Andrew Apter is assistant professor of anthropology at the University of Chicago. He is the author of Black Critics and Kings: The Hermeneutics of Power in Yoruba Society and is working on a new project, "Festac (Festival of African Culture) for Black People: Oil Capitalism and the Spectacle of Culture in Nigeria."
This essay was first presented at the African Studies Public Lecture Series, Northwestern University, 28 Oct. 1991. I would like to thank David Cohen, Ivan Karp, Karin Hansen, Bill Murphy, and Teju Olaniyan for their challenging and insightful comments.
1. The term "New World," which denotes the post-Columbus Americas, is full of ideological problems all the more pressing in this quincentennial year. I retain the term uneasily for the sake of historiographic continuity, with the qualification that invisible quotes surround each of my usages to bracket its pejorative connotations.
2. See, for example, Du Bois; Woodson; Price-Mars; Ortiz; Hurston, Tell My Horse; Ribeiro; Ramos; and Freyre.
3. The Nigerian fieldwork on which this argument is based took place from October 1982 to December 1984 and during three months of summer 1990. I gratefully acknowledge funding from Fulbright-Hays, the Social Science Research Council, the American Council of Learned Societies, and the American Philosophical Society.
4. See, for example, Barnes; D. Brown; Joseph Murphy; K. Brown; and Thompson. Of these, only Murphy (120-24) discusses syncretism.
5. These conferences have been held in such cities as Ife (Nigeria), Bahia (Brazil), Miami, and New York City. They mark the self-conscious transnationalism of the Òrìṣà tradition, and deserve a special study in this journal.
6. For a sustained and rigorous critique of the rhetoric and ideology of Africanist discourse, see Mudimbe, The Invention of Africa.
7. I use the term syncretic paradigm to identify the larger model (and its additional concepts) within which the more specific meaning of syncretism proper is located.
8. In "Tolerance," Fernandez recounts Herskovits's affiliation with the NAACP after expressing an initial reluctance (150-51).
9. For a glimpse of the ideological conflict that Herskovits experienced with the Carnegie Corporation, as well as the corporation's colonial epistemology, see Jackson's "Herskovits" (117-18) and "The Making."
10. The "Fon" (also called Dahomeans by Herskovits) and the "Yoruba" are missionary-colonial ethnic designations that emerged in the nineteenth century to refer to peoples of what is today the southern half of the Republic of Benin and southwest Nigeria. The infamous slave port of embarkation was at Ouidah, controlled for a long time by the Portuguese.
11. Thus in Ayede, the Yemoja cult houses the additional deities Orisha Oko, Shango, Ogun, Oshun, Oya, and Olokun.
12. For a more detailed version of this story, see Metraux (42-43).
13. In her discussion of Tshidi Zionists, Jean Comaroff notes how the intent "to deconstruct existing syntagmatic chains, to disrupt paradigmatic associations, and, therefore, to undermine the very coherence of the system they contest" inevitably reproduces, on a formal level, aspects of the symbolic order which it reconfigures, so that "subversive bricolages always perpetuate as they change" (Body, 198). It is her association of "syncretistic movements" with subversive bricolages that I am calling "critical practice."