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The Neoliberal Imperative of Tourism: Rights and Legitimization in the Unwto Global Code of Ethics For Tourism

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Abstract

T his article discusses the emer-gence of tourism ethics in tourism studies. It focuses on the contradic-tions that are expressed in the United Nations World Tourism Organization's (UNWTO) Global Code of Ethics for Tourism (World Tourism Organization 2007[1999]). These contradictions lead to politically contentious issues involv-ing heritage and point to ethical conflict for anthropologists who study tourism and, particularly, for those who are in-volved in tourism development projects. From the 1960s through 1980s, those involved in tourism as planners, policy-makers, entrepreneurs, tourists, as well as academic and industry based tourism scholars, viewed tourism as an inher-ently moral activity. It was either intrin-sically "good" or intrinsically "bad." Those who considered it a positive force saw it not simply a "passport to development" (e.g., de Kadt 1979), and thus a solution to problems of endemic poverty and cultural "backwardness" based in Third World under-develop-ment, but also as a "force for world peace" (Castaneda and Burtner 2010; D'Amore 1988). In this era of modern-ization theory and widespread belief in economic take-off and "trickle-down" development, policymakers, govern-ment planners, corporations, politicians, and international aid and development organizations viewed tourism as among the best solutions to the problems faced by the "developing" world.
Vol.
34,
No.3,
Summer 2012
47
THE
NEOLIBERAL
IMPERATIVE
OF
TOURISM:
RIGHTS
AND
LEGITIMIZATION
IN
THE
UNWTO
GLOBAL
CODE
OF
ETHICS
FOR
TOURISM
By
Quetzil Castaneda
This article discusses the emer-
gence
of
tourism ethics in tourism
studies.
It
focuses on the contradic-
tions that are expressed in the United
Nations World Tourism Organization's
(UNWTO) Global Code
of
Ethics for
Tourism (World Tourism Organization
2007[1999]). These contradictions lead
to politically contentious issues involv-
ing heritage and point to ethical conflict
for anthropologists who study tourism
and, particularly, for those who are in-
volved in tourism development projects.
Morality
of
Tourism
Impact
From the 1960s through 1980s, those
involved in tourism as planners, policy-
makers, entrepreneurs, tourists, as well
as academic and industry based tourism
scholars, viewed tourism as an inher-
ently moral activity.
It
was either intrin-
sically "good" or intrinsically "bad."
Those who considered it a positive
force saw it not simply a "passport to
development" (e.g., de Kadt 1979), and
thus a solution to problems
of
endemic
poverty and cultural "backwardness"
based in Third World under-develop-
ment, but also as a "force for world
peace" (Castaneda and Burtner 2010;
D'Amore 1988). In this era
of
modern-
ization theory and widespread belief in
economic take-off and "trickle-down"
development, policymakers, govern-
ment planners, corporations, politicians,
and international aid and development
organizations viewed tourism as among
the best solutions to the problems faced
by the "developing" world.
This assumption that tourism has an
essentially positive moral value, that
it is uniformly "good," was opposed
by those who argued that tourism was
intrinsically "bad." Studies with titles or
terms such as "Culture by the Pound"
(Greenwood 1989), "Tourism as a Form
of
Imperialism" (Nash 1989), "Golden
Hordes" (Turner and Ash 1976), and
"Blessing or Blight"
(Y~ung
1973),
quite explicitly moralized tourism as
an "evil" force derived from European
colonialism, capitalism, and modem
''
is an ideological concept that was used
to argue single, one-way cause-effect re-
lationships without taking into account
long term sociohistorical processes or
considering the multiple and different
consequences and effects that tourism
could have on the diverse stakehold-
ers, communities, classes, businesses,
Tourism researchers began to realize that tourism does
not create uniform or monolithic consequences. Tourism
research demonstrated that tourism creates benefits and
negative effects at the same time, and that who benefits
and who endures negative consequences needs.to be
part.
''
of
any analysis.
nation-state building projects ( cf.
Brown 2000; Turner and Ash 1976).
This moralization was also evident in
the earliest studies
of
tourism repre-
sentation by such renowned scholars
as Daniel Boorstin (1961) and Dean
MacCannell (1976). These critiques
of
tourism in terms of"pseudo-events,"
cultural inauthenticity, crass consum-
erism, and social status mongering
were the norm. Although Feifer (1985)
inverted this moralism with her concept
of
the "post-tourist" (or person who
thrives on kitsch inauthenticities and
consumerism), overt and half-hidden
value judgments pervaded all tourism
analyses from the 1960s through the
1980s. This was especially the case with
studies that addressed tourism's impact.
The very idea
of
impact is inherently
associated with this morality because it
policy-makers, governments, and social
groups that are involved in tourism and
tourism development projects. These
tourism agents and stakeholders are
positioned quite differently in develop-
ment, yet impact analyses
of
this earlier
era tended to homogenize this variation
into one cause-effect that was interpret-
ed as either "blessing or blight" (Young
1973). The concept
of
impact obscured
the fact that tourism affects different
groups in different ways.
