de villes environantes pen-
dant les quelques mois qui ont suivi la date de sa naissance.” FPV, Caixa “Dahomey,”
Letter from Pierre Verger to Germain de Souza, typed, February 1, 1972, 1.
58. FPV, Caixa “Dahomey,” Letter from Pierre Verger to Germain de Souza,
typed, January 28, 1973, 1.
59. See Simone de Souza, La Famille de Souza, Benin-Togo (Cotonou: Éditions
du Bénin, 1992).
60. See FPV, Caixa “Dahomey,” Letter from Simone de Souza to Pierre Verger,
handwritten, April 28, 1991, 1 and FPV, Caixa “Dahomey,” Letter from Simone de
Souza to Pierre Verger, handwritten, June 18, 1991, 1.
61. In 1988 Verger sent Father Villaça the transcription of the baptism records
of the Portuguese fortress of Ouidah. Father Villaça acknowledged receipt of these
documents in a postcard sent to Verger, dated October 12, 1988.
62. See Arquivo Público do Estado da Bahia, Judiciário, Inventários, “Testa-
mento de Joaquim de Almeida,” Salvador, December 17, 1844, 3/228/1697/13, fol. 2
and FPV, Caixa “Dahomey,” Letter from César Camille dAlmeida to Pierre Verger,
typed, Agoué, August 10, 1984.
63. Verger, Os libertos.
64. FPV, Caixa “Dahomey,” Letter from Pierre Verger to Madame d’Almeida,
typed, August 18, 1984, 1.
65. FPV, Caixa “Dahomey,” Letter from Pierre Verger to César Camille
d’Almeida, typed, September 27, 1984, 1.
66. Paul Marty, Études sur l’Islam au Dahomey (Paris: Éditions Ernest Leroux,
1926), 51–52, 89–90.
67. Urbain-Karim da Silva is related to the Paraísos on his maternal side (his
mother’s last name was Paraíso). See Araujo, Public Memory of Slavery, 363. On the
claims that Bambero was the “brain” of the Malês rebellion see also João José Reis
and Milton Guran, “Urbain-Karim Elisio da Silva, um agudá descendente de negro
male,” Afro-Ásia 28 (2002): 77–96.
68. In French: “Savez-vous que mon arrière grand-père est parti de Bahia? Il y
avait été conduit par un négrier à la suite d’un con it d’État qui a détrôné son père
dont il était le  ls unique, comme les conspirateurs ne pouvaient pas répandre le
sang royal, le maire du Palais, l’avait fait enfermer dans un sac (il était encore en-
fant) pour aller le noyer au  euve. Par Bonheur, un marchand d’esclaves qui passait
par là a mis gens en f uite et a recueilli le gosse qu’il a emmené avec lui au Brésil. Mon
arrière grand-père qui s’appelait Bami bi ero (“donne-moi la prospérité”) car son
père (assez âgé) et qui était animiste a été converti au Catholicisme, baptize José dit
Pequino et apprit la profession de dentiste-barbier.” FPV, Caixa “Dahomey,” “Let-
ter from ( rst name illegible) Paraíso to Pierre Verger,” handwritten, October 13,
1971, 1–2.
69. FPV, Caixa Dahomey, “Letter from ( rst name illegible) Paraíso to Pierre
Verger,” handwritten, October 13, 1971, 3.
Araújo 139
70. See Jean-Baptiste Debret, Voyage pittoresque et historique au Brésil (Paris:
Firmin Didot Frères, 1834–1839), vol. 2, plate 12, and Mariza de Carvalho Soares,
Art and the History of African Slave Folias in Brazil,” in Crossing Memories: Slav-
ery and African Diaspora, ed. Ana Lucia Araujo, Mariana P. Candido, and Paul E.
Lovejoy (Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press), 226–227.
71. Betânia Gonçalves Figueiredo, “Barbeiros e cirurgiões: atuação dos práticos
ao longo do século XIX,” História, Ciências, Saúde — Manguinhos VI, no. 2 (1999):
72. See Verger, Os libertos, 34–35.
73. In French: “Il avait appelé un créole de Porto Novo, nommé Ricardo qui lui
plaçait quelques sangsoues près des oreilles. Je lui ai parlé de saignée; J’y ai pensé,
me di-t-il je vais envoyer chercher Paraíso, barbeiro du Brésil. Une heure après . . .
Paraíso arrivait et le saignait avec assez d’adresse.” FPV, Caixa “Dahomey,” “Ex-
trême onction en Porto Novo,” March 6, 1874, (SMA/Rome 3.A. 30), handwritten
note taken by Verger.
74. See Alberto, “Para africano ver,” 87.
75. A picture of Romana da Conceição appears in the various editions of Flux et
re ux. For a critical analysis of how the Brazilian government organized and pro-
moted this visit, see Alberto, “Para africano ver,” 78–117.
