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Even though painful experiences are employed within social rituals across the world, little is known about the social effects of pain. We examined the possibility that painful experiences can promote cooperation within social groups. In Experiments 1 and 2, we induced pain by asking some participants to insert their hands in ice water and to perform leg squats. In Experiment 3, we induced pain by asking some participants to eat a hot chili pepper. Participants performed these tasks in small groups. We found evidence for a causal link: Sharing painful experiences with other people, compared with a no-pain control treatment, promoted trusting interpersonal relationships by increasing perceived bonding among strangers (Experiment 1) and increased cooperation in an economic game (Experiments 2 and 3). Our findings shed light on the social effects of pain, demonstrating that shared pain may be an important trigger for group formation.
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Psychological Science
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DOI: 10.1177/0956797614545886
published online 5 September 2014Psychological Science
Brock Bastian, Jolanda Jetten and Laura J. Ferris
Pain as Social Glue: Shared Pain Increases Cooperation
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Research Report
Painful experiences are an important component of
social rituals in many cultures across the world. From
secular initiation rites to religious practices, these rituals
may include burning, scarifying, and other forms of muti-
lation (Whitehouse, 1996). Durkheim (1912/1995) argued
that painful experiences function to promote cohesion
and solidarity within groups. This accords with accounts
of soldiers bonded together by the trauma of war (Elder
& Clipp, 1989; Whitehouse, 2012) and of camaraderie
promoted by shared pain within sporting contexts
(Turner & Wainwright, 2003). No empirical evidence has
been reported, however, for the proposition that bonding
and cooperation are enhanced among people who share
painful experiences. We tested the possibility that sharing
the experience of pain with other people promotes inter-
personal bonding and cooperation, aiming to provide
evidence for a causal link.
In all three experiments reported here, each experi-
mental session was conducted with a small group of
participants. On the basis of past experience, we aimed
to collect data from more than 30 participants in each
condition. Data collection was stopped when this
requirement was met. Some variation in sample size was
caused by availability of participants, foreseeable exclu-
sions, and group sizes.
Experiment 1
We first examined whether sharing a painful experience
with other people in a small group might promote bond-
ing more than sharing a similar but nonpainful social
experience. We also measured affect and pain appraisal
to examine whether any effects could be explained by
these responses to pain.
Method
Fifty-four university students1 (39 female, 15 male; mean
age = 22.24 years) were paid $10 (Australian) to participate
545886PSSXXX10.1177/0956797614545886Bastian et al.Pain and Cooperation
research-article2014
Corresponding Author:
Brock Bastian, University of New South Wales, School of Psychology,
UNSW Sydney, New South Wales, 2052, Australia
E-mail: b.bastian@unsw.edu.au
Pain as Social Glue: Shared Pain
Increases Cooperation
Brock Bastian1, Jolanda Jetten2, and Laura J. Ferris2
1University of New South Wales and 2University of Queensland
Abstract
Even though painful experiences are employed within social rituals across the world, little is known about the social
effects of pain. We examined the possibility that painful experiences can promote cooperation within social groups. In
Experiments 1 and 2, we induced pain by asking some participants to insert their hands in ice water and to perform leg
squats. In Experiment 3, we induced pain by asking some participants to eat a hot chili pepper. Participants performed
these tasks in small groups. We found evidence for a causal link: Sharing painful experiences with other people,
compared with a no-pain control treatment, promoted trusting interpersonal relationships by increasing perceived
bonding among strangers (Experiment 1) and increased cooperation in an economic game (Experiments 2 and 3). Our
findings shed light on the social effects of pain, demonstrating that shared pain may be an important trigger for group
formation.
Keywords
pain, group cohesion, bonding, cooperation, decision making, open data, open materials
Received 4/30/14; Revision accepted 6/28/14
Psychological Science OnlineFirst, published on September 5, 2014 as doi:10.1177/0956797614545886
by guest on September 7, 2014pss.sagepub.comDownloaded from
2 Bastian et al.
and were randomly allocated to either a pain condition
(n = 27) or a no-pain condition (n = 27). Group sizes
ranged between 2 and 5, with a median of 4 (M = 3.65).