The
Ethicalization
of
Tourism
It
was not really until the 1990s that
scholarship began to critically refute
tourism "impact studies" (e.g., Casta-
neda 1996) and that the stranglehold
of
morality on tourism studies began to
loosen. Tourism researchers began to
48 Vol.
34,
No.3, Summer 2012
realize that tourism does not create uni-
form or monolithic consequences. Tour-
ism research demonstrated that tourism
creates benefits and negative effects at
the same time, and that who benefits
and who endures negative consequences
needs to be part
of
any analysis.
Although Butcher (2003) refers to
these changes as the "moralization"
of
tourism, I offer a different analysis
based on the following five features
that define what I call the "ethicaliza-
tion"
of
tourism ( cf. Castaneda 1996;
2006; Fleckenstein and Huebsch
1999). First, the ethicalization
of
tour-
ism is based on the recognition among
those involved in planning and imple-
menting tourism projects that the ef-
fects and consequences
of
tourism are
not either uniformly and universally
good or bad, and, instead, that tour-
ism development has multiple results
with many kinds
of
costs and benefits
for different stakeholders. Second, the
emergence
of
ethical debates in tour-
ism scholarship was grounded in the
-emergence
of
sustainability
as
the ul-
timate value
of
tourism development.
(Ultimate value refers to the system
of
values that underpins the creation
of
an ethical code.) Third, ethicaliza-
tion
of
tourism refers to the fact that
ethics began to be explicitly discussed,
starting in the 1990s, in contrast to the
implicit moralizing about tourism that
characterized the earlier era. Fourth,
ethicalization is also defined by the
fact that tourism makers and the critics
·
of
tourism have begun to define the
obligations, duties, and responsibilities
of
each type
of
social agent involved
in the planning, design, implementa-
tion, development, and regulation
of
tourism. In other words, we started to
define how to make tourism ethical
instead
of
asserting that it was mor-
ally good or bad in all social contexts.
Fifth, this explicit ethical discussion
therefore now includes an analysis
of
the pragmatic and context-specific ef-
fects, positive and negative, for specif-
ic groups
of
stakeholders, for tangible
and intangible cultural heritage, and
for the environment (cf. Butcher 2003;
Fennell and Malloy2007; Malloy and
Fennell 1998).
From
Sustainable
Ethics
to
Tourism
Rights
The
turn
to ethics in tourism is con-
textualized and, to great extent, moti-
vated, by the emergence
of
ecological,
alternative, and sustainable tourisms
starting in the 1990s. By the end
of
the
century, ethical principles were codified
in the UNWTO Global Code
of
Ethics
for Tourism (World Tourism Organiza-
tion (2007[ 1999]), hereafter referred
to
as
"the Code." Instead
of
a thorough
commentary on this Code, I focus
here on key aspects
of
the Code that
illustrate how these ethical principles
privilege tourism rights. Before turning
to specific Articles
of
the Code, three
general points need to be stated.
First, the Code
is
directed toward
the "makers"
of
tourism. By "makers"
I refer to any type
of
tourism plan-
ner, policy-maker, promoter, investor,
developer, owner, or other stakeholder
involved in tourism development.
The Code was not written for tourists
or "travelers" in order to encourage
them, for example, to learn or read
about how they should behave
or
consume their vacations. Such tourist
codes do exist; they are often written
by tourism makers, especially guide-
book writers and publishers (Pattullo
2009; Rough Guides 2007; Wagner
2005). Yet these are a secondary
offshoot
of
the general ethicalization
of
tourism, and I view them largely
as a marketing ploy for alternative,
ecological, and sustainable tourisms.
The Code is primarily concerned with
defining the ethical principles and val-
ues that the makers
of
tourism should
consider when developing tourism.
It
does not elaborate on the ethical
responsibilities oftourists; rather it
leaves them implicit.
One
of
the main points I wish
to make is that the Code contains
crucially significant rhetorical and
textual slippage. There
is
rhetori-
cal and textual slippage between the
"makers"
of
tourism and what I call
the "consumer-doers"
of
tourism (i.e.,
the tourists). There
is
also rhetorical
and textual slippage between ethics
and rights. For example, at key points
in specific Articles
of
the Code when
ethical principles appear to suggest that
consumer-doers have ethical responsi-
bilities towards the people and places
they visit, these responsibilities end
up transmuting into statements about
rights, about the rights
of
those who
travel and do tourism. Furthermore, the
rights
ofthe
consumer-doers (i.e., tour-
ists) are used as a proxy to implicitly
define the rights
of
tourism makers to
develop tourism. The key point I want
to make is that, when defining ethical,
principles, the Code ends up making
claims about the rights
of
the consum-
er-doers (and makers)
of
tourism. Their
hypothetical rights, in tum, become the
ultimate value
of
and reason for having
this Code. In effect, the UNWTO, in
its effort to craft a code
of
ethics, has
claimed an ultimate, global value for
tourism that validates and legitimates
the creation and development
of
tour-
ism projects. In the next section, I aim
to show specifically how this happens
in the Code.