76. On Olinto’s interest in West Africa, see Jerry Dávila, Hotel Trópico: Brazil
and the Challenge of African Decolonization, 1950–1980 (Durham: Duke University
Press, 2010), 58–61.
77. Antônio Olinto, Brasileiros na África (Rio de Janeiro, Edi es GRD, 1964).
e rst novel of the trilogy, A Casa d’Água (Rio de Janeiro: Editora Bloch, 1969),
was translated into several languages. It was followed by O Rei de Keto (Rio de Ja-
neiro: Nórdica, 1980) and O Trono de Vidro (Rio de Janeiro: Nórdica, 1987).
78. See Araujo, Public Memory of Slavery, 148.
79. Araujo, Public Memory of Slavery, 148.
80. In 1975, three years a er seizing power, Kérékou changed the name of Daho-
mey to Popular Republic of Benin. In 1990, with the end of the Marxist-Leninist re-
gime and the establishment of a transitional government, the name of the country
became Republic of Benin.
81. Araujo, Public Memory of Slavery, 130–131.
82. On Verger’s role in the organization of “Ouidah 92,” see Araujo, Public Mem-
ory of Slavery, chapter three.
83. See in this issue Mariana P. Candido, “South Atlantic Exchanges:  e Role
of Brazilian-Born Agents in Benguela, 16501850, Luso-Brazilian Review, and
Mariana P. Candido, “Commercial and Personal Ties Across the Atlantic:  e Ben-
guela-Bahia Connections, 1700–1850,” in Paths of the Atlantic Slave Trade: Interac-
tions, Identity, and Images, ed. Ana Lucia Araujo (Amherst, NY: Cambria Press,
2011), 239–272.
An Africanist perspective on the Atlantic World considers African agency – the capacity of Africans and their descendants to make choices and to shape historical processes – in geographic spaces that spanned an ocean and were created and defined by voyages across that ocean. This perspective was first developed by African American scholars in the United States of America around the start of the twentieth century, but it was not until the end of the twentieth century that the perspective became widely accepted in universities. An Africanist perspective of the Atlantic developed as scholars struggled against Eurocentrism and racism and applied different sorts of source materials to the study of slavery and the Atlantic slave trade. Recently, many who have embraced the perspective have focused on South America, particularly Brazil, and the Caribbean.
One of the most remarkable Brazilian architects in the 20th Century, Italian émigré Lina Bo Bardi (Rome 1914—São Paulo 1992) has recently been “rediscovered” and her heterogeneous and unusually diverse oeuvre been celebrated. Born in Italy and arriving in Brazil in 1946, multi-talented Bo Bardi was, as well as an architect, a furniture designer , urbanist, political activist, editor and writer and a curator of exhibitions .
This article examines Pierre Verger’s Notes sur le culte des Orisa et Vodun à Bahia, la Baie de tous les Saints, au Brésil et à l’ancienne côte des esclaves en Afrique and aims to investigate his position in relation to the study of religion, Vodun in particular, in the African context, and his contribution to the construction of an “African traditional religion” paradigm. In Notes sur le culte des Orisa et Vodun, Verger intended to make a comparative analysis of “African sources” and “Brazilian remnants” in order to ascertain what had survived the middle passage. This article seeks to highlight the innovative perspectives Verger introduced to the study of religions in Africa, perspectives that included a wide use of historical sources and a deep involvement in field research, and to point up his different methodological position on the two sides of the Atlantic. In Africa he sought pure tradition, while in Brazil he emphasized the modernity of the African religions that proved able to survive the Atlantic passage and resist the hegemonic powers of the New World.
This article analyses the ambivalent legacy of Pierre Verger in the Whydah Historical Museum (Benin). Created in the Portuguese fort once used for the Atlantic slave trade and transformed into a museum in 1967, it is dedicated to the history of the region and its cultural consequences. This article examines the distinction between the way Verger used his photographs as a tool for anthropological exploration and the reinterpretation of those pictures by way of an ideological discourse once they were fixed in a museological context.
Full-text available
This article examines the correspondence between the Portuguese rulers and Dahomean kings, in particular King Adandozan (r. 1797–1818). The letters provide us with new elements to understand West African-European reciprocal perceptions and relations. In describing the main political and military conflicts of Adandozan's reign, the letters also reveal to what extent West African rulers were aware of the Napoleonic Wars. The correspondence sheds light on the impact European conflicts had on Dahomey's economy and how those events contributed to the decline of the Atlantic slave trade in West African ports such as Ouidah, giving clues about the motivations that eventually led to Adandozan's deposition.
