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Government accountability and responsiveness are foundational concerns of public managers, citizens, the media, and advocacy organizations. Technologies provide viable alternatives for increasing citizen access to government and improving government's responses to the issues of greatest concern to citizens, and the implementation of non-emergency 311 systems have shown tremendous potential in this regard. This paper, therefore, examines municipal 311 systems in terms of accountability and responsiveness functions, namely usability, services provided, internal operations, and measurable outputs. A survey of fourteen municipalities with 311 systems throughout the United States results in the identification of best practices in each of the four research categories.
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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ORGANIZATION THEORY AND BEHAVIOR, 12 (2), 218-236 SUMMER 2009
AN EXAMINATION OF THE MUNICIPAL 311 SYSTEM
Richard W. Schwester, Tony Carrizales and Marc Holzer*
ABSTRACT. Government accountability and responsiveness are foundational
concerns of public managers, citizens, the media, and advocacy
organizations. Technologies provide viable alternatives for increasing citizen
access to government and improving government’s responses to the issues
of greatest concern to citizens, and the implementation of non-emergency
311 systems have shown tremendous potential in this regard. This paper,
therefore, examines municipal 311 systems in terms of accountability and
responsiveness functions, namely usability, services provided, internal
operations, and measurable outputs. A survey of fourteen municipalities with
311 systems throughout the United States results in the identification of
best practices in each of the four research categories.
INTRODUCTION
Government accountability and responsiveness are foundational
concerns of public managers, citizens, the media, and advocacy
organizations. Finding appropriate ways to monitor government
performance, to provide mechanisms for citizen feedback and
complaints and to document government responsiveness in terms of
timeliness and service quality are basic threads in the development
of the field of public administration. Technologies provide viable
alternatives for increasing citizen access to government, improving
-----------------------------------------
* Richard W. Schwester, Ph.D., is an Assistant Professor of public
administration at John Jay College of Criminal Justice. His research interests
include the use of technology in governance. Tony Carrizales, Ph.D., is an
Assistant Professor, School of Management, Marist College. His research
interests include e-government and diversity in the public sector. Marc
Holzer, Ph.D., is Dean and Board of Governors Professor, School of Public
Affairs and Administration, Rutgers University – Newark, and the Executive
Director of the National Center for Public Productivity and the E-Governance
Institute. His research interests include public performance measurement
and e-government.
Copyright © 2009 by Pracademics Press
AN EXAMINATION OF THE MUNICIPAL 311 SYSTEM 219
government’s responsiveness to the issues of greatest concern to
citizens, and holding government more accountable. The
implementation of non-emergency 311 systems has shown
tremendous potential in this regard. This paper, therefore, examines
municipal 311 systems in terms of accountability and responsiveness
functions, namely usability, services provided, internal operations,
and measurable outputs.
BACKGOUND INFORMATION
Origins of the Municipal 311 System
The municipal 311 system was initially envisioned as a means of
alleviating 911 congestion resulting from high numbers of non-
emergency calls. Non-emergency calls to 911 delay the delivery of
emergency services, causing backlogs and inefficiencies for law
enforcement, fire departments, and emergency medical technicians.
This leads to frustration and sometimes deadly consequences for
callers with true emergencies. By 1996, an estimated 50 to 90
percent of 911 calls were deemed non-emergency calls (U.S.
Department of Justice, 2006). At that time, President Clinton
challenged the Department of Justice (DOJ) to relieve 911 systems of
congestion. The White House and the Office of Community Oriented
Policing Services (COPS) of the DOJ sought corrective action,
requesting that the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) set
aside 311 for use as a national help number for non-emergencies
(Solomon & Uchida, 2003). In 1997, the FCC established the
abbreviated telephone number 311 for non-emergency local
government services (City of Oakland, 2002).
Baltimore was the first city to implement a 311 system, and it
was specifically designed to siphon non-emergency calls away from
911 and create more opportunities for police officers to engage in
community and problem-oriented policing activities (Mazerolle, Rogan,
Frank, and Famega, 2003). Subsequent to 311’s implementation, the
Baltimore Police Department noted less strain on the city’s 911
system; that is, the average amount of time for a 911 operator to
answer an emergency call decreased by 50 percent, the number of
911 callers that hung up without ever speaking to a 911 operator
decreased by 50 percent, the number of 911 callers receiving a
recorded message (as opposed to speaking with a live operator)
decreased from 18 percent to four and the amount of time between
220 SCHWESTER, CARRIZALES & HOLZER
incoming 911 calls doubled from 70 seconds to 143 (U.S.
Department of Justice, 2006).
Frustrations with local government services, however, increased
the demand for 311 systems that go beyond alleviating 911
congestion. Cities throughout the U.S. began exploring 311 as a
means of consolidating its non-emergency service requests (Welsh,
2001). For example, in 1997 Dallas consolidated 28 customer
service numbers and seven call centers into a single 311 non-
emergency call center. This allowed citizens to call 311 for a host of
city services, including Animal control (e.g. animal cruelty,
unrestrained animal, noisy animal); Sanitation (e.g. missed garbage,
illegal dumping); Streets (e.g. street and shoulder repair, storm drain
cleaning); Public works and transportation (e.g. illegal parking, street
lighting, traffic signals); Code compliance (e.g. junk auto, high weeds,
property damage, litter, graffiti); Economic development (e.g. building
permits); Parks (e.g. tree trimming, park maintenance); Environmental
and health services (e.g. noise pollution, air pollution); Housing (e.g.
human services, housing programs); and Water (e.g. main break,
sewer leak, burst pipe). The Dallas non-emergency call system was
designed to provide citizens with accurate information about city
services, eliminate bureaucratic red-tape, and provide citizens with
the services they needed in a timely and efficient manner.