A
Neoliberal
Manifesto:
Slippage
and
Validation
Rights are not and should not be
construed
as
equivalent to or
as
a
necessary extension
of
ethics. None-
theless, Babu and Varghese (2007) at-
tempt to theorize tourism ethics based
on human rights. Similarly, in the
Code, there suddenly appears Article 7,
entitled "The Right to Tourism." The
inclusion
of
such an article that asserts
rights must be closely analyzed to
understand how it functions in relation
to the ethical code
as
a whole. Article
7,
Section 2 avoids stating any ethical
principle whatsoever and instead as-
serts the existence
of
a "universal right
to tourism [which] must be regarded
as the corollary to the right to rest
and leisure, including the limitation
of
working hours [ ... ] guaranteed by
Article 24
of
the Universal Declaration
of
Human Rights and Article 7d
of
the
International Covenant on Economic,
Social and Cultural Rights" (World
Tourism Organization 2007:164).
Section 1 also asserts rights instead
of
an ethical principle. Notice that
Vol. 34,
No.3,
Summer 2012 49
the use
of
the word "should" is not
about ethics, but about rights, and it
expresses the validation
of
the laissez
faire neoliberal expansion
of
tourism
development:
The prospect
of
direct and per-
sonal access to the discovery and
enjoyment
of
the planet's resourc-
es constitutes a right equally open
to all the world's inhabitants; the
increasingly extensive participa-
tion in national and international
tourism should be regarded as one
of
the best possible expressions
ofthe
sustained growth
of
free
time, and obstacles should not be
placed in its way. [World Tourism
Organization 2007:164]
Significantly, the word "tourist" is
not used in this article as it is in other
articles
of
the Code.
(It
is partly for this
reason that I coined the term consumer-
doer.) The "right to tourism" does not
name any sociological actor, agent,
grammatical subject, person, or con-
sumer-doer
of
the action and activities
of
"tourism." The claim
of
a right ap-
pears to reference the social activity
of
"tourists;" however, tourists are literally
erased from the written text
of
Article
7, as well as
of
Article 4, and thereby
are sociologically erased as an agent
of
tourism.
The implied individual human that
has the right of"discovery and en-
joyment
of
the planet's resources" is
anyone, i.e., any human being. Thus, the
text is able to assert that there is a uni-
versal human right to "do" tourism. The
subsequent Section 2 converts this uni-
versal tourist right into a moral mandate
for the wholesale governmental deregu-
lation
of
tourism businesses ("obstacles
should not be placed in its way"). This
is a signal for tourism makers to develop
and commoditize any kind
of
cultural,
social, natural, or environmental attrac-
tion into a destination for the experience
of
tourists.
The impetus
of
making and creat-
ing tourism destinations anywhere
and everywhere thus becomes legiti-
mated and justified by this obligation
to not impinge upon the freedom
of
the consumer-doers
of
tourism whose
desires and actions are, in
tum,
vali-
dated in the name
of
the greater good
of
facilitating the self-improvement
of
the world's tourists (Code Article
2 is entitled, "Tourism as a vehicle
for individual and collective fulfill-
ment"). The horrifying irony is that
the legitimization
of
this unfettered
neoliberal globalization is created
out
of
the "green" rhetoric
of
sustain-
ability ("sustained growth
of
free
time"), which in
tum
is naturalized by
association with the international legal
instruments
of
universal human
and
economic rights cited in Section 2.
The Code asserts "the tourist" as a
category
of
person who has a series
of
rights modeled on human rights in
general. This conceptualization
of
the
rights
of
tourists as derived from hu-
man rights is misguided in my opin-
ion, although I do not have space in
this article to fully explain this point.
Nonetheless, this categorical confusion
of
a social role with the ontological
status
of
being human allows the Code
to assert that the tourist has an innate,
human right to discover and enjoy the
planet's resources (Article 7 Section!).
This assertion is enabled by their
economic right
to
leisure and rest from
work (Article 7 Section2).
Furthermore, Article 4 states with
exceptionally noteworthy language that
"Tourism [is] a user
of
the cultural heri-
tage
of
mankind and contributor to its
enhancement." Again the word "tourist"
is
not used. Instead, the Article employs
coded language in a passive syntax that
eliminates the tourist who, in Article 7,
is
granted the universal human right to
sightsee anything and everything. This
syntax substitutes tourism makers as
those with the right to "do" tourism as
charted in Article
7.
This Article
of
the
Code thereby seems to define ethical
principles, but actually it asserts and
defines the right
of
tourism makers to
develop tourism without restrictions.
This ethical right to development is
asserted and validated in terms
of
the
universal rights
of
consumer-doers (i.e.,
tourists) to "do" tourism, that is, dis-
cover, sightsee, and enjoy the heritage
destinations
of
humanity.