Pain was elicited through two separate performance
tasks. The first involved an adapted cold pressor task
(Walsh, Schoenfeld, Ramamurthy, & Hoffman, 1989). In
the pain condition, participants submerged their hands in
ice water (< 3 °C) for as long as possible. Participants in
the no-pain condition completed the same task with
room-temperature water ( 24 °C) for a fixed duration (90
s). In both conditions, participants were required to locate
metal balls in the bottom of the water vessel and to place
as many of them as possible into a small container affixed
underwater. The sorting requirement ensured that in both
conditions, participants felt there was a purpose to the
task. In the second task, participants in the pain condition
were asked to maintain an upright wall squat, with back
straight and knees bent at 90°, for as long as possible.
Participants in the no-pain condition were invited to bal-
ance on one leg for a fixed duration of 60 s and instructed
to switch legs and use balance aids to avoid any tiredness.
All groups of participants in both conditions were able to
have a similar amount of interaction.
Next, participants completed the Positive and Negative
Affect Schedule (PANAS; Watson, Clark, & Tellegen, 1988;
positive affect: α = .90; negative affect: α = .73) and the
Appraisal of Life Events Scale (ALES; Ferguson, Matthews,
& Cox, 1999). Items on both measures were rated on a
scale from 1 (very slightly or not at all) to 5 (extremely).
The ALES is a primary appraisal that includes subscales
for threat and challenge. Participants rated the degree to
which their perception of the physical tasks was described
by 12 adjectives (threat: “fearful,” “worrying,” “hostile,”
“threatening,” “frightening,” and “terrifying”; M = 1.25,
SD= 0.47, α = .87; challenge: “enjoyable,” “stimulating,
“exciting,” “exhilarating,” “informative,” and “challeng-
ing”; M = 2.52, SD = 0.89, α = .89).
Next, participants were asked to rate seven statements
designed to measure their feeling of bonding to the other
participants: “I feel a sense of solidarity with the other
participants,” “I feel connected to the other participants,”
“I feel part of this group of participants,” “I feel a sense of
loyalty to the other participants,” “I feel I can trust the
other participants,” “I feel that the participants in this
study have a lot in common,” and “I feel like there is
unity between the participants in this study.” Ratings
were made on a 5-point scale (1 = strongly disagree, 5 =
strongly agree; M = 3.43, SD = 1.08, α = .91). Finally, par-
ticipants rated the physical pain of the tasks by respond-
ing to an item gauging intensity (“How intense was the
pain you experienced?”; 0 = not at all painful, 10 =
intensely painful) and an item gauging unpleasantness
(“How unpleasant was the pain you experienced?”;
0=not at all, 10 = the most intense bad feeling imagin-
able; Price, McGrath, Rafii, & Buckingham, 1983).
Results
Manipulation checks revealed that reported pain inten-
sity was higher in the pain condition (M = 6.07, SD =
1.99) than in the no-pain condition (M = 1.67, SD = 0.92),
t(52) = 10.41, p < .001. Reported unpleasantness was also
greater in the pain condition (M = 6.00, SD = 1.96) than
in the no-pain condition (M = 1.74, SD = 1.19), t(52) =
9.63, p = .001. There were no significant differences
between conditions in positive affect (pain condition:
M= 3.05, SD = 0.82; no-pain condition: M = 2.80, SD =
0.83), t(52) = 1.09, p = .283, or negative affect (pain con-
dition: M = 1.34, SD = 0.45; no-pain condition: M = 1.27,
SD = 0.37), t(52) = 0.60, p = .554. Compared with the
control tasks, the pain tasks were viewed as marginally
more threatening (pain tasks: M = 1.36, SD = 0.58; control
tasks: M = 1.11, SD = 0.30), t(52) = 1.97, p = .054, but not
more challenging (pain tasks: M = 2.67, SD = 0.87; con-
trol tasks: M = 2.37, SD = 0.91), t(52) = 1.22, p = .227.
We predicted that participants who shared a painful
experience, compared with those who shared a similar
but nonpainful social experience, would feel more
bonded together. A one-way analysis of variance
(ANOVA) revealed that pain had a medium-sized effect
on bonding, F(1, 52) = 4.09, p = .048, d = 0.54 (see Fig.1);
participants in the pain condition reported higher bond-
ing (M = 3.71, SD = 1.01, 95% confidence interval, or CI=
[3.33, 4.09]) than did those in the no-pain condition (M =
3.14, SD = 1.09, 95% CI = [2.73, 3.55]).