Several cities began emulating the Dallas model. New York, for
example, implemented 311 in 2003 to provide residents with quick
and easy access to all government services and information. The 311
system provides a low-maintenance point of access for determining
whom to contact when a resident has a question, complaint, or wants
to request a service. Before 311, New York residents were forced to
thumb through an eleven-page directory of city government phone
numbers. Also, New York’s system allows residents to track the
progress of their requests, which serves as an accountability
mechanism (Holzer, 2007). While developed as a response to
overburdened 911 call centers, 311 has emerged as an innovative
information and service delivery tool that promotes greater
governmental responsiveness and accountability.
A Tool of Governmental Responsiveness and Accountability
Berman (1997) argues that the relationship between government
and citizens is strained, the result of citizens feeling disconnected
AN EXAMINATION OF THE MUNICIPAL 311 SYSTEM 221
from government, as well as the perception that government service
delivery is inadequate. As a result, citizens have become increasingly
cynical toward government. In the hopes of reversing this trend,
technology has been viewed as a means of cultivating a
governmental landscape where information is more accessible,
people feel better connected to government, and services are
provided with greater effectiveness and efficiency -- thus enabling a
more responsive and accountable government. The use of technology
as it relates to government service delivery and information access is
typically discussed in the context of e-government. According to
Calista and Melitski (2007, p. 12) e-government “provides
governmental services electronically, usually over the internet to
customers, to reduce their physical character by recreating the
virtually.” Cloete (2003) argues that effective government is a
function of accepting technological innovations. Implementing
Internet-based services and other technological service delivery
applications may better enable governments to meet their service
delivery goals. Some of the earliest developments included policy
and regulatory information simply posted online. Soon thereafter,
government forms were made available for download from city
websites. Finally, some of the earliest dimensions of e-government
included bi-directional communications of citizens requesting general
municipal information via e-mail or electronic request forms.
West (2004), however, argues that e-government has failed to
reach its potential from an information access and a service delivery
standpoint. This may be attributable, in part, to the digital divide.
Despite the potential benefits of e-government and Internet-based
applications, there are segments of the population that are without
web access and web-related skills (Norris, 2001). And even though
the online population is increasingly reflective of communities in
general, the digital divide means that many are excluded. Those
segments of the population typically excluded are lower income
individuals and senior citizens.
As an alternative to Internet-based e-government applications,
311 call centers provide new opportunities for enhanced service
delivery and communication with citizens (Fleming & Barnhouse,
2006). The 311 systems can potentially improve the strained
relationship between government and citizens insofar as these
systems allow residents to make service requests and provide
222 SCHWESTER, CARRIZALES & HOLZER
feedback regarding the fulfillment of those requests (Barnhouse,
2008; Kavanagh, 2007). Government responsiveness may be
enhanced simply because a resident can dial 311 and ask the
department of public works to fill a pothole on his or her street.
Accountability may be enhanced because if that pothole is not filled
properly or in a timely manner, that resident can dial 311 to lodge a
complaint. Through 311, government is merely a phone call away
(Fulla, 2007). In addition to fielding information and service requests
and being able to track whether those requests are fulfilled, 311 can
be used to measure government performance. Chattanooga’s 311
regularly makes available performance data collected via 311, which
serves to enhance accountability (Eichenthal, 2005). Baltimore’s 311
system serves as an information feed to its CitiStat program -- a
performance-based management system that uses computer pin
mapping technology to chart agencies’ performance on a bi-weekly
basis. Performance data collected via 311 may help governments to
determine where increased resources should be allocated or predict
potential service delivery problems. As such, Kiviat (2005, p. 1)
argues that “311 callers are helping to build more intelligent, more
responsive cities.”
METHODS
The following data represent survey responses from
municipalities having implemented 311 non-emergency systems. At
the time of this survey, 32 municipal 311 systems were identified, of
which data were obtained from 14: Chattanooga (TN), Hampton (VA),
Louisville (KY), Austin (TX), Orlando (FL), Somerville (MA), Rochester
(NY), Riverside (CA), San Jose (CA), Akron (OH), Minneapolis (MN),
Houston (TX), San Antonio (TX), and Birmingham (AL). This research
evaluates municipal 311 systems based on four specific categories:
usability, services, operations, and system measures. These
categories measure responsiveness and accountability functions of
311 systems. Table 1 provides a summary description and shows
how each 311 category is scored. Appendix A provides additional
information.
Usability
The first category, Usability, highlights the relationship between
the caller and 311 system’s usability. This category has ten key
AN EXAMINATION OF THE MUNICIPAL 311 SYSTEM 223
TABLE 1
311 System Evaluation Criteria:
Responsiveness and Accountability Functions
concepts with a scoring scale of “0” and “1” for each concept. When
citizens call into a 311 system, the ease of use is a critical part of the
experience and bears on sustained use by citizens. Transfers to other
departments or within the 311 system may be a necessary aspect of
the system, but excessive transfers can become a deterrent to future
use of the system. In addition, a short wait-time and being able to
speak to a live operator all represent a higher standard of usability
performance within a 311 system. Some questions highlight coding
into the scoring scale of “0” and “1”: What are the hours for call-in
live operation? (The response to this question can vary from 8am to
5pm, five days a week, to 24/7 with live operators. For any 311
system that practiced 24/7 hours of live operation, a score of “1” was
assigned.) Are callers notified of their expected wait time or position
within the queue? (“Yes” was scored as a “1.”) “How many calls are
unable to be addressed because of language barriers?” was
assessed in terms of percentage of incoming calls. A response of less
311 Categor
y
Key
Concepts
Raw
Score
Weighted
Score
Keywords
Usability 10 10 20
User-friendly, wait-time
notification, multi-lingual, call-
in hours, call routing, citizen
tracking
Services 18 36 40
Health, social, and community
services, housing, legal,
transportation, permits,
sanitation, utility, visitors and
employment
Operations 13 10 20
Call routing, database,
training, walk-in inquires,
online, self-service web
channel
System
Measures 8 8 20
Busiest time of day, calls per
agent, feedback system,
security/privacy, population,
average wait time
Total 49 64 100
224 SCHWESTER, CARRIZALES & HOLZER
than five percent was reported as a “1.” Finally, two questions were
associated with tracking and whether citizens were able to track the
service request via call-in service number, the web, or by an
automated IVR.