Who are these tourism makers? The
Code in general and Article 6 specifi-
cally points to all types
of
promoters
based in private business, government,
and community associations as well
as policy-makers, local entrepreneurs,
private capital, travel agents, hospital-
ity businesses, and so forth, as the key
sociological agents who have "the right
to tourism." This right is a right to "do"
and to "use" tourism. In turn, tourism
makers are described in the Code as
the "users"
of
cultural heritage when
they create tourism. In the twisted and
awkward language
of
the Code itself,
the Code is saying implicitly that tour-
ism makers "use" heritage to produce
a commodity, which in tum is sold to
consumer-doers who then "use" the
heritage-commodity in the course
of
their "doing" tourism.
The
Right
of
Tourism
and
the
Subordination
of
the
Rights
of
Heritage
Owners
The Code unequivocally asserts the
subordination
of
the heritage rights
of
destination communities to those
of
tourists through the use
of
its awkward
yet very precise language. Article 4
Section 1 makes it clear that "Tour-
ism resources belong to the common
heritage
of
mankind; [and] the com-
munities in whose territories they [the
tourism resources] are situated have
particular rights and obligations to
them" (Article 4 Section 1), which
is to make these resources available
to consumer-doers (i.e., tourists) and
tourism-makers. Once again, there is
no ethical principle here. The Code
converts ethics into rights, granting
tourists the right to use heritage in the
fulfillment
of
their leisured enjoyment
and discovery
of
the planet's resources
through sightseeing.
It
is
on the basis
of
the privileging
of
the individual right
of
the tourist to
visit, discover, and sightsee that tourism
makers are covertly allocated the right
to make tourism. Section 2
of
Article 4
is unequivocal on this point:
Tourism policies and activities
should be conducted with respect
50
Vol.
34,
No.3, Summer 2012
for the artistic, archaeological
and cultural heritage, which they
should protect and pass
on
to
future generations; particular care
should be devoted to preserv-
ing and upgrading monuments,
shrines and museums as well as
archaeological and historic sites
which must
be
widely open to
tourist visits; encouragement
should be given to public access to
privately-owned cultural property
and monuments, with respect for
the
rights
of
their owners, as well
as to religious buildings, without
prejudice to normal needs
of
wor-
ship. [Article 4, Section 2]
The right to visit and sightsee is priori-
tized over all forms
of
ownership, here,
specifically over the property rights
of
private and communal owners. (Need it
be mentioned that heritage ownership
is in
itself
a highly contested field
of
politics?) Instead
of
it being a privilege
to visit heritage sites and sightsee,
which is a privilege granted
by
the
owners
of
such heritage, only a
minor
limitation is placed
on
tourist rights:
Tourists have the right to visit and
see anything so long as they conduct
themselves
"with
respect for the rights
of
their owners."
This conceptualization
of
tourist
rights,
of
course, raises the question
of
what are the ethical obligations and
responsibilities
of
the consumer-doers
of
tourism. The Code contains only
a
weak
statement
of
this in Article I
(Sections I,2, 3, 5, and 6). More exten-
sive discussions
oftourists
ethics and
responsibilities can be found, to repeat,
in tourist guide books that seek to con-
vert
eco/sustainable tourism into a new
niche
of
ethical tourism (see Pattulo
2009; Rough Guides 2007; Wagner
2005. See the Gap
Yah
parody
of
ethi-
cal travel
on
YouTube [VMproductions
20IO]).
Ethical
Duplicity
and
Dilemmas
The right
of
the universal human tour-
ist is rhetorically and textually created as
the ultimate value
of
a laissez-faire vi-
sion
of
tourism development. The Code
is
essentially a "neoliberal manifesto"
for unfettered tourism development. The
grounding
of
the entire Code on this
conceptualization
of
rights is an explicit
prescription for conflict and contestation
in and around heritage (Castaneda 2009a,
2009b; Silverman and Ruggles 2007).
The application
of
these ideas amounts to
creating a political struggle in which the
asserted right to develop tourism without
restrictions, restraints, and regulation,
which are grounded in the asserted
rights
of
tourists to sightsee, conflicts
with the heritage ownership rights
of
cultural communities, stakeholders, and
descendants.
What do you do as an anthropolo-
gist caught up in the middle
of
this type
of
conflict? This historical perspective
on tourism morality and tourism ethics
gives a wider perspective on what we
do as practicing
or
applied anthropolo-
gists engaged with a variety
of
tourism
stakeholders implicated in our research
and development projects. As anthro-
pologists, we also have recourse to
other ethical codes, such as those
of
the
Society for Applied Anthropology and
the American Anthropological Associa-
tion.
At
first inspection, a comparison
of
these two professional codes illustrates
the concept
of
ethical duplicity that
Pels
(I999)
introduces to refer to how
we are caught between obligations and
responsibilities to "clients" as practicing
anthropologists and to "communities"
as (non-applied) "pure research"-type
anthropologists.