This effect of pain remained when controlling for age
(p = .048), gender (p = .052), and group size (p = .050).
None of these variables were significantly correlated
with experimental condition (ps > .136) or perceived
bonding (ps > .925). To determine whether the marginal
tendency for the pain tasks to be viewed as more threat-
ening than the control tasks mediated the effect of pain
on perceived bonding, we conducted a bootstrap analy-
sis (Preacher & Hayes, 2008) using 5,000 resamples. The
results of this analysis revealed that threat was not a
significant mediator, indirect effect = −0.11, SE = 0.09,
95% CI = [−0.34, 0.03].
Experiment 2
Our first experiment found that sharing painful experi-
ences (compared with sharing nonpainful experiences)
increased perceived bonding among strangers, providing
an important insight into how shared pain may promote
trusting interpersonal relationships. In our next experi-
ment, we examined whether these effects would extend
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Pain and Cooperation 3
to cooperation. We predicted that sharing a painful expe-
rience (compared with sharing a nonpainful experience)
would enhance cooperative behavior.
Method
Sixty-two university students2 (47 female, 15 male; mean
age = 21.87 years) were paid $10 (plus game winnings)
to participate and were randomly allocated to a pain con-
dition (n = 34) or a no-pain condition (n = 28). Group
sizes ranged from 2 to 6, with a median of 4 (M = 3.54).
As in Experiment 1, participants completed the pain or
control tasks, the PANAS (positive affect: α = .90; nega-
tive affect: α = .73), and the ALES (perceived challenge:
α = .87; perceived threat: α = .89). Next, the cooperation
game was introduced as an ostensibly separate compo-
nent of the experiment. Finally, as in Experiment 1, par-
ticipants rated how much pain they had experienced
during the physical tasks.
We used an economic-game paradigm to measure
cooperation (Hirshleifer, 1983). This game was played in
a group setting in which each participant could choose a
number between 1 and 7. Choosing “7” could bring the
highest payoff, but only if all other group members chose
“7” also. When group members’ choices differed, partici-
pants who chose lower numbers received higher payoffs
than those who chose higher numbers (for the full payoff
schedule, see Table 1). In essence, choosing “1” was the
least cooperative option, because it ensured that the par-
ticipant would receive a moderate payoff but minimized
economic outcomes for the group. Choosing “7” was the
most cooperative option because it maximized potential
group outcomes, but the participant’s own outcome was
at risk if another group member defected. Participants
played six trials of this game. To minimize iterative strat-
egizing, we advised participants that their final payoff
would be determined from a random trial. On each trial,
participants chose numbers simultaneously. At the end of
each trial, they were told the lowest number chosen and
their earnings for that trial. Cooperation was indexed by
averaging responses across all six trials; higher scores
indicate more cooperative behavior.
Results
The pain manipulation was successful. Participants in the
pain condition reported higher pain intensity (M = 6.09,
SD = 2.12) than did those in the no-pain condition (M =
1.36, SD = 0.78), t(58) = 11.19, p < .001. Likewise, partici-
pants in the pain condition reported greater unpleasant-
ness (M = 6.16, SD = 2.01) than did those in the no-pain
condition (M = 1.46, SD = 1.14), t(58) = 10.95, p < .001.
There were no significant differences between conditions
in positive affect (pain condition: M = 2.76, SD = 0.99;
no-pain condition: M = 2.65, SD = 0.91), t(60) = 0.45,
p = .710, or negative affect (pain condition: M = 1.21,
Experiment 1 Experiment 2 Experiment 3
2.0
2.5
3.0
3.5
4.0
4.5
5.0
2.0
2.5
3.0
3.5
4.0
4.5
5.0
Mean Bonding Rating
Mean Number Choice
Pain Condition
No-Pain Condition
Fig. 1. Results for Experiments 1, 2, and 3. Mean bonding ratings in Experiment 1 (left y-axis) and mean
number choices in Experiments 2 and 3 (right y-axis) as a function of condition. Error bars indicate 95%
confidence intervals.
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4 Bastian et al.
SD= 0.26; no-pain condition: M = 1.27, SD = 0.37), t(60)=
0.33, p = .741. Compared with the control tasks, the pain
tasks were not viewed as more threatening (pain tasks:
M= 1.11, SD = 0.41; control tasks: M = 1.17, SD = 0.41),
t(57) = 0.59, p = .561, but they were viewed as marginally
more challenging (pain tasks: M = 2.62, SD = 0.90; control
tasks: M = 2.15, SD = 0.93), t(52) = 1.94, p = .057.