Services
The second category, Services, represents the broad range of
deliverables by the 311 system. In some cases call-in requests may
be seeking information only, while in other cases call-in requests
require processing so that a particular service can be addressed. The
number of services offered varies with each municipality’s 311
systems, but some of the most prominent associated with public
services are included in the scoring and surveying. A total of 18
service possibilities were included in the survey, with possible scores
of “0,” “1,” and “2.” For service requests that are addressable by the
311 center, without transfer, the 311 system receives a score of “2.”
Those addressable by the 311 system via transfer or by merely
providing information received a score of “1.”
Operations
The third category, Operations, focuses on the internal operations
of the 311 system. There are 10 key concepts associated with the
category of Operations, each with a possible score of “1” for a total
raw score of ten. The area of internal operations includes call routing
and the ability to route based upon time of day or week. The ability to
have walk-in and online service requests via call centers and
websites also represent the operations of a 311 system. The ability of
the 311 system to automatically determine service area based on
Geographic Information Systems (GIS) and physical address
information is included as well. Responses to the question, “What is
the length of the initial training for 311 staff?” range from a few days
to eight weeks of training. Those responses were coded so that 10
days or fewer resulted in a score of “0” and any period of training that
went beyond 10 days was a score of “1.”
System Measures
The fourth category is System Measures. This category covers
much of the data associated with measurable outputs by the 311
system. This does not include whether the system was utilizing
AN EXAMINATION OF THE MUNICIPAL 311 SYSTEM 225
performance measurement based on the data collected by the 311
systems. Some questions associated with a performance score
include the percentage of calls handled by an Interactive Voice
Response (IVR) system. A level of ten percent or lower received a
score of “1.” The average number of calls received per agent in an
eight-hour period is another system measure, with responses
averaging 100 or more receiving a score of “1.” Finally, the existence
of a feedback mechanism for citizens, average wait time, and
whether a 311 system has a security/privacy policy was taken into
account as well.
RESULTS
Usability
Survey data regarding 311 system usability indicate that
Somerville, Louisville, Orlando, Houston, San Antonio all have
relatively high performance scores in this area. Somerville and
Louisville each received usability scores of eight, while Orlando,
Houston, and San Antonio received scores of seven (of a possible
score of 10). In contrast, Akron and San Jose both received scores of
three. All but one of the 14 municipalities (Austin) have 311 systems
where calls are transferred to other individuals within the 311 call
center, and if a caller is transferred, that person is connected to a live
person rather than being placed in another queue. Only Birmingham
tracks calls after a transfer takes place. Of the 14 municipal 311
systems, only Hampton, Somerville, Houston, and San Antonio notify
callers regarding their position in the queue or their expected wait
time. Not all 311 call centers operate 24/7, but for those that do
there is an increase in accountability by government for its citizens.
Governments that have chosen to incorporate 311 systems have
created “added value” to their interactions with citizens by extending
access and hours of operation (Eagle, 2004). Louisville, Somerville,
Rochester, San Jose, and San Antonio provide 24/7 live 311
operation. Of the remaining nine municipalities that do not provide
24/7 live service, five provide an automated information system.
Eight of the 14 municipal systems provide multi-lingual assistance.
Twelve municipal systems afford citizens the ability to track service
requests. Of those twelve, nine municipalities maintain a call-in
service number, while the remaining three use web-based tracking.
226 SCHWESTER, CARRIZALES & HOLZER
Service
Our survey focused on the following service areas: animal control,
child and youth services, community services, education, emergency
issues, health issues, housing services, legal aid, motor
vehicle/transportation, parks and recreation, permit information,
public safety, sanitation and street repair, senior citizen issues, utility
issues, visitor information, and employment information. Results
indicate that Hampton received the highest service score (27 out of a
possible total score of 36). Somerville, Minneapolis, and Louisville all
scored well, having merited section scores of 26, 25, and 24,
respectively. Hampton, Somerville, Minneapolis, and Louisville
received the highest service scores not only because these 311
systems provide a multitude of services, but also because they are
able to process many of the service requests internally (Table 2). This
is in contrast to other systems that handle service requests via
transfer or merely provide information about such services. Table 3
below provides summary information regarding the types of service
addressed via 311.