What
is
interesting about the AAA
ethics code is that it begins with the
acknowledgement that, as anthro-
pologists, we already come to practice
anthropology based on belonging to a
range
of
social, cultural, and professional
identities. These in tum imply or impose
particular kinds
of
ethics, morality, and
systems
of
ultimate value by which we
act in the world. Thus, just as the AAA
Code only provides suggestions for ethi-
cal decision-making, this article has only
sought to map out and provide insight
about a specific field
of
potential conflict
in tourism research and applied work.
Each
of
us must negotiate our multiple
ethical obligations, responsibilities, and
values as professional anthropologists,
as
individuals belonging to specific commu-
nities, and tourism researchers involved
in making tourism (see Castaneda 2006;
Meskell and Pels 2005).
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Rights. New York: Springer.
Turner, Louis, and John Ash
1976 The Golden Hordes: Interna-
tional Tourism and the Pleasure
Periphery. New York:
St.
Martin's
Press.
VMproductions
2010 Gap Yah. http://www.youtube.
com/userNMproductionsUK, ac-
cessed May 7, 2012.
Wagner, Cynthia G.
2005 The Conscientious Tourist:
Ethical Choices Influence Travel-
ers' Vacation Planning. The Futurist
39(5):14-15.
World Tourism Organization
2007 [1999] Global Code
of
Ethics
Quetzil
E.
Castaneda
for Tourism. Appendix
2.
In Codes
of
Ethics in Tourism: Practice,
Theory, Synthesis. David. A. Fen-
nell and David. C. Malloy. Pp. 161-
166. Clevedon, UK: Channel View
Publications.
Young, George.
1973 Tourism--Blessing or Blight?
New York: Penguin Books
Quetzil Castaneda (quetzil@osea-cite.
org) is Director
and
Associate Profes-
sor
of
the Open School
of
Ethnog-
raphy
and
Anthropology (OSEA)
and
Lecturer
in
Latin American
and
Caribbean Studies at Indiana Univer-
sity. He has published extensively on
the anthropology
of
tourism, heritage,
art, ethics, visual ethnography, Maya
culture,
and
Mexico. Castaneda s
publications include the pioneer-
ing studies on archaeological heri-
tage tourism
and
New Age spiritual
pilgrimage, In the
Museum
of
Maya
Culture (University Minnesota Press
1996), and the ethnographic film,
Incidents
of
Travel in Chichen Itza
(co-produced with Jeffrey Himpele
Documentary Education Resources
[DER] 1997)
.•
... O principal órgão oficial da atividade, a Organização Mundial do Turismo (OMT), por meio do Código Mundial de Ética para o Turismo, embora descreva a ética como elemento central do turismo, despessoaliza aqueles que fazem o turismo ser ético ou antiético, criando um documento acrítico que esconde os interesses -e ações -do mercado (Hintze, 2013), que como Fennel (2018) explica, não está muito interessado em trazer o tópico para os negócios. Além disso, o código em questão coloca a economia a frente do meio ambiente (Nodar, 2009) e foi escrito a partir da perspectiva dos stakeholders da atividade (Castañeda, 2012;Sreekumar, 2003 (1912), o autor descrevia as representações coletivas como "estados de consciência coletiva" que, diferentes daquilo que pertenceria à consciência individual (cuja importância ele não deixa de reconhecer), mostravam a maneira como o grupo se vê quando se relaciona a objetos que lhe afetam (Oliveira, 1999 Jovchelovitch (2007, p. 35) explica que, quando se fala de representações sociais, se discute processos simbólicos, socialmente ancoradas e simultaneamente atuantes, imbricados "em arranjos institucionais, na ação social, na dinâmica ativa da vida social, onde grupos e comunidades humanas se encontram, se comunicam e se confrontam". Ainda de acordo com a autora, a mecânica da representação está intimamente ligada às convergências e disputas em torno da "construção de visões de mundo". ...
... A representação dos acadêmicos que a disciplina de ética é importante para o curso de turismo leva a percepção de uma incompatibilidade entre o que os estudantes idealizam e o que o mercado faz, pois a literatura aponta que setor mercadológico do turismo não se interessa pelo tema ética (Araújo, 2001;Fennel, 2018) e que o Código Mundial de Ética é um documento acrítico que não reflete todos envolvidos no setor (Castañeda, 2012;Hintze, 2013;Nodar, 2009;Sreekumar, 2003 acadêmicos sejam idealistas (Fennel, 2018) e apontem um debate necessário de um turismo ético (Lovelock & Lovelock, 2013), o mercado não corresponde a essa expectativa. ...
... Las publicaciones más relevantes se incluyen en los siguientes apartados como soporte del argumento analítico. A excepción del artículo de Breakey y Breakey (2013), que ofrece un respaldo teórico a las posiciones más legitimadoras, el denominador común es un componente crítico vinculado con las desigualdades y las contradicciones que acompañan a los desplazamientos turísticos (Bianchi, Stephenson y Hannam, 2020;Bianchi y Stephenson, 2014; McCabe y Diekmann, 2015) y con la instrumentalización del turismo como impulsor de las dinámicas más agresivas del capitalismo (Castañeda, 2012;Gascón, 2016Gascón, , 2019. En un segundo plano, la cuestión también es tratada en algunos textos que exploran las dimensiones éticas del turismo. ...