We predicted that participants in the pain condition,
compared with those in the no-pain condition, would
engage in more cooperative behavior by selecting higher
numbers in the game. An ANOVA revealed a medium- to
large-sized effect of condition on cooperation, F(1, 60) =
7.81, p = .007, d = 0.72; participants in the pain condition
opted for higher numbers (M = 4.35, SD = 1.21, 95% CI =
[3.95, 4.75]) than did those in the no-pain condition (M =
3.58, SD = 0.91, 95% CI = [3.25, 3.92]; see Figs. 1 and 2).
Age and gender were not significantly correlated with
experimental condition or responses in the cooperation
game (age: ps < .106; gender: ps < .101), and the effect of
experimental condition on cooperation remained when
we controlled for age (p = .005) and for gender (p =
.012). Group size correlated significantly with experi-
mental condition (r = −.31, p = .016) and with responses
in the cooperation game (r = −.35, p = .005); nonetheless,
the effect of experimental condition on cooperation
remained when we controlled for group size (p = .042).
To determine whether the marginal tendency for the
pain tasks to be viewed as more challenging than the
control tasks mediated the effect of pain on cooperation,
we conducted a bootstrap analysis using 5,000 resam-
ples. The results of this analysis revealed that challenge
was not a significant mediator, indirect effect = −0.01,
SE= 0.08, 95% CI = [−0.02, 0.32].
Experiment 3
Our second experiment provided a behavioral demon-
stration that sharing painful experiences enhanced coop-
eration (compared with sharing nonpainful experiences).
One potential criticism of our pain induction is that the
physical tasks involved non-pain-related factors such as
whether participants felt they performed well on the
tasks. To better isolate the effects of pain on cooperation,
we used a different type of pain induction—consumption
of a hot chili pepper.
Method
Fifty-seven university students3 (36 female, 21 male;
mean age = 24.14 years) were paid $10 (plus game win-
nings) to participate and were randomly allocated to a
pain (n = 28) or no-pain (n = 29) condition. Group sizes
ranged from 2 to 5, with a median of 2 (M = 2.84).
Participants were recruited if they were prepared to
potentially consume a hot chili pepper.
Participants first completed a pain task or a control
task, which they were told was a consumer-preferences
task. Participants in the pain condition were given one
raw Bird’s Eye chili (which is very hot) and instructed to
eat as much as possible. Participants in the no-pain
Table 1. Payoff Schedule for Experiments 2 and 3
Number chosen
by participant
Lowest number chosen in the group
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
1 $4.20 — — — —
2 $3.60 $4.80 — — —
3 $3.00 $4.20 $5.40 — — —
4 $2.40 $3.60 $4.80 $6.00 — — —
5 $1.80 $3.00 $4.20 $5.40 $6.60
6 $1.20 $2.40 $3.60 $4.80 $6.00 $7.20
7 $0.60 $1.80 $3.00 $4.20 $5.40 $6.60 $7.80
0
123456
2.0
2.5
3.0
3.5
4.0
4.5
5.0
5.5
Trial
Mean Number Choice
Pain Condition
No-Pain Condition
Fig. 2. Results for the cooperation game in Experiment 2. Mean num-
ber choice is graphed as a function of trial number and condition.
Higher numbers indicate more cooperation. Error bars indicate 95%
confidence intervals.
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Pain and Cooperation 5
condition were given a hard candy (also known as a
hard-boiled sweet). All participants were given 2 min to
complete the task. Participants in the no-pain condition
were instructed to hold the candy in their mouths rather
than to chew it for the entire 2 min. Yogurt and water
were provided as necessary in the pain condition.
After the consumer preferences task, participants com-
pleted the PANAS (positive affect: α = .90; negative affect:
α = .73) and the ALES (perceived challenge: α = .87;
perceived threat: α = .89). They next played the coopera-
tion game, as in Experiment 2, and then rated the pain-
fulness of the consumer preferences task. All groups of
participants in both conditions were able to have a simi-
lar amount of interaction.