TABLE 2
311 System Performance Scores
Municipality
(Alpha Order)
Raw Scores
Usability
(out of 10)
Services
(out of 36)
Operations
(out of 10)
System
Measures
(out of 8)
Akron, OH 3 11 5 1
Austin, TX 5 19 3 2
Birmingham, AL 6 16 9 3
Chattanooga, TN 5 14 9 4
Hampton, VA 5 27 7 5
Houston, TX 7 17 6 6
Louisville, KY 8 24 5 2
Minneapolis, MN 6 25 7 5
Orlando, FL 7 18 7 3
Riverside, CA 4 17 7 1
Rochester, NY 5 10 2 4
San Antonio, TX 7 21 7 4
San Jose, CA 3 17 3 2
Somerville, MA 8 26 6 4
AN EXAMINATION OF THE MUNICIPAL 311 SYSTEM 227
TABLE 3
Services Areas Addressed via 311
Service
Service
Area
Addressed
n = 14
Processe
d
Internally
n = 14
Process via
Transfer or
Provide
Information
n = 14
Not
Addressed
n = 14
Street Repair 14 9 5 0
Permit Information 14 2 12 0
Emergency and 13 1 12 1
Sanitation 13 7 6 1
Senior Citizen Issues 13 1 12 1
Utility Issues 13 4 9 1
Employment Information 13 1 12 1
Public Safety 12 2 11 2
Animal Control 12 9 3 2
Health Issues 12 1 11 2
Parks and Recreation 12 3 9 2
Housing 11 2 9 3
Child and Youth Services 11 1 10 3
Community Service 11 2 9 3
Motor
Vehicle/Transportation 10
1 9 4
Visitor Information 8 0 8 6
Education 8 0 8 6
Legal Aid 6 0 6 8
Operations
Birmingham and Chattanooga received the highest operations
score (9 out of possible 10). Hampton, Orlando, Riverside, and
Minneapolis scored favorably in this performance area as well, all
having received scores of seven. Rochester scored poorly, having
received an operations score of two. More specifically, the data
indicate that only Chattanooga, Hampton, and San Antonio are able
to route calls to multiple locations based on geographic area from
which the call originated. Nine of the 14 of the municipalities
surveyed are able to route calls based upon time of the day or the day
of the week. Five of the municipalities are unable to route calls based
on time or day. Ten of the 14 systems include online internet
submissions/requests, while eight call centers allow for walk-in
228 SCHWESTER, CARRIZALES & HOLZER
inquiries. Nine of the systems have methods in place to drive simple
requests for information through a self-service or web channel.
The vast majority of 311 call centers underscore staff training, as
12 of 14 municipalities provide at least two weeks of such capacity
building training. Minneapolis and Orlando provide eight weeks of
training, while Louisville and Houston provide six weeks. Seven 311
systems have technology that supports tracking service requests
through telephony or electronic channels for citizens, while nine have
systems that automatically determine service areas based upon GIS
or physical address information.
System Measures
Houston received a system measures score of six (out of eight)
and both Minneapolis and Hampton received scores of five. In
contrast, Riverside and Akron received scores of one. The data
further indicate the majority of the 311 systems emphasize keeping
caller wait time to a minimum. Specifically, nine of the 14 systems
have average wait times that are 60 seconds or less. Accountability
and security/ privacy are points of emphasis as well. Nine call center
systems provide mechanisms whereby citizens can provide feedback
regarding the quality of 311’s customer service. Moreover, eight
municipalities have security/privacy policies. Only Chattanooga,
Minneapolis, and Houston have 311 systems that perform
“intelligent” capture of information learned on an ongoing basis in the
course of delivering information and services.
Summary of Survey Results
Overall, the data indicate that Hampton and Somerville’s 311 call
center systems were most highly rated, each receiving a total
performance score of 44 out of a possible 65. Minneapolis was close
behind, receiving a score of 43. Louisville and San Antonio fared well,
as both merited scores of 39. In contrast, Akron and Rochester
received scores of 20 and 21, respectively. From a usability
perspective, Louisville and Somerville are models in that both
systems allow for transfers to other people in the 311 center/group
or to other departments. Also, when a caller is transferred, that
person does not go back into another queue; rather, they are directed
to a live person. Somerville further notifies callers as to their expected
wait time or their position in the queue. Louisville, Somerville, Austin,
AN EXAMINATION OF THE MUNICIPAL 311 SYSTEM 229
Rochester, and San Antonio provide 24/7 service. Of the remaining
nine municipalities that do not provided 24/7 311 service, four
provide an automated information system. The growing diversity of
the American population increases the need for multi-lingual caller
center representatives. As such, eight systems have agents in place
that are multi-lingual. Furthermore, giving callers the ability to track
service requests is an important usability function of 311. Twelve of
the municipal systems examined here provide such a function (Table
4).
In terms of services, Hampton, Louisville, Somerville, and
Minneapolis have best practices. The common thread among these
municipal systems is that they are able to process a significant
number of service requests directly through their 311 call centers. In
other words, they do not have to transfer a caller to another
department in the hopes that the service request will eventually be
filled. Directly processing a service request is far more efficient and
convenient for the citizen, thereby enhancing responsiveness.
With regard to operations, Chattanooga and Birmingham received
the highest operations scores (9 out of possible 10). Hampton,
TABLE 4
Summary Scores
Municipality Total Raw Score
(out of 64)
Weighted Score
(out of 100)
Somerville, MA 44 66.89
Hampton, VA 44 66.50
Minneapolis, MN 43 66.28
San Antonio, TX 39 61.33
Houston, TX 36 59.89
Louisville, KY 39 57.67
Orlando, FL 35 55.50
Birmingham, AL 34 55.28
Chattanooga, TN 32 53.56
Riverside, CA 29 43.39
Austin, TX 29 42.11
San Jose, CA 25 35.89
Rochester, NY 21 35.11
Akron, OH 20 30.72
230 SCHWESTER, CARRIZALES & HOLZER
Orlando, Riverside, and Minneapolis scored favorably in this
performance area as well. Some of the common threads among
these six municipal systems include: call routing based upon time of
day or day of week; the 311 center database is SQL in nature; the
311 system includes online internet submissions/ requests; the
system technology tracks service requests through telephony and/or
electronic channels. Furthermore, each of these best practices, with
the exception of Riverside (10 days), require at least two weeks of
training for call center representatives. Minneapolis and Orlando
require eight weeks of training. Finally, the better 311 systems: (1)
keep caller wait times to a minimum, (2) ensure that only a small
percentage of calls are handled via Interactive Voice Response, as
opposed to a live agent, (3) provide callers with a means of providing
customer service feedback, and (4) have a means of safeguarding a
caller’s privacy.