... Es una agencia internacional creada en 1975 y vinculada a la ONU desde 1976. Salvo contadas excepciones (Castañeda, 2012;Gascón, 2016Gascón, , 2019López-González, 2018), las discusiones académicas no suelen reflejar controversias significativas a propósito de la inclusión del derecho al turismo bajo el mismo paraguas político-administrativo que ampara la defensa de los fines humanitarios perseguidos por la FAO -Organización para la Alimentación y la Agricultura-, la OMS -Organización Mundial de la Salud-, el PNUD -Programa de las Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo-, la Unesco -Organización de las Naciones Unidas para la Educación, la Ciencia y la Cultura-, Unicef -Fondo de las Naciones Unidas para la Infancia-, el UNEP -Programa de las Naciones Unidas para el Medio Ambiente-o la citada OIT. ...
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El objetivo de este trabajo es estudiar las relaciones que se establecen entre turismo, ideología y poder. En concreto, se quiere profundizar en la comprensión de los argumentos que legitiman o cuestionan la consideración del turismo como un derecho social. La explicación que se propone se fundamenta en la revisión de documentos publicados por organizaciones que tienen un rol significativo en el sistema turístico. Finalmente, se caracterizan y comparan las posiciones de tres bloques ideológicos: neoliberal, del capitalismo social y altermundista, que pugnan por imponer su definición de la realidad turística y su valoración de lo que debería ser.
... Another type of critique, in this instance metaphysical in nature, is put forward by Castañeda (2012). This anthropologist states that the consideration of tourism as a human right stems from an ontological confusion in which the tourist is thought of as a concrete type of person. ...
... A third type of critique analyses the genesis of tourism as a human right. As we have stated, it arises from a combination of two rights recognized in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights: those expressed in Articles 13 and 24 (Breakey & Breakey, 2013;Castañeda, 2012). Article 13 makes reference to the right to freedom of movement: ...
Chapter
Social movements and academic sectors gather information on the negative consequences of tourism development. These consequences affect the rights of the local population, and favour global processes such as Climate Change. In light of this situation, numerous voices are calling for a slowdown in the growth of tourism. They are even calling for its degrowth. The strategy of the tourism sector has been to put forward discourses and actions aimed at preventing the application of limitations to its activity. This article focuses on an action promoted by the UNWTO: the aim to turn tourism into a human right. First, the text offers a critical analysis of what this idea is based on and the debate it has generated. It then investigates its motives. The work concludes that by legitimizing tourism as a supposed human right, it would allow the debate to centre on a conflict of rights (the right of the citizen as a tourist against the rights of the citizen as a resident of a territory or as a worker). Because a debate between rights always ends up in stalemate. This way, degrowth proposals in tourism would be neutralized.
... Las publicaciones más relevantes se incluyen en los siguientes apartados como soporte del argumento analítico. A excepción del artículo de Breakey y Breakey (2013), que ofrece un respaldo teórico a las posiciones más legitimadoras, el denominador común es un componente crítico vinculado con las desigualdades y las contradicciones que acompañan a los desplazamientos turísticos (Bianchi, Stephenson y Hannam, 2020;Bianchi y Stephenson, 2014; McCabe y Diekmann, 2015) y con la instrumentalización del turismo como impulsor de las dinámicas más agresivas del capitalismo (Castañeda, 2012;Gascón, 2016Gascón, , 2019. En un segundo plano, la cuestión también es tratada en algunos textos que exploran las dimensiones éticas del turismo. ...
... Es una agencia internacional creada en 1975 y vinculada a la ONU desde 1976. Salvo contadas excepciones (Castañeda, 2012;Gascón, 2016Gascón, , 2019López-González, 2018), las discusiones académicas no suelen reflejar controversias significativas a propósito de la inclusión del derecho al turismo bajo el mismo paraguas político-administrativo que ampara la defensa de los fines humanitarios perseguidos por la FAO -Organización para la Alimentación y la Agricultura-, la OMS -Organización Mundial de la Salud-, el PNUD -Programa de las Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo-, la Unesco -Organización de las Naciones Unidas para la Educación, la Ciencia y la Cultura-, Unicef -Fondo de las Naciones Unidas para la Infancia-, el UNEP -Programa de las Naciones Unidas para el Medio Ambiente-o la citada OIT. ...
Article
Full-text available
The objective of this work is to study the relationships between tourism, ideology and power. We want to deepen the understanding of the arguments that legitimize or question the consideration of tourism as a social right. The explanation is based on the review of documents published by organizations that have a significant role in the tourism system. Finally, three ideological blocks are featured and compared: neoliberal, welfare capitalism and altermondialist, which struggle to impose their definition of tourist reality and their assessment of what it should be.