Results
Participants in the pain condition reported higher pain
intensity (M = 6.29, SD = 1.78) than did participants in the
no-pain condition (M = 1.41, SD = 1.41), t(55) = 11.50,
p< .001. Participants in the pain condition also reported
greater unpleasantness (M = 5.96, SD = 1.81) than did
those in the no-pain condition (M = 1.52, SD = 1.60),
t(55) = 9.84, p < .001. Independent-samples t tests
revealed significant differences between the conditions in
positive affect (pain condition: M = 2.94, SD = 0.90; no-
pain condition: M = 2.41, SD = 0.85), t(55) = 2.28, p=.027,
and negative affect (pain condition: M = 1.75, SD = 0.51;
no-pain condition: M = 1.25, SD = 0.37), t(55) = 4.29, p <
.001. Compared with the control task, the pain task was
viewed as more threatening (pain task: M = 2.20, SD =
0.93; control task: M = 1.26, SD = 0.55), t(53) = 4.62, p <
.001, and more challenging (pain task: M = 2.99, SD = 0.52;
control task: M = 1.97, SD = 0.82), t(53) = 5.44, p < .001.
We predicted that participants in the pain condition,
compared with those in the no-pain condition, would
engage in more cooperative behavior by selecting higher
numbers in the economic game. An ANOVA revealed a
medium-sized effect of pain on cooperation, F(1, 55) =
4.09, p = .048, d = 0.53; participants in the pain condition
chose higher numbers (M = 4.33, SD = 1.62, 95% CI =
[3.81, 4.85]) than did those in the no-pain condition (M =
3.52, SD = 1.42, 95% CI = [2.92, 4.12]; see Figs. 1 and 3).
This effect of pain remained when we controlled for
age (p = .045), gender (p = .054), and group size (p =
.050). None of these variables was significantly correlated
with experimental condition (ps > .694) or cooperation
(age and group size: ps > .414; gender: p = .068).
To determine whether significant differences in affect
and task perceptions mediated the effect of pain on
cooperation, we conducted bootstrap analyses using
5,000 resamples. The results of these analyses revealed
that neither positive affect (indirect effect = −0.01, SE =
0.14, 95% CI = [−0.21, 0.39]) nor negative affect (indirect
effect = −0.01, SE = 0.25, 95% CI = [−0.58, 0.45]) signifi-
cantly mediated the effect of pain on cooperation.
Likewise, perceptions of the task as challenging (indirect
effect = −0.01, SE = 0.31, 95% CI = [−0.22, 1.02]) or threat-
ening (indirect effect = −0.01, SE = 0.24, 95% CI = [−0.36,
0.63]) were not significant mediators of the effect of pain
on cooperation.
Because Experiments 2 and 3 focused on the same
dependent variable, we collapsed the data across the
experiments for a more powerful test of our key research
question. An ANOVA revealed a medium-sized effect of
pain on cooperation, F(1, 117) = 11.10, p = .001, d = 0.61;
participants in the pain condition selected higher num-
bers (M = 4.34, SD = 1.39), 95% CI = [4.18, 4.51] (i.e.,
cooperated more) than did those in the no-pain condi-
tion (M = 3.55, SD = 1.19), 95% CI = [3.38, 3.72].
Discussion
Across three experiments, we found support for our
hypothesis that shared pain promotes cooperation.
Experiment 1 demonstrated that sharing pain promotes
bonding among strangers. We then found evidence that
shared pain enhances cooperative behavior, using the
cold pressor task and leg squats or consumption of a hot
chili pepper to induce pain (Experiments 2 and 3). None
of these effects were explained by affective responses to
pain or by appraisal of the painful tasks as challenging or
threatening.
Our findings provide novel experimental evidence for
the role of pain in promoting cooperation. This possibil-
ity has long been suggested by social theorists (e.g.,
0123456
2.0
2.5
3.0
3.5
4.0
4.5
5.0
5.5
Trial
Mean Number Choice
Pain Condition
No-Pain Condition
Fig. 3. Results for the cooperation game in Experiment 3. Mean num-
ber choice is graphed as a function of trial number and condition.
Higher numbers indicate more cooperation. Error bars indicate 95%
confidence intervals.
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6 Bastian et al.