CONCLUSION
Based on our survey of existing 311 systems, we have
synthesized criteria for an effective 311 system. Those systems which
are most effective culminate in a government’s effort to be both
responsive and accountable to its public. The following criteria are
categorized into three functional areas: usability, operations, and
system measures. These criteria help 311 systems meet both
accountability and responsiveness expectations. Having a system
that is 24/7, for example, will only help increase government
accountability. Similarly, the ability to utilize feedback measures
integrated into a system allowing for a better understanding of
where and how often incidents occur, will only improve
responsiveness. Overall, the following criteria is not an exhaustive list,
but have been noted as critical to optimal performance by 311
systems.
Usability
- Providing 24/7 access to 311 with a live operator. Such access to
a live operator enables citizens to contact the city at any time,
and provides citizens with the feeling that the city is there to
address their issues at any time.
- Clear goal for wait time from the time the IVR ends to the time a
call is answered by a live operator. This establishes a benchmark
AN EXAMINATION OF THE MUNICIPAL 311 SYSTEM 231
for performance for the city’s call center. It also ensures that a
prompt response to callers is a priority of the 311 system.
- Notifying callers as to their position in the queue or expected wait
time. This provides information to and demonstrates
consideration for the caller.
- Caller receives a tracking number for incident. The tracking
number tells the caller their issue has a unique identification
number and that the caller can refer to it in future
communications.
- Provide multi-lingual assistance which allows non-English
speaking callers to communicate with the 311 system and
receive the same service as English speaking callers.
Operations
- Capability for IVR messages. While IVR messages affect the time
it takes for a caller to contact a live operator, these messages
usually address the most common reasons callers contact the
311 system. Overall, this reduces the time for callers to receive
the information they need. IVR messages should be used only
after careful consideration.
- GIS capability. The primary use of GIS capability in 311 systems
is to insure the information received about an address is correct
so that the issue can be resolved. This capability is not intended
to interfere with the privacy of callers.
- Capability of handling service requests. An advanced 311 system
would have the capability of handling service requests via the call
center directly. At a minimum, the system should be capable of
transferring callers to the appropriate individuals and/or agencies.
This enables the caller to speak directly to the individual and/or
agency that can address the caller’s issue.
- Insuring proper training of staff. Proper training is critical to the
successful operation of a 311 system.
- Use of Internet for access to system and tracking of incident by
caller. A 311 system that has Internet access will encourage more
use of the system by citizens who prefer that mode of
232 SCHWESTER, CARRIZALES & HOLZER
communication. It will also provide ease of communication to
track a specific issue.
- Interaction of 311 and 911. The interaction of the 311 and 911
systems is essential to refer callers who have dialed the wrong
service. Emergency calls made to the 311 system can be quickly
routed to the 911 system.
System Measures
- Providing callers with a feedback mechanism regarding the
quality of a 311 system. Feedback on citizen experience with the
system provides knowledge of what is and what is not working.
This enables the system to be improved and will increase
participation and citizen involvement with the 311 system.
- Supporting the capture of information on the performance of
agencies in resolving the issues raised by callers to the 311
system. Was the problem fixed and how long did it take to fix it?
The capability of capturing performance information of agencies
should be incorporated into a 311 system in the planning stages
whether or not this information is collected in the initial phase of
the system. Once performance information is in a 311 system, it
can be more easily activated in a later phase of the system than
modifying the system to collect this data.
- Determining how to use the 311 system to measure agency
performance in responding to caller incidents. Data from the 311
system can be used to establish performance standards and
improve the functioning of government.
According to Butterfield (2006), 311 systems were initially viewed
with skepticism by the technology industry. However, the interest and
growth in 311 implementation says a great deal about the potential
of this innovative use of an existing technology, namely the ability to
positively alter the relationship between government and citizens
(Peterson, 2006). The impetus for continued 311 growth is that
public officials have observed the benefits of 311 systems in terms of
citizen accessibility, responsiveness to the concerns of citizens,
improved management of government services, and enhanced
accountability and performance of these services. This research
indicates that the cities of Hampton Somerville and Minneapolis have
implemented 311 systems that incorporate a number of functional
AN EXAMINATION OF THE MUNICIPAL 311 SYSTEM 233
elements that contribute to their cities being more responsive to
citizen information and service needs, as well as ensuring that such
needs are met adequately and in a timely manner. Future studies
should perhaps go beyond the functional aspects of 311, examining
the impact of 311 on citizens’ perceptions of governmental
responsiveness and accountability.
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http://www.researchcouncil.net/Projects/chattanoogaCITIZEN/ch
attanoogacitizen0328.pdf. (Retrieved April 28, 2008).
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(2007). “Developing a Statewide 311 System in New Jersey.”