... Si prendano ad esempio le amministrazioni locali del Sud Italia che considerano l'industria turistica come risolutiva (Castañeda 2012), soprattutto per le seguenti ragioni: perché elemento cruciale per il progresso e la crescita economica; per la possibilità di creare nuovi posti di lavoro in aree locali, specialmente in presenza di alti livelli di disoccupazione; per il rafforzamento delle attività culturali e di intrattenimento; e perché, infine, il turismo, sembra essere un'attività economica ecosostenibile. Così, in questo scenario, intriso di ottimismo, il settore viene via via acquistando lo statuto di comune valore interculturale (a priori) (Castañeda 2012), tra paesi e popoli con tradizioni diverse. Tale rappresentazione del settore tende ad accampare una sorta di diritto al turismo, a livello internazionale e, conseguentemente, il dovere -per turisti, viaggiatori, imprese turistiche, organizzazioni, istituzioni, ecc. ...
... O paradigma atual da gestão pública do turismo, o qual caracteriza -se pela perspectiva utilitarista calcado na visão neoliberal (Brandão, 2010;Castañeda, 2012), evidencia -se na sua ineficácia frente aos novos desafios do setor, fundamentalmente aos mais recentes, como os impactos da pandemia mundial de SARS -CoV -2 (Strielkowski, 2020). ...
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Brazilian tourism has experienced the restrictions on mobility and new rigid health procedures as a result of the COVID‑19. pandemic The present research aimed at analysing the impacts of coronavirus on tourism as based on the perceptions of specialists in the area, as given live on the social network Instagram and in interviews. In order to study the impacts, an exploratory qualitative approach was chosen, using the techniques of net(h)nography. Thus, of the results obtained, the study highlights the understanding that post‑COVID‑19 tourism will recover at a slower pace than other sectors of the economy acquiring formats that privilege domestic tourism, requiring public managers to exercise perspicacity in development and management processes that allow tourist destinations to adapt to the new market demands.
... This extensive document has sections addressed to all major stakeholders in tourism, including the tourists, the tourism industry, host communities and governments at all levels. However, as Castañeda (2012) explained, this document does not effectively promote greater equity and sustainability in tourism. Instead, the Code validates "laissez faire neoliberal expansion of tourism development" and "… unequivocally asserts the subordination of the heritage rights of destination communities to those of tourists through the use of its awkward yet very precise language" (2012, p. 49). ...
Chapter
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An agenda for socialising tourism seeks to address the disbenefits associated with neoliberal corporatised forms of tourism by reorienting tourism in important ways. Socialising tourism can be viewed as a revival and extension of earlier thinking by Higgins-Desbiolles on “tourism as a social force”. In later work, Higgins-Desbiolles proposed socialising tourism meant “[…]to make tourism responsive and answerable to the society in which it occurs”, suggesting that it is both the tourist and the tourism industry that must be socialised into respecting the local community and serving their needs and interests. This chapter considers what might socialising tourism mean; why does tourism need to be socialised; how might tourism be socialised; and finally, what might we ask of tourism. In particular, socialising tourism necessitates a change in our values, based on an understanding of our interdependency, an interest in the “Other”, appreciation of human-environmental relations and commitment to practices of respect, relationships, reciprocity and responsibility. Such work sets a promising agenda to rethink and reset tourism for social and ecological justice.
... Un buen par de ejemplos de la cultura como nicho de mercado ligada al sector servicios es lo que se conoce como industria de la heredad (Harvey, 2012;FeifanXie, 2015) y la venta de la etnicidad (Comaroff, 2011;Carrigan, 2011;Picard, 1997). Hoy en día, a partir deldiscurso de la dignificación, rescate y de la oportunidad de experimentar el legado heredado desde el pasado,en todo el mundo se explota el tema de la tradición y lo cultural con la finalidad de atraer turismo. 1 De acuerdo a Fredric Jameson parece que hoy en día lo económico y lo cultural están tan adheridos el uno al otro que es imposible analizarlos de manera separada; en otras palabras, se ha cristalizado bajo una nueva dinámica una nueva relación entre base y superestructura, o estructura económica y la estructura de sentimientos cultural (Jameson, 2012). 2 Para mayores referencias y ejemplos ver el Código de Ética de la Organización Mundial del Turismo (OMT, s/f), el proyecto de turistificación de la Organización Mundo Maya (OMM, 1996) y el artículo crítico de Quetzil Castañeda The Neoliberal Imperative of Tourism: Rights and Legitimization in the UNWTO Global Code of Ethics for Tourism (Castañeda, 2012). ...