Durkheim, 1912/1995). We argue that pain promotes
cooperation because of its well-demonstrated capacity to
capture attention and focus awareness on the immediate
painful event (Craig, 2003, 2009; Eccleston & Crombez,
1999). Painful experiences are selected for attention over
other competing demands, which makes painful events
especially salient. Our interpretation aligns with the
accounts of Whitehouse and his colleagues (Richert,
Whitehouse, & Stewart, 2005; Whitehouse & Lanman, in
press), who argued that dysphoric rituals prompt consid-
erable reflection, which in turn generates richer repre-
sentations of the episodes and their significance. When
these experiences are shared, they not only make the
events more salient but also enhance the salience of the
other people who shared in those events. Sharing pain
therefore is an especially powerful form of shared experi-
ence (cf. Campbell, 1958; Pinel, Long, Landau, Alexander,
& Pyszczynski, 2006; Wiltermuth & Heath, 2009) that
enhances the salience of the group and promotes bond-
ing, solidarity, and, ultimately, cooperation.
Our findings make several novel contributions to the
literature. First, our studies focused on personal perfor-
mance or consumer preference in a context in which no
prior group memberships or identities were salient.
Therefore, the enhanced bonding and cooperation that
we observed emerged from the experience of pain rather
than from the experience of pain for the group (i.e.,
which would increase the symbolic value of group mem-
bership; Aronson & Mills, 1959; Olivola & Shafir, 2013).
Our research thus goes beyond work focusing on costly
behaviors and group commitment (Henrich, 2009;
Xygalatas et al., 2013) or the influence of preestablished
social identities on cooperation (Kramer & Brewer, 1984;
van Vugt & Hart, 2004). Second, in our studies, partici-
pants were exposed to functionally similar tasks (com-
mon fates) in the pain and no-pain conditions, and the
tasks varied only in how painful they were; thus our find-
ings extend beyond explanations based on common fate
(e.g., Brewer & Kramer, 1986; Campbell, 1958) and place
the burden of explanation on qualities related to pain.
Third, we focused on what happens after pain, rather
than before pain, thus going beyond work focusing on
the role of fear or anxiety related to future pain (e.g.,
Schachter, 1959). Finally, although we did not empirically
demonstrate a mechanism for the effects we observed,
our design did allow us to rule out alternative explana-
tions, showing that merely sharing painful experiences
with other people promotes cooperation.
Our findings afford new insight into the ways in
which pain interacts with human sociality. Evolved
responses to pain serve to generate social support (e.g.,
Hadjistavropoulos et al., 2011); when shared, however,
pain may promote higher-order effects such as bonding
and group formation. Pain, it seems, has the capacity to
act as social glue, building cooperation within novel
social collectives.
Author Contributions
B. Bastian and J. Jetten developed the study concept and
designed the studies. L. J. Ferris assisted with data collection. B.
Bastian and L. J. Ferris analyzed the data and prepared the draft
manuscript. J. Jetten and L. J. Ferris provided critical revisions.
All authors approved the final version of the manuscript for
submission.
Acknowledgments
We thank Glen Russell for assistance with data collection and
Harvey Whitehouse, William B. Swann, Kathleen Vohs, Tom
Denson, and Ryan McKay for helpful feedback.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared that they had no conflicts of interest with
respect to their authorship or the publication of this article.
Funding
This research was supported by Australian Research Council
Discovery Grant DP140103716 (awarded to B. Bastian and
J. Jetten).
Open Practices
All data and materials have been made publicly available via
Open Science Framework and can be accessed at http://osf
.io/9k3sw. The complete Open Practices Disclosure for this
article can be found at http://pss.sagepub.com/content/by/
supplemental-data. This article has received badges for Open
Data and Open Materials. More information about the Open
Practices badges can be found at https://osf.io/tvyxz/wiki/
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Notes
1. Of the 58 participants in the original sample, 4 were excluded:
One had insight into the study’s aims, 1 reported high levels of
pain in the control condition (> 3 SD above the mean), and 2
presumably did not experience group rapport because of their
overt annoyance at a group member’s loud sneezing.
2. Of the 69 participants in the original sample, 7 were excluded:
Five had preexisting friendships with other members of their
group, and 1 misunderstood the instructions for the game.
3. Of the 71 participants in the original sample, 14 were excluded:
Eleven had preexisting friendships with members of their group
(these participants were identified early in the experimental
session and were marked for exclusion, but they were allowed
to complete the procedure in the control condition so that they
could receive payment), 2 verbally communicated a strategy at
the beginning of the game, and 1 misunderstood the instruc-
tions for the game.