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AN EXAMINATION OF THE MUNICIPAL 311 SYSTEM 235
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APPENDIX A
Survey Framework
Usability
1-3. Transfers and Tracking Calls
4. Wait time
5. Hours of operation
6. Automation
7-9. Language
10. Citizen tracking
Service
11. Animal Matters
12. Children and Youth Services
13. Community Services
14. Educational Issues
15. Emergency Issues
16. Health Issues
17. Housing Services
18. Legal Issues
19. Motor Vehicle/ Transportation
Issues
20. Recreation and Park Issues
21. Permit Information
22. Public Safety Issues
23. Sanitation Issues
24. Senior Citizen Issues
25. Street Repair Services
26. Utility Issues
27. Visitor Information
28. Employment Information
236 SCHWESTER, CARRIZALES & HOLZER
APPENDIX A (Continued)
Operations
29-30. Call Routing
31. Database
32. Internet
33. Training
34. Walk-in
35. Driving requests
36. Service measures
37. Telephony tracking
38. GIS Systems
System Measures
39. Wait time measure
40. IVR load
41. Calls per agent
42-43. Feedback
44. “Intelligent” data capture
45. Security/privacy
46. Shared service
... As technology improved, municipalities incorporated not only centralized 311 submission systems, but also multiple modes of submission in a more general 311 submission ecosystem, including online filing, texting, and mobile apps (Lu and Johnson, 2016). 311 systems are designed to consolidate service requests across departments to eliminate the need for users to decipher who to call (Stowers, 2022;Hartman, Mainka and Stock, 2017;Reddick, 2011;Schwester, Carrizales and Holzer, 2009). The operators then forward the service requests to the appropriate department to correct the issue in a timely manner (Fleming and Barnhouse, 2006;Reddick, 2011;Schwester, Carrizales and Holzer, 2009). ...
... 311 systems are designed to consolidate service requests across departments to eliminate the need for users to decipher who to call (Stowers, 2022;Hartman, Mainka and Stock, 2017;Reddick, 2011;Schwester, Carrizales and Holzer, 2009). The operators then forward the service requests to the appropriate department to correct the issue in a timely manner (Fleming and Barnhouse, 2006;Reddick, 2011;Schwester, Carrizales and Holzer, 2009). While perhaps the primary aim in Baltimore was to reduce pressure on the 911 system, its adoption across North America was largely driven by desires to increase responsiveness, accountability, and trust in governments (Stowers, 2022). ...
... There is descriptive research about who uses the 311 system (Stowers, 2022;Minkoff, 2016;Lu and Johnson, 2016;Clark and Brudney, 2019), the kinds of issues that local residents submit (Stowers, 2022;Minkoff, 2016;Hartman, Mainka and Stock, 2017), and their preferred mode of contact (Lu and Johnson, 2016). There are also technical papers about 311 system operations (Fleming and Barnhouse, 2006;Reddick, 2011;Hartman, Mainka and Stock, 2017) and studies of trust and accountability perceptions among citizens who contact 311 (Tolbert and Mossberger, 2006;Clark and Shurik, 2015;Schwester, Carrizales and Holzer, 2009;West, 2004;Furlong, 2005). What is less common, however, is direct evidence that contacting 311 will change whether an issue is addressed at all. ...
Experiment Findings
Full-text available
Since the 1990s, non-emergency 311 service request systems have become ubiquitous in municipalities in Canada and the United States. Yet we still know little about the effectiveness of these systems for efficiently solving local residents' problems. Using a field experiment in the city of Calgary, Alberta, we measure the effect of 311 service requests on the probability that issues will be quickly resolved across a number of local issue types. We also explore whether this service responsiveness varies in more and less privileged local communities. We find that 311 service requests dramatically increase the probability that local issues will be resolved, even within short 3-10 day timeframes, and that this effect is consistent across community types.
... We argue that increasingly available data from 311 systems offers the potential to disentangle these related concepts in some policy areas. Originally developed to reduce the number of non-emergency calls 911 call centers receive, 311 systems in many US cities now serve as a single point of contact for a variety of government services (e.g., street repair, sanitation, permit information, senior citizen issues) (Schwester et al., 2009). Depending on the city, residents engage with 311 by calling, texting, submitting an online form, and/or using an app to report nonemergency problems and request information from the city. ...
... As such, these data offer the potential for more precise insights into resident demand than traditional measures in this literature (e.g., citizen satisfaction surveys, vote choice, etc.). 311 systems appeal to public administrators too, offering a low-cost, easily accessible, and equitable tool for engaging residents in local government (Clark & Brudney, 2019;Schwester et al., 2009;Xu & Tang, 2020). ...
... In theory, 311 reporting systems are accessible due to their presence on a variety of platforms: web, phone, computer, etc. Barriers to 311 participation are typically framed in terms of knowledge (e.g., not knowing about the existence of a 311 system) or technology (e.g., not having access to the necessary technology to place a 311 request). Ideally, these low barriers to entry for initiating a 311 report should promote broad use, with residents from across the city equally likely to voice their concerns (Schwester et al., 2009). Evidence from Boston and other cities suggests that systemic bias does not exist in 311 systems (Clark et al., 2013(Clark et al., , 2020, with studies in San Francisco, California, and Tallahassee, Florida even demonstrating that historically marginalized groups have higher participation than privileged groups in 311 systems (Clark & Brudney, 2019;Xu & Tang, 2020). ...
Article
Full-text available
Understanding the needs of residents is vital in public administration and management, as this helps officials when making choices on policies and service distribution. Increasingly, cities rely on 311 systems to elicit information from residents on emergent needs in particular policy areas (e.g., road quality, pest control). For residents, 311 systems provide a low‐cost means of voicing concerns, whereas for public officials and researchers, they provide low‐cost data on specific, discrete needs. We argue that residents systematically differ in their engagement with 311 systems, with lower‐income, minority communities less likely to participate and, therefore, less likely to receive city services. We test this argument using census‐tract data from the city of Houston and find that 311 reports are significantly less frequent in areas with lower average socioeconomic status, more Black residents, and more Hispanic residents. Furthermore, we find that these same areas are more likely to have potholes. Taken together, our results indicate that despite greater need (more potholes), fewer services are demanded (less 311 reports) in areas with lower socioeconomic status and a higher percentage of minority residents. This suggests that public officials need to carefully consider heterogeneity in 311 participation to ensure these systems do not inadvertently exacerbate inequities in public services.