Brazil's northeastern state of Bahia has built its economy around attracting international tourists to what is billed as the locus of Afro-Brazilian culture and the epicenter of Brazilian racial harmony. Yet this inclusive ideal has a complicated past. Chronicling the discourse among intellectuals and state officials during the period from the abolition of slavery in 1888 to the start of Brazil's military regime in 1964, Anadelia Romo uncovers how the state's nonwhite majority moved from being a source of embarrassment to being a critical component of Bahia's identity. Romo examines ideas of race in key cultural and public arenas through a close analysis of medical science, the arts, education, and the social sciences. As she argues, although Bahian racial thought came to embrace elements of Afro-Brazilian culture, the presentation of Bahia as a "living museum" threatened by social change portrayed Afro-Bahian culture and modernity as necessarily at odds. Romo's finely tuned account complicates our understanding of Brazilian racial ideology and enriches our knowledge of the constructions of race across Latin America and the larger African diaspora. © 2010 The University of North Carolina press. All rights reserved.
Black Atlantic Religion illuminates the mutual transformation of African and African-American cultures, highlighting the example of the Afro-Brazilian Candomblé religion. This book contests both the recent conviction that transnationalism is new and the long-held supposition that African culture endures in the Americas only among the poorest and most isolated of black populations. In fact, African culture in the Americas has most flourished among the urban and the prosperous, who, through travel, commerce, and literacy, were well exposed to other cultures. Their embrace of African religion is less a "survival," or inert residue of the African past, than a strategic choice in their circum-Atlantic, multicultural world. With counterparts in Nigeria, the Benin Republic, Haiti, Cuba, Trinidad, and the United States, Candomblé is a religion of spirit possession, dance, healing, and blood sacrifice. Most surprising to those who imagine Candomblé and other such religions as the products of anonymous folk memory is the fact that some of this religion's towering leaders and priests have been either well-traveled writers or merchants, whose stake in African-inspired religion was as much commercial as spiritual. Morever, they influenced Africa as much as Brazil. Thus, for centuries, Candomblé and its counterparts have stood at the crux of enormous transnational forces. Vividly combining history and ethnography, Matory spotlights a so-called "folk" religion defined not by its closure or internal homogeneity but by the diversity of its connections to classes and places often far away. Black Atlantic Religion sets a new standard for the study of transnationalism in its subaltern and often ancient manifestations.
Em meados do século dezessete, com a participação das tropas militares oriundas da colônia do Brasil no episódio da expulsão dos holandeses da África centro-ocidental, os laços entre as colônias portuguesas do Brasil e Angola aumentaram gradativamente. Oficiais coloniais brasileiros, assim como degredados e comerciantes de grosso trato, chegaram ao porto de Benguela com objetivos e perspectivas diferentes. Enquanto uns foram deportados por crimes contra a coroa ou contra indivíduos para o porto conhecido como o "tumbeiro do homem branco," outros chegaram em busca de mão-de-obra escrava mais barata e abundante do que em outros portos africanos. Ocupando postos na administração colonial, americanos, brasílicos ou brasileiros, como eram identificados nas fontes primárias, não chegaram a formar uma comunidade à parte durante o século dezoito. Com a independência do Brasil, um movimento liderado por brasileiros procurou unir a colônia de Benguela ao nascente império, com o intuito de evitar a pressão britânica interessada em abolir o tráfico. O movimento fracassou e foi duramente reprimido pelas autoridades portuguesas. Porém, o conflito revela a separação da comunidade de brasileiros a princípios do século XIX, que já não se via mais identificada e representada pela coroa portuguesa. Esse artigo explora os laços que uniam as colônias do Brasil e Benguela durante o período 1650-1850, buscando enfatizar o papel dos indivíduos nascidos no Brasil no comércio de escravos e na emergência do porto de Benguela como num dos mais importantes no Atlântico Sul.
Résumé Note sur le culte des Orisha dans les hautes terres yoruba: un hommage à Pierre Verger. — S'inspirant du travail pionnier de Pierre Verger relatif aux cultes orisha d'Afrique de l'Ouest et du Brésil, cette étude analyse les aspects socio-politiques et les transformations des cultes orisha au sein de deux royaumes yoruba de l'ensemble ekiti. La comparaison des schèmes politico-rituels dans le royaume décentralisé ishan et dans le royaume centralisé ayede, ainsi que l'analyse de leur évolution divergente au cours de la période comprise entre le milieu du XIXe siècle et aujourd'hui révèle que le principe majeur de la structure de ces cultes repose sur la segmentation politique et non sur la famille ou le lignage, quand bien même ce principe se coulerait dans une idéologie lignagère. L'existence d'une organisation des cultes orisha en faisceau (clustering) telle qu'elle existe sur les hauts plateaux yoruba (Ekiti), caractéristique rituelle que P. Verger réserve au candomblé du Brésil, suggère que ces cultes sont plus proches de leurs homologues du Nouveau Monde qu'on a généralement bien voulu le reconnaître.