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... However, the outcomes of stressful experiences might not all be negative. Social bonding and affiliative behaviours have been observed in lab situations involving the completion of physically stressful tasks in the presence of other people sharing similar experiences (Bastian et al., 2014). Similarly, exposure to shared psychological stressors may also promote affiliative responses and, further, facilitate personal friendship development in dyads. ...
... In several different experimental laboratory studies, including psychophysiological experiments, participants individually exposed to stressful situations have exhibited various affiliative responses, such as trust and sharing behaviours, altruistic behaviours (such as allocating more resources to others in dictatorship games), empathy towards others, and even increased desire for social closeness (Takahashi et al., 2007;Vinkers et al., 2013;von Dawans et al., 2012;von Dawans et al., 2019). For example, Bastian et al. (2014) exposed groups of participants to experience either a painful or a neutral task and observed that participants in the pain condition reported higher levels of group bonding and loyalty compared to participants that completed the neutral task. On a psychophysiological level, the tend-and-befriend response has been found to be somewhat related to the activation of the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis, though strong inference into examining these biological pathways has been inconclusive as of the current knowledge in the literature (Margittai et al., 2018;von Dawans et al., 2021). ...
... Moreover, many studies in the affiliation and stress literature focus primarily on prosocial help and trust behaviour (Takahashi et al., 2007;Vinkers et al., 2013;von Dawans et al., 2012). Experimental research also tends to use unrealistic and intensive lab procedures to induce psychosocial stress in the examination of stress and affiliation (see Kudielka et al., 2007 for a discussion on the Triers Social Stress Test) or to maintain a focus on physical pain and group bonding (e.g., Bastian et al., 2014). Therefore, there is a lack of research examining how psychological stressors can affect dyadic friendship formation processes. ...
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According to the tend-and-befriend theory, shared stressors may create situations in which the inclination to interact with another person (i.e., immediate affiliative desire) is elevated. This may create a situational context in which sustained affiliative responses towards an interaction partner are more likely to occur in the longer-term. In the present study, we randomly assigned 85 undergraduate stranger dyads (N = 170 participants; all women) to either shared stress or shared control experiences and measured immediate affiliative desire. The strangers in the dyads then interacted with one another in a discussion task, and participants’ long-term affiliative responses (liking and future intentions to affiliate) were assessed. The evidence suggested that shared stressful experiences (vs. the shared control experiences) promoted significantly more immediate affiliative desire. Furthermore, immediate affiliative desire mediated the association between shared stress and long-term affiliative responses. These findings offer insight into how shared stress may influence friendship development.
... Terror and in-group sense of belonging A long-standing and widely held proposition across the social sciences is that external threats can strengthen ingroup bonding and cohesion (Bastian et al., 2014;Hogg & Terry, 2000;Stein, 1976). One reason is that threats from the outside activate us-versus-them thinking, and reinforce the salience and perceived value of (being part of) the in-group (Hogg & Terry, 2000). ...
... In an excellent review of early research dealing with this proposition in sociology, psychology, anthropology and political science, Stein (1976, p. 165) concludes that there exists a "clear convergence (…) that external conflict does increase internal cohesion." Subsequent social-psychological research has by and large confirmed these early conclusions across diverse contexts and empirical approaches, while also providing further clarification with respect to the underlying processes and mechanisms (Bastian et al., 2014;Greenaway & Cruwys, 2019;Summers et al., 1988). ...
... More specifically, as argued by Moynihan & Pandey (2008, p. 206), "employees who perceive that they have a high level of support from their fellow coworkers (…) are less likely to express an intention to quit." Any terrorism-induced boost in individuals' sense of in-group belonging thus may create a type of "social glue" (Bastian et al., 2014) that works to "constrain people from leaving their current employment" (Mitchell et al., 2001(Mitchell et al., , p. 1115. As such, it may create ties that bind employees to their organization in spite of a major negative shock (Moynihan & Pandey, 2008). ...
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... However, within the trauma literature, the role of social support in buffering negative mental health consequences of stressful life events is well-established, and people who report stronger social support before and after trauma are less likely to develop negative psychological effects (Charuvastra & Cloitre, 2008). Enduring suffering along with others can promote prosocial and cooperative behaviors (Bastian et al., 2014). Experiences of trauma can also subsequently increase an individual's empathy, altruism, perspective taking, and prosocial behavior, with altruism being an important way to find meaning following trauma (Vollhardt, 2009). ...