... This study focuses on 311 non-emergency service systems, which provide a good example of e-government services that not only need to sustain their ongoing functionality but also often need to adapt that functionality in response to additional needs that arise during a crisis. 311 service systems are considered part of the smart city movement (Zobel, Baghersad, & Zhang, 2017), and they were initially created to eliminate the high numbers of non-emergency calls being received by 911 emergency systems (Schwester, Carrizales, & Holzer, 2009). Although these systems focus on non-emergency service requests, there often is still a need to respond to them quickly. ...
... Community call service systems are good examples of governmental information and communication technology implementations that promote coproduction by bringing government bodies and residents together to collaborate on maintaining the public's well-being (O'Brien, 2016). 311 service systems are specific examples of such systems that were originally created to eliminate the need for processing high numbers of non-emergency calls within existing 911 emergency systems (Schwester et al., 2009). A 311 system is a coordinated information technology-based community service system that unites non-emergency service requests from multiple jurisdictions, thus allowing citizens to easily request a non-emergency service without needing to know the responsible agency. ...
Conference Paper
Full-text available
In addition to their normal task of supporting community participation, engagement, and improved information access, information technology-based public service systems are also essential for maintaining critical services and providing effective communication with citizens before, during, and after emergencies. This study focuses on the impacts of disaster events on the operational performance of such service systems and discusses opportunities for managing service efficiency by rearranging and reallocating resources during emergencies. To the best of our knowledge, this is the first attempt to provide a practical method for improving the relative efficiency of public service systems in such a context. We suggest a Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA) approach for quantifying the relative efficiencies associated with service requests from an input-output-based standpoint, and discuss the Orange County (Florida) 311 non-emergency service system, in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, as an example of how such operational efficiency can be managed during a disruption.
... However, such a tool is unlikely sufficient by itself. As Schwester et al. (2009) suggested in their review of 311 systems in 14 municipalities, the structures of 311 systems are multi-dimensional. A full evaluation encompasses system usability (whether there are awareness campaigns, operating hours, and staffing levels suitable for immigrant neighborhoods), service range (whether there are services most needed by immigrant neighborhoods), and system accountability (whether there are feedback mechanisms for users). ...
Article
To modernize public service delivery, U.S. communities increasingly rely on 311 systems for residents to request government services. Research on 311 systems is relatively new, and there is mixed evidence on whether 311 can help bridge the gap between disadvantaged communities and governments. This study draws from research on immigration, race/ethnicity, and differential engagement to explore the link between immigrant concentration and 311 usage. We use longitudinal data on 311 requests in Baltimore City, Maryland (2014–2019) and spatial panel regression analysis to show that neighborhood racial/ethnic structure and the national policy environment can significantly influence whether immigrant concentration is a barrier for 311 service-seeking. Specifically, we find that immigrant concentration reduces 311 requests in high-immigrant neighborhoods with Latino or Black concentration, but not in high-immigrant neighborhoods with White/Asian concentration. We also find that in Latino high-immigrant neighborhoods, the relationship between immigrant concentration and 311 requests appears mainly after 2017, when the federal government adopted hostile immigration policies. By establishing and contextualizing the relationship between immigrant concentration and 311 usage, the study contributes to a deeper understanding of civic participation and the connection between immigrant communities and government.
... The original 311 non-emergency service request system was established in Baltimore, Maryland in 1997 as a unique hotline for such local services (Schwester et al., 2009). Since then, many metropolitan areas have also built independent non-emergency service systems. ...
... Such reporting systems are widely used in North America, including the four most populous cities in the United States; for example, New York City's (NYC) 311 system receives over three million reports a year. Reports provide real-time updates on the conditions on the ground [3][4][5][6] ; these updates are used to make immediate decisions such as which failing trees to inspect and fix, and longer-term planning decisions such as which streets to resurface. ...
Article
Full-text available
Modern city governance relies heavily on crowdsourcing to identify problems such as downed trees and power lines. A major concern is that residents do not report problems at the same rates, with heterogeneous reporting delays directly translating to downstream disparities in how quickly incidents can be addressed. Here we develop a method to identify reporting delays without using external ground-truth data. Our insight is that the rates at which duplicate reports are made about the same incident can be leveraged to disambiguate whether an incident has occurred by investigating its reporting rate once it has occurred. We apply our method to over 100,000 resident reports made in New York City and to over 900,000 reports made in Chicago, finding that there are substantial spatial and socioeconomic disparities in how quickly incidents are reported. We further validate our methods using external data and demonstrate how estimating reporting delays leads to practical insights and interventions for a more equitable, efficient government service.
... The 311 call system was initially built to relieve the congestion in the 911 emergency system due to the high numbers of non-emergency calls (Schwester et al., 2009). Such 311 systems exist in many municipalities within the United States as part of a movement towards enabling smart cities (Zobel, Baghersad, & Zhang, 2017). ...
Conference Paper
Full-text available
Orange County, Florida is intimately familiar with impacts of natural disasters because of the yearly threat of hurricanes in the southeastern United States. One of the tools that has aided them in their efforts to monitor and manage such disasters is their 311 non-emergency call system, through which local residents can issue requests to the municipality for disaster-related information or other services. This paper provides a preliminary examination of the potential for the Orange County 311 system to provide actionable information to them in support of their efforts to manage a different type of disaster: the COVID-19 pandemic. The potential of the system to support the County in this context is illustrated through several preliminary analyses of the complete set of service requests that were registered in the first ten months of 2020.