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En este artículo se examina la reconstrucción de una fracción de la clase trabajadora en un nuevo tipo de proletariado. Si bien en la actualidad el discurso dominante niega la existencia de clases sociales y ancla el concepto de proletariado en la imagen de los obreros industriales de la era fordista, el presente análisis aborda el tema señalando que toda transformación del capitalismo equivale a la creación de nuevas clases y nuevas formas en que el proletariado se estructura. Los danzantes de la mexicanidad en la ciudad de Cholula se han constituido en un proletariado del multiculturalismo en la medida en que han entrado en el mercado de la cultura vendiendo su fuerza de trabajo como expertos rituales. Para ello, a la par de este proceso, han tenido que reconstruir su subjetividad bajo el supuesto de la celebración de la diferencia cultural. A pesar de que para ganarse la vida venden su fuerza de trabajo, ellos mismos y quienes los contratan no los reconocen como trabajadores, más bien se les da reconocimiento en términos culturales como guardianes de la tradición.
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Examines influential factors such as the demographic, political, economic and technological changes, which will affect the nature, trends and participation in tourism, hospitality and events.
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Due to the rise of tourists' mobility across the globe, tourists' satisfaction and ensuring service quality should be considered a sincere concern for destination management organizations. Promoting and upholding tourists' rights can be a useful managerial way for the tourism industry to flourish in retaining and improving tourists' satisfaction and enhancing their service consumption experience. The paper aims to create awareness to promote Bangladesh's tourism industry to protect tourists' rights, increase tourists' well-being through quality tourism experience. This study can help the industry understand a potential concept to guide tourism destination strategy development in Bangladesh. Thus, as a potential tourism destination, Bangladesh can enhance and promote physical and mental health for national and international tourists. Status of current scenario of tourists' rights in Bangladesh has also been discussed in this paper.
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In arguing for a differentiation of ethics from morals as well as between ethics and morals in the domains of ethnography and anthropology, an analysis of ethical issues described by Levi-Strauss in Tristes Tropiques (1992) enables a critical commentary on, first, the thematization of ethics in the historiography of anthropology and, second, a recent analysis by Peter Pels of the double focus, or dual orientation, of ethics in relation to both sponsors and subjects of study. This metaethical analysis tracks differences in the reasoning, values, problematizations, and focus of ethics and morals in the distinct domains of ethnographic fieldwork, ethnographic representation, the general field of anthropology, and the historiography of anthropology.
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In the 1960s, spurred by jumbo jets, charter tours, and the growing affluence of the middle classes in Western industrial nations, tourism erupted on a grand scale. This was seen as offering a new opportunity for developing countries to secure foreign exchange and stimulate economic growth. Their sunny climates, sandy beaches, and exotic cultures attracted a stream of vacationers, and resorts multiplied to meet the demand. With the oil crisis and the recession of 1974-75, there was a pause in the growth of tourism. The end of the boom gave new urgency to existing concerns about whether tourism produced sufficient gains for developing countries to justify the investments required. In addition to doubts about whether tourism yielded economic returns commensurate with its economic costs, there was a general questioning of some of the basic assumptions about the relationship between development and economic growth. In the case of tourism, these doubts were reinforced by the belief that it brings larger adverse social and cultural effects than does development of other sectors. In December 1976 the World Bank and Unesco sponsored a seminar to discuss the social and cultural impacts of tourism on developing countries and to suggest ways to take account of these concerns in decision making. This report is a summary of those proceedings with written accounts of those seminars presented.
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Many professional organizations have established codes of ethics which members are expected to adhere to. These ethical codes serve an important function by containing the rules that govern the conduct of the members of the profession. Should the tourism industry be governed by a code of ethics? Is it important enough and large enough to spend a lot of time and energy developing a code of ethics since tourism is based on service rather than a physical good, which does not lend itself to standardization or control? This paper will examine these issues.
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The purpose of this paper was to investigate the content of a number of codes of ethics∗ from the tourism industry. To accomplish this objective, the researchers analysed 414 statements from 40 codes of ethics based upon a theoretical framework. This framework was developed using ethical theory and locus of analysis (LOA) constructs. Six categories emerged from the data and were juxtaposed with the ethics-LOA theoretical framework. The results of this study demonstrate that codes of ethics are generally deontological in nature. Implications of this ethical orientation are discussed and recommendations for future code development are provided.
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This paper attempts to contextualize the renewed vigor with which ethical codes have been discussed in anthropology in the 199os: It outlines, with four historical sketches set in chronological order, different ways in which morals have been conceptualized and institutionalized in anthropology. It argues that the history of professional anthropology has been marked by a tension between an Occidental discourse on ethical duplicity and a more specifically anthropological epistemology of double identities. This has led to a situation of moral duplexity: an unintentional use of "double standards" in professional practice. An examination of the different ways in which this tension has worked out in different periods of the history of the discipline will show that the institutionalization of anthropological morals in the form of a code of ethical conduct is not only a very recent but-in terms of professional aims-a fairly unusual strategy. The emphasis now seems to lie on negotiation with the people studied as well as the sponsors of anthropological research, and this move may make the institutionalization of anthropological morals in an ethical code obsolete.
  • George Babu
  • Vinithia Varghese
Babu, George and Vinithia Varghese 2007 Human Rights in Tourism: Conceptualization and Stakeholder Perspectives. Electronic Journal Business Ethics & Organization Studies I2 (2):40-48.