... As with mental health professionals and police officers (Kanno & Giddings, 2017;Stephens & Long, 2000), our study finds that strong collegial relationships promoted teacher well-being, with teachers highlighting how creating space to "[go] deeper" and "lean on each other," helped support teachers as they coped with the upheaval of COVID-19 teaching. These findings also mirror psychological research that suggests that sharing painful experiences can increase social bonding, trust, and cooperation (Bastian et al., 2014). Our study shows a new application of these theories in education settings and expands evidence that collegial connections are a critical element of the context pathway of teacher well-being and can promote teacher resilience in times of crisis and stress. ...
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... As highlighted by the participants, 'It's good to see (senior management) on the ground, that our efforts are seen'. This may have impressed upon the MHCWs that hospital leadership shared their pain, and validated their contributions and sacrifices, hence fostering a sense of teamwork and belonging [59]. ...
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... . A recent stream of research suggests that participation in negatively valenced gatherings is linked to positive effects in terms of social integration, positive affect, individual empowerment, and prosocial beliefs(Bastian, Jetten, & Ferris, 2014;Jong, Whitehouse, Kavanagh, & Lane, 2015;Whitehouse & Lanman, 2014;Whitehouse et al., 2017; Xygalatas et al., 2013). ...
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Most theories of motivation and behavior (and lay intuitions alike) consider pain and effort to be deterrents. In contrast to this widely held view, we provide evidence that the prospect of enduring pain and exerting effort for a prosocial cause can promote contributions to the cause. Specifically, we show that willingness to contribute to a charitable or collective cause increases when the contribution process is expected to be painful and effortful rather than easy and enjoyable. Across five experiments, we document this "martyrdom effect," show that the observed patterns defy standard economic and psychological accounts, and identify a mediator and moderator of the effect. Experiment 1 showed that people are willing to donate more to charity when they anticipate having to suffer to raise money. Experiment 2 extended these findings to a non-charity laboratory context that involved real money and actual pain. Experiment 3 demonstrated that the martyrdom effect is not the result of an attribute substitution strategy (whereby people use the amount of pain and effort involved in fundraising to determine donation worthiness). Experiment 4 showed that perceptions of meaningfulness partially mediate the martyrdom effect. Finally, Experiment 5 demonstrated that the nature of the prosocial cause moderates the martyrdom effect: the effect is strongest for causes associated with human suffering. We propose that anticipated pain and effort lead people to ascribe greater meaning to their contributions and to the experience of contributing, thereby motivating higher prosocial contributions. We conclude by considering some implications of this puzzling phenomenon. Copyright © 2011 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
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Most social scientists endorse some version of the claim that participating in collective rituals promotes social cohesion. The systematic testing and evaluation of this claim, however, has been prevented by a lack of precision regarding the nature of both “ritual” and “social cohesion” as well as a lack of integration between the theories and findings of the social and evolutionary sciences. By directly addressing these challenges, we argue that a systematic investigation and evaluation of the claim that ritual promotes social cohesion is achievable. We present a general and testable theory of the relationship between ritual, cohesion, and cooperation that more precisely connects particular elements of “ritual,” such as causal opacity and emotional arousal, to two particular forms of “social cohesion”: group identification and identity fusion. Further, we ground this theory in an evolutionary account of why particular modes of ritual practice would be adaptive for societies with particular resource-acquisition strategies. In setting out our conceptual framework, we report numerous ongoing investigations that test our hypotheses against data from controlled psychological experiments as well as from the ethnographic, archaeological, and historical records.
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Melanesian initiation cults frequently incorporate rites that instil a profound and lasting terror in the initiates. This article surveys several contemporary theories of these traumatic ordeals, and argues that these theories establish generalities only at the cost of adequate engagement with the cognitive and affective processes entailed in ritual performance. I propose a new approach, based on theories of flashbulb memory', which penetrates more deeply the religious experiences engendered in traumatic ritual, and also accounts for certain recurrent patterns of political association in initiation systems. 'Rites of terror' are here envisaged as part of a nexus of psychological and sociological processes, dubbed the 'imagistic mode of religiosity'.