Article
The implementation of big data-based analysis, conducting forecasts, and increasing service capabilities in smart government affairs can effectively enhance the efficiency of urban emergency management. The government hotline is an effective citizen relationship management (CRM) tool that generates a large amount of appeal information every day. Identifying and predicting public opinion hotspots of citizen complaints in real time and accurately identifying periodic and mass incidents present major challenges to city managers. In this study, we propose a pattern-based identification and early warning system for public opinion. This system uses an improved mining algorithm for frequent patterns to accurately identify topics and their corresponding case information and adopts a word-weight method to assign weights to frequent patterns, such that more important information would have a higher weight. Cosine similarity is used to calculate a similarity matrix for frequent patterns in the text content, thereby accurately distinguishing between repeated events and events of major interest. Moreover, a hash table-based retrieval and improved text rank are proposed to extract text summaries. Finally, we define sudden issues of major interest and develop an identification and early warning system for public opinion that is easy to operate, with effective user interaction and data visualization interfaces. A real case study is implemented to experimentally identify public opinion accurately and perform early. The average accuracy rate of data mining reached 87.95% in the first half of the operational evaluation of the system. Besides, when compared with the analysis of the conventional SQL statements, the retrieval efficiency is improved by 6 times and supports multi-keyword retrieval. Consequently, the enhanced text rank summary extraction algorithm improves p@10 accuracy by 6%.
Article
Full-text available
The objective of this article is to summarize the use of user-friendly, state-of-the-art electronic policy support tools to promote more successful strategic policy assessment that, in turn, will improve sustainable service delivery outcomes in the public sector. Although the adoption of user-friendly electronic management support systems will not necessarily guarantee policy and service delivery success, it is assumed that these aids will increase the potential for success if they are applied appropriately. Policy implementation and review could be enhanced with specialized electronic performance management and assessment tools; however, no single integrated package of this nature currently exists. If developed, it could be beneficial to public policy outcomes, especially in the developing world, to expose such officials to the utility of electronic management support tools.
Book
There is widespread concern that the growth of the Internet is exacerbating inequalities between the information rich and poor. Digital Divide examines access and use of the Internet in 179 nations world-wide. A global divide is evident between industrialized and developing societies. A social divide is apparent between rich and poor within each nation. Within the online community, evidence for a democratic divide is emerging between those who do and do not use Internet resources to engage and participate in public life. Part I outlines the theoretical debate between cyber-optimists who see the Internet as the great leveler. Part II examines the virtual political system and the way that representative institutions have responded to new opportunities on the Internet. Part III analyzes how the public has responded to these opportunities in Europe and the United States and develops the civic engagement model to explain patterns of participation via the Internet.
Article
This paper presents a theory of citizen cynicism concerning government and, based on a national survey, examines the extent of cynicism and the extent to which public officials can reduce the level of cynicism by adapting better communication strategies, improving public participation in decision-making, and enhancing government's reputation for efficiency and effectiveness.
Book
From the Publisher: Digital Divide examines access and use of the Internet in 179 nations world-wide. A global divide is evident between industrialized and developing societies. A social divide is apparent between rich and poor within each nation. Within the online community, evidence for a democratic divide is emerging between those who do and do not use Internet resources to engage and participate in public life. Part I outlines the theoretical debate between cyber-optimists who see the Internet as the great leveler. Part II examines the virtual political system and the way that representative institutions have responded to new opportunities on the Internet. Part III analyzes how the public has responded to these opportunities in Europe and the United States and develops the civic engagement model to explain patterns of participation via the Internet.
Article
The impact of new technology on public-sector service delivery and citizens' attitudes about government has long been debated by political observers. This article assesses the consequences ofe-government for service delivery, democratic responsiveness, and public attitudes over the last three years. Research examines the content of e-government to investigate whether it is taking advantage of the interactive features of the World Wide Web to improve service delivery, democratic responsiveness, and public outreach. In addition, a national public opinion survey examines the ability of e-government to influence citizens' views about government and their confidence in the effectiveness of service delivery. Using both Web site content as well as public assessments, I argue that, in some respects, the e-government revolution has fallen short of its potential to transform service delivery and public trust in government. It does, however, have the possibility of enhancing democratic responsiveness and boosting beliefs that government is effective.
San Antonio: Customer Service/311 Call 311: Connecting Citizens to Local Government Case Study Series
  • C Fleming
  • B Barnhouse
Fleming, C., & Barnhouse, B. (2006). " San Antonio: Customer Service/311. " Call 311: Connecting Citizens to Local Government Case Study Series. Washington, DC: International City/County Management Association.
The Citizen and CRM Revolutionizing Relationships: the Promise of CRM Systems for the Public Sector. (Technology Solutions Series). [On-line
  • S L Fulla
Fulla, S.L. (2007). " The Citizen and CRM. " In S. C. Kavanagh (Ed.), Revolutionizing Relationships: the Promise of CRM Systems for the Public Sector. (Technology Solutions Series). [On-line]. Available at http://www.gfoa.org/documents/CRM_000.pdf. (Retrieved April 28, 2008).
Developing a Statewide 311 System in New Jersey
  • M Holzer
  • T Carrizales
  • R Schwester
  • J Melitski
  • R Shick
Holzer, M., Carrizales, T., Schwester, R., Melitski, J. & Shick, R. (2007). "Developing a Statewide 311 System in New Jersey." National Center for Public Performance, E-Governance Institute: Rutgers University-Newark. [On-line].
Citizen Perspectives on Measurement of Local Government Performance in Chattanooga, Tennessee
  • D Eichenthal
Eichenthal, D. (2005). "Citizen Perspectives on Measurement of Local Government Performance in Chattanooga, Tennessee." Community Research Council, Inc. [On-line]. Available at http://www.researchcouncil.net/Projects/chattanoogaCITIZEN/ch attanoogacitizen0328.pdf. (Retrieved April 28, 